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The Sound Systems of Inivadoy and Ilokano: An Acoustic Phonetics Approach

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In the advent of the nationwide implementation of the Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MTBMLE), this paper presents an acoustic analysis of the sound systems of two Cordilleran languages, namely Inivadoy and Ilokano to assist in developing a working orthography for these languages. At least four dialects of Inivadoy and two dialects of Ilokano were identified. An acoustic characterization of vowels and consonants was made using the PRAAT and JPlot Formants Program. Comparative analysis on the frequency value of the back vowel in Inivadoy, Ilokano, Tagalog and English was examined in the study to resolve the apt orthographic representation of the vowel. Distinctive consonants of each language were also acoustically characterized. The glottal stop [Ɂ] in both languages was analyzed to determine its phonemic significance and to resolve its orthographic representation. A Frequency Count Program was used to present a statistical figure of the frequency and sequence of the vowels and consonants to aid in the development of a working primer for both languages. The syllabe structure and phonotactic constraints in Inivadoy and Ilokano were also discussed. Finally gemination and stress in Inivadoy and Ilokano were analyzed and compared.
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The Sound Systems of Inivadoy and Ilokano:
An Acoustic Phonetics Approach
Jezia Talavera Maira Matsushita Earvin Pelagio
ABSTRACT
In the advent of the nationwide implementation of the
Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education
(MTBMLE), this paper presents an acoustic analysis of
the sound systems of two Cordilleran languages, namely
Inivadoy and Ilokano to assist in developing a working
orthography for these languages. At least four dialects of
Inivadoy and two dialects of Ilokano were identified. An
acoustic characterization of vowels and consonants was
made using the PRAAT and JPlot Formants Program.
Comparative analysis on the frequency value of the back
vowel in Inivadoy, Ilokano, Tagalog and English was
examined in the study to resolve the apt orthographic
representation of the vowel. Distinctive consonants of
each language were also acoustically characterized. The
glottal stop [Ɂ] in both languages was analyzed to
determine its phonemic significance and to resolve its
orthographic representation. A Frequency Count
Program was used to present a statistical figure of the
frequency and sequence of the vowels and consonants to
aid in the development of a working primer for both
languages. The syllabe structure and phonotactic
constraints in Inivadoy and Ilokano were also discussed.
Finally gemination and stress in Inivadoy and Ilokano
were analyzed and compared.
General Terms
Philippine languages, Functional Linguistics,
Linguistics
Keywords
MTB-MLE, Orthography, Acoustic Phonetics
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1. Rationale
Developing a clear and consistent writing system that is
widely accepted by the linguistic community constitutes
one of the most crucial and vital factors for the Mother
Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MTBMLE) and
K to 12 Program to be fully effective and operational
[1].Such painstaking task must heavily rely on
comprehensive research that is linguistically relevant
and “culturally responsive” at the same time. These
recently promulgated language policies anchor on the
general assumptions and research evidence that the first
language, or mother tongues best define the academic
achievement of the students and better facilitates
learning [2]. Hence there is a need to develop a set of
accurate and coherent rules of orthography and grammar
for the Philippine languages; that is, a clear writing
system that particularly works for a certain language.
This paper offers a preliminary and preparatory research
on the acoustic characterization of the sound system of
two mother tongue languages spoken in Cordillera,
namely Inivadoy and Ilokano. This brief research aims
to assist in the development of a working orthography
for these two languages through an application of
acoustic phonetics and statistical evidence on their
respective sound inventories.
1.2. Inivadoy and Ilokano Languages
Inivadoy and Ilokano are typologically Philippine-type
languages and genetically fall under the Cordilleran
subgroup. Inivadoy is spoken in south Benguet and
Nueva Vizcaya provinces, while Ilokano, as one of the
major languages in the Philippines is mainly spoken in
the Ilocos provinces, La Union and Northwestern Luzon
[3]. There are 13 municipalities in Benguet, of which
nine (9) have Inivadoy-speaking communities: Atok,
Bokod, Kabayan, Kapangan, La Trinidad, Itogon, Sablan,
Tuba, Tublay (pers. comm. with informant).
Alternate names for Inivadoy are Ibaloy, Inibaloi and
Nabaloi; however native speakers mostly prefer
Inivadoy or Inibaloi to refer to their language, and Ibaloy
to speak of the ethnolinguistic group. Iloko is the
alternate name for Ilokano. Native speakers also prefer
to call their language Iloko, and the speakers Ilokano.
1.3. Objectives, Scope and Limitation
This paper aims to revisit the phonemic inventory of
Inivadoy and Ilokano through a functional-acoustic
approach. Specifically it aims to present an acoustic
characterization of their vowels and consonants and
provide a linguistic insight and evidence to achieve a
fitting orthographic system for the two Cordilleran
languages. A statistical frequency count and a sequence
alignment of the sounds were also analyzed to be
utilized in developing a working primer in language
teaching.
The following sounds in both languages were
characterized and compared to each other in the study:
1) the back vowel in Inivadoy and Ilokano;
2) acoustic characterization of glottal stop [Ɂ] and its
orthographic representation in Inivadoy and Ilokano;
3) acoustic analysis of aspirated velar stop [k
͡h] and
uvular [q] in Inivadoy;
4) allophonic variation of voiceless labiodental fricative
[f] and voiceless bilabial stop [p] in Inivadoy;
5) allophonic variation of postalveolar [ʃ] and voiceless
affricate [ʧ] in Inivadoy;
6) acoustic characterization of the fricatives [s] and [ʃ];
The syllable structure, phonotactic constraints,
gemination and stress in Inivadoy and Ilokano were also
examined
and discussed in the study.
This paper does not provide a complete acoustic
phonetic analysis of all the sounds in Inivadoy and
Ilokano; rather an acoustic characterization of certain
vowels and consonants that seemed to be problematic
both in their phonemic status and orthographic
representation were analyzed and discussed in detail
instead. Moreover, it does not aim to determine the
phonetic characteristic of the sounds in both languages
with regards to any socio-economic factors like gender
and age; the only significant linguistic factor considered
in this study includes the gathering of data in situ from
native speakers of Inivadoy and Ilokano to achieve a
genuine and accurate acoustic characterization especially
of the distinct conspicuous sounds of both languages.
1.4. Related Literature
The existence of an organized writing system in the
Philippines has long been established even prior to the
colonization of the Spanish, which is proven by the use
of baybayin of early ethnolinguistic groups. Since then
this writing system has been remodeled and is
continuously being modified by the government to
accommodate the speakers and learners of the language.
With the gradual reestablishment of the 1974 DepEd
Order No. 25, or the Bilingual Education Program of the
Philippines (BEP) to the 2009 DepEd Order No. 74, or
the Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education
(MTBMLE) Program, several issues were amended and
revised to eliminate the apparent academic
marginalization of the minor ethnolinguistic groups
brought by the bilingual education, and to achieve a
more comprehensive and realistic language policy which
ultimately aims towards a Philippine linguistic
intellectualization [4].
Given the multilinguistic landscape of the Philippines,
which is home to 170+ different but genetically-related
languages, it has been a challenge to formulate accurate
and coherent writing systems that would be aptly
functional for language teaching. Language Primers
published by the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL)
mainly served as the materials for language education in
most of the vernacular languages [5]. However such
materials were not sufficiently backed up by linguistic
research for a more efficient teaching implementation.
The Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino (KWF) has proposed
a “unified and standardized orthography” that would be
used and applied in all the languages of the Philippines,
hence “Ortograpiyang Pambansa” [6]. It takes into
account certain significant sounds in some languages
like the schwa [e] and glottal stop, and proposes
additional symbols to represent these sounds which are
mostly marked by diacritics. However it does not take
into account certain factors that would make the
orthographic system more comprehensible and logical
for native speakers and language learners alike. Nolasco
(2012) enumerates several writing issues in the first
language, which includes psycholinguistic, political,
sociolinguistic and technological factors [7].
A number of orthographic systems were also proposed
and incorporated in published dictionaries of other
Philippine languages. Comprehensive dictionaries in
Inivadoy and Ilokano also include their respective
writing systems as well as their phonemic inventory.
Ballard (2011) [8] and Olson (2010) [9] both recognize
20 consonants and four vowels in Inivadoy, while native
speakers and language teachers of the Inivadoy language
in Benguet recently proposed 18 consonants and four
vowels. They also present different issues in the
allophonic and dialect variations of certain consonants,
which would be discussed and acoustically characterized
in the proceeding sections of this brief research.
Lopez (2012) on the other hand lists 15 consonants and
five vowels in Ilokano [10]. He relatively based his
proposal, “Ortograpiya ti Pagsasao nga Ilokano” on the
KWF‟s “Ortograpiyang Pambana” but reevaluated the
representation of certain sounds.
1.5. Methodology
Thirty-five audio files from eight native speakers of
Ilokano and eleven sound files from two speakers of
Inivadoy were gathered. Only the audio files from the
Tublay and Tuba varieties of Inivadoy were collected.
The Ilokano informants were asked to introduce
themselves, narrate a short story about an
emotional/unforgettable experience and describe the
geographical location of their hometown. They were also
asked to articulate words in Ilokano independently and
with a carrier phrase. Inivadoy speakers, on the other
hand were asked to answer the 500 word and sentence
elicitation list of Constantino and record the translated
words. The sound files included two dialect varieties of
Ilokano and four dialect varieties of Inivadoy, which
were also compared and analyzed. Written narratives
and short stories compiled by the Inivadoy language
teachers and published dictionaries were also used to
investigate the phonetic and allophonic distribution and
frequency counts of the sounds, and to identify the
shibboleths for each dialect variety.
The sound files were analyzed using the PRAAT
program and obtain the acoustic characteristics of the
consonants and vowels. 60 instances of vowels in
stressed and unstressed environments were extracted
from the sound files, and their respective F1 and F2
frequency values were measured and plotted in the
vowel space using the UCLA JPlotFormants 4.0
program.
Fig. 1. PRAAT waveform extracted in sound file
Figure 1 shows a sample waveform extracted from a
sound file using the PRAAT program. The sound wave
illustrates the air pressure variations which are recorded
in a specific period of time; that is, when there is sound,
a series of curves that fluctuate around the average value
of the air pressure can be seen, and when there is no
sound a horizontal line is detected [11]. When sounds
are produced it can be observed that vowels are more
sonorant than consonants; that is, they acoustically
generate louder sounds with higher amplitudes. Hence
when observed as a waveform the vowels constitute the
portion with bigger and bolder waveforms, while the
consonants mostly represent the smaller waveforms.
Vowels are determined by measuring the F1 and F2
values, which are represented by the resonant
frequencies of formants indicated in red dots. F1 values
indicate vowel height (high F1 value=low vowel; low F1
value=high vowel), while F2 values indicate vowel
backness or frontness (high F2 value=front vowel; low
F2 value=back vowel) [12].
Fig. 2. Plotting of Vowel Space in JPlotformant Program
Figure 2 illustrates the plotting of the vowel frequency
values using the UCLA JPlotformants 4.0 Program. At
least fifteen instances for each vowel must be entered
and plotted to map the distribution of the vowels and
achieve a relatively stable and accurate characterization
of the vowel space.
Consonants were also characterized using the PRAAT
program; stops, which include [p], [b], [t], [d], [k], [g]
and [Ɂ] are generally characterized by a complete
transitory closure of the airflow which passes through
the vocal tract [13], and are determined by measuring
their duration, voice onset time (VOT) and voice bar
[14] . This paper only analyzed the acoustic properties of
the glottal stop [Ɂ], bilabial stops [p], aspirated velar stop
[k
͡h] and uvular [q] in Inivadoy.
Fricatives on the other hand are distinguished by a
continuous flow of air that passes through the mouth.
These can be determined by measuring the spectral
contour, peak frequency (in Hz) and amplitude of peak
frequency (in dB). This study focused on the labiodental
fricatives [f] in Inivadoy.
2. DIALECTS OF INIVADOY AND ILOKANO
Among the nine (9) municipalities in Benguet where
Inivadoy is spoken, at least four dialects were identified
based on the limited data of the study: the Kabayan,
Tublay (including La Trinidad and Bokod), Sablan and
Tuba varieties. The Atok, Itogon and Kapangan varieties
may or may not be dialectally distinct, and are still
subject to further research and data gathering.
The dialect varieties of Inivadoy may be distinguished
based on the shibboleths or phonological alternations of
certain sounds. Based on the limited data from word and
sentence lists and narratives, it can be observed that
Kabayan variety has a shibboleth of aspirated bilabial
stop [b
͡h], which is manifested as a simple [b] in the rest
of the varieties. Kabayan also shows a voiceless affricate
[ʧ] for the postalveolar [ʃ] which is manifested in the rest
of the varieties. The Tublay variety has a shibboleth of
aspirated [k
͡h], which is manifested either as the voiced
velar stop [g] in Sablan or as its voiceless counterpart [k]
in Kabayan and Tuba.
Sablan on the other hand shows that it has a voiced velar
stop [g], while other varieties show an aspirated [k
͡h] or a
voiceless velar stop [k]. Finally the Tuba variety has a
shibboleth of voiceless labiodental fricative [f] while the
rest of the varieties has a voiceless bilabial stop [p].
3. ACOUSTIC ANALYSIS OF SOUNDS IN
INIVADOY AND ILOCANO
Table 1. Phonetic Inventory of Inivadoy
Bil
LB
D
Alv
PAlv
Pal
Uvu
Glo
Plo
p
b
t
d
q
Ɂ
Nas
m
n
Tap
r
Lat
l
Fric
f
v
s
ʃ
ʧ
ʤ
h
LVel
w
Appr
j
Table 1 shows the phonetic chart of Inivadoy, which
consists of 22 consonants. Specific sounds were
discussed in the followings sections. A reevaluation of
the inventory and orthographic system were also
proposed after the acoustic analysis.
Table 2. Phonetic Inventory of Ilokano
Bil
LB
D
Alv
PAlv
Pal
Vel
Glo
Plo
p
b
t
d
k
g
Ɂ
Nas
m
n
ŋ
Tap
r
Lat
l
Fric
s
ʤ
h
LVel
w
Appr
j
Ilokano, on the other hand has 17 consonants as shown
in Table 2. A phonemic inventory for the two languages
was also determined and reanalyzed in the study.
3.1. Acoustic Characterization of Vowels
A comparative analysis of the Inivadoy and Ilokano
vowel space was employed in the study. The acoustic
properties, specifically the vowel height of the back
vowel was given focus and was compared to that of
Ilokano, Tagalog and English.
Fig. 3. Vowel Map of Inivadoy (yellow), Ilokano (violet),
Tagalog (blue) and English (black)
Table 3. Summary of Mean Values of the Vowels in
Inivadoy, Ilokano, Tagalog and English (Hz)
Figure 3 summarizes the vowel maps of Inivadoy,
Ilokano, Tagalog [15] and English [16], while Table 3
provides a summary of the mean values of the vowels
for the four languages. It can be observed that Inivadoy
has a wider vowel space compared to that of Tagalog;
Ilokano on the other hand has a more spread vowel space.
The high front unrounded [i] of Inivadoy is further front
and is articulated higher in the mouth, with an F2 mean
value of 2707Hz and F1 value of 248Hz respectively. It
can also be observed that it is more front than the
English high front unrounded tensed [i], and the lax
vowel [ɪ] of Tagalog. The [i] of Ilokano, on the other
hand is still further front than that of Inivadoy, with an
F2 mean value of 2800Hz.
Vowel
Inivadoy
Ilokano
Tagalog
English
F1
F2
F1
F2
F1
F2
F1
F2
[a]
765
1550
880
1600
720
1490
800
1200
[ɪ]
248
2707
230
2800
400
2280
450
2200
[ʊ]/ [ɔ]
506
900
420
880
450
1000
430
1100
[ə]/ [ε]
478
1717
540
1600
-/-
-/-
500
1500
Based on the distribution of the vowels in the vowel map,
it can be observed that the schwa [ə] of Inivadoy may be
relatively characterized as a mid-central vowel. The
Ilokano schwa is also positioned in mid-central with an
F1 mean of 540Hz and an F2 mean of 1600Hz. It can
also be inferred that this vowel is distinct from the high
central unrounded [ɨ], which is articulated further front
in the mouth.
The open mid-front unrounded vowel [a] in Inivadoy is
observed to be a little further back in articulation
compared to the Tagalog [a], with F1 mean values of
765Hz and 720Hz respectively. Ilokano on the other
hand has a more back articulation of the [a], with an F1
mean value of 880Hz, and a more front articulation with
an F2 mean value of 1600Hz. It can also be inferred that
the low back vowel in Inivadoy, Ilokano and Tagalog is
not the open mid-back unrounded [ʌ].
Finally it can be observed that the back vowel of
Inivadoy is relatively lower in height compared to that of
Ilokano (420Hz) and Tagalog (450Hz), with an F2 mean
value of 506Hz. Moreover this vowel is relatively closer
to the English open-mid back rounded [ɔ] with an F2
mean value of 580Hz.
The interface between phonology and orthography
becomes apparent with regards to the back vowel of
Inivadoy. A statistical frequency count of the sounds in
Inivadoy was also employed in the study to determine
the sequence of the consonants and vowels that would
establish the most appropriate order in which these
sounds must be taught. This is shown in the figure below.
Fig. 4. Sample Frequency Count
Figure 4 shows a tabulation and graph of the frequency
count of sounds. Each orthographic representation or
symbol used by the informants in the narratives and
eliciting data corresponds to one letter in the frequency
count. Digraphs, or graphemes that represent two
consonants are encoded as one sound in the tabulation;
that is, <ng> corresponds to the letter <X>, <sh> to <C>
and <ch> to <Z>. The glottal stop corresponds to the
letter <Q>. The orthographic symbol with the most
number of occurrences corresponds to the sound with the
highest frequency in the data.
Fig. 5. Frequency Count in Inivadoy (Sablan)
Sound Sequence:
A N E T O I D K L G Q Y M NG [W, R] S [U,
P] H SH B J V [F, CH]
Figure 5 shows the tabulation of the sound frequency of
each sound in the Sablan variety. It can be observed that
the letter <A> is the sound with the highest frequency in
the data. This proves that this letter is the most common
and therefore the easiest sound which can be articulated
even at an early age. The high frequency of this sound
also implies that <A> should be the first sound to be
taught in language education. The order of the sounds
starts from left to right; that is, the first ten letters
following <A> are the most commonly used symbols
that represent the sounds in the Sablan variety, while the
last letters with the lowest frequency count (V) are the
least used by the speakers in writing. The void
occurrence of the letters F and CH indicate that these
letters are never used by the speakers in this dialect
variety.
It can also be observed that there is a significant
disparity between the symbols <o> and <u>, which both
represent the back vowel. The tabulation shows that the
<o> has a higher frequency count than the <u>; in fact
<o> ranks fifth with the most number of occurrences in
the Sablan data. The <u> on the other hand lags behind
and ranks seventh with the least number of instances in
the data. The acoustic characterization of this vowel
indicates that it is relatively lower in vowel height (F1
mean of 506Hz) than the average back vowel in Filipino
(F1 mean of 450Hz) and in Ilokano (F1 mean of 420Hz).
The regular use of the <o> symbol to represent this
vowel in Inivadoy, therefore, may be due to the nature of
articulation of the native speakers; that is, they carve the
back vowel into two: one that is high (with F1 value of
450Hz~480Hz) and one that is low or relatively open-
mid (with F1 value of 515Hz~550Hz). An issue arises
on which words the native speakers articulate the high
back and the open-mid back vowel.
Table 4. Words with <u> in Sablan
Table 4 shows the 19 words in which the orthographic
<u> occurred in the Sablan data. It can be observed that
most of the words in Sablan with <u> are borrowed from
Ilokano, and also seem to reflect the same orthographic
representation of its back vowel. That is, the following
words from Sablan are spelled with a <u> and not <o>
probably due to the influence of Ilokano borrowings.
Table 5. Words with <u> in Tuba
Tuba
Ilokano
Tagalog
bubong
galba
bubong
pungan
pungan
unan
uling
uring
uling
kulot
kulot
kulot
katudong
kadkawa
katulong
Table 5 on the other hand shows certain words from
Tuba which are also spelled with a <u> instead of an
<o>. Fifty (50) instances in the 500 word list of
Constantino were found to have an orthographic symbol
of <u>. It can also be observed that there is a heavy
influence of the spelling from Ilokano as well as from
Tagalog, which are probably due to borrowing. That is,
these borrowed words of Tuba seem to reflect the
sonority contour hierarchy of Ilokano, which prefers a
rising sonority [17]. The “slight” preference on rising
sonority is also manifested in the orthographic
representation, especially in the case of <u> and <o>
where [u] is lower while [ɔ] is higher in the sonority
hierarchy. This phonological tendency can be observed
in central Philippine languages [18].
The geographical periphery of Sablan and Tuba with
respect to Ilokano-speaking provinces, especially La
Union may further explain the heavy borrowings and
linguistic influence of Ilokano to the orthographic
representation of some of the words in both varieties.
Intermarriage with Kankanaey, Ibanag and Ilokano-
speaking communities may have also contributed to the
linguistic effect of this language contact between these
languages (pers. comm. with informant).
A wider corpus of data in Inivadoy may further validate
the limited data presented in this study. For the time
being, it can be inferred that the native speakers of
Inivadoy prefer the orthographic symbol <o> to
represent their back vowel. This preference is validated
by the acoustic analysis of the back vowel in Inivadoy,
which is comparable to the English open-mid back
rounded [ɔ].
Fig. 6. Frequency Count in Ilokano
Sound Sequence:
A I T N Q [K, NG] [D, U] [L, T] Y K S B G M
P J R E W O [SH, F, H, V, CH]
The Ilokano frequency count, on the other hand, reveals
completely opposite statistical results compared to that
of Inivadoy with respect to the orthographic preference
to represent its back vowel. It can be observed in Figure
6 that the orthographic symbol <u> has a higher
frequency count than the <o>. The acoustic
characterization of this sound, which has a vowel height
of 420Hz (high vowel) may further support the
preference of the native speakers to use the symbol <u>
for the back vowel. Compared to the back vowel in
Inivadoy, the [ʊ] of Ilokano has a higher articulation of
the vowel (low F1 value).
3.2. Acoustic Characterization of Consonants
Inivadoy has at least 18 consonants, while Ilokano has
15. This section deals only with the acoustic and
articulatory properties of notable and distinct sounds in
both languages. These sounds include the glottal stop [Ɂ],
Sablan
Ilokano
Tagalog
uleg (10
instances)
uleg
ahas
dugit
rugit
rumi
uma
uma
kaingin
usto
usto
tama
unong
bati
manatili
nun
sakbay
habang
ngu
met
din
un-an
nakita
nakita
duto
luto
luto
aspirated [k
͡h], uvular [q] and the allophones voiceless
labiodental fricative [f] and voiceless bilabial stop [p].
3.2.1. Glottal Stop
The glottal stop is generally characterized by a voiceless
and momentary closure of the air stream in the glottis.
The VOT of the voiceless stops is generally longer than
that of voiced stops because they have longer closure
duration. This may also be influenced by the voiced
nature of the neighbouring vowel, “where they have to
consume a longer time to assimilate with the voicing of
the vowel” [19]. The glottal stop is a voiceless glottal
sound and does not exhibit a voice bar.
Fig. 7. VOT of the glottal stop in the word [Ɂatəp]
Figure 7 shows the consonant duration and VOT of the
word-initial glottal stop, which lasts for 22 ms.
The acoustic characterization of the glottal stop in
Inivadoy and Ilokano proves that it is a distinct
segmental phoneme. The following analysis deals with
the frequency count of the glottal stop in both languages
to resolve its orthographic representation and
significance in language teaching.
A frequency count for each of the three dialect varieties
of Inivadoy was also tabulated, and results showed that
each variety produced different sound sequences but
more or less the same frequency count for each sound.
Sound Sequence:
A Q I N E O K T S M D J B Y [W, NG, P] G R
L CH [U, H] [V, SH, F]
Figure 8 shows the tabulation of the frequency count of
the glottal stop <Q> in the Kabayan variety, which ranks
second (133 instances) with the most number of
occurrences in the data after <A>. Although the
existence of this sound is acoustically and statistically
proven to be a distinct segmental phoneme, its
orthographic representation remains to be problematic.
In most Philippine languages including Inivadoy, the
glottal stop is not orthographically represented in word
initial position, while it is marked by a hyphen <-> when
it occurs between a consonant and a vowel. When the
occurrences of the glottal stop in word-initial position
are eliminated in the data, it drastically drops from its
significant position in the sound sequence. This is
illustrated in Figure 9.
Fig. 9. Frequency Count of Glottal Stop in Kabayan
variety
Sound Sequence:
A I N E O K T S M D J B Y [ W, NG, P] G R
L Q CH [U, H] [V, SH, F]
It can be observed in Figure 9 that the frequency count
of the glottal stop in the Kabayan variety radically
dropped from 133 to 18 occurrences when the word-
initial glottal stop is eliminated. The 18 instances that
remained indicate the glottal stop which is represented
by the hyphen <->. These results imply that even though
the glottal stop is a significant sound in Inivadoy, it can
be introduced in the later stages of language teaching.
The same case of the status of the glottal stop was
observed in the other varieties in Inivadoy.
3.2.2. Aspirated Velar Stop [k
͡h]
According to Baart, aspiration is the “glottal frication
immediately following or preceding a closure or narrow
constriction in the vocal tract”. This can be identified by
measuring the voice onset time (VOT) of the stop
consonant. The VOT is basically the start of the
Fig. 8. Frequency Count of Glottal Stop in Kabayan
variety
vibration of the vocal cords, which is measured in
reference to the time of the release of the stop consonant.
According to Lisker and Abramson (1970) [20], the
acoustic cue of the perception of the voiceless aspirated
stop in Thai is characterized by a late VOT (+80 ms).
Fig. 10. Waveform of Glottal Stop in [k
͡hajaŋ]
A relatively short aspiration can be observed in the
words [k
͡hajaŋ], which is followed by a longer VOT; 48
ms and 67 ms respectively. This is comparable to the
late VOT to be perceived as an aspiration in Inivadoy.
This phonological sound is only present in the Tublay
variety.
The aspirated velar stop [k
͡h] in Inivadoy may hold some
phonemic status. There is a substantial number of words
in Tublay which shows that [k
͡h] seems to be merely a
dialectal variation distinct to the Tublay speakers with
the voiceless velar stop [k] and the voiced velar stop [g];
however there is also a limited number of words which
show this sound as phonemic. This is shown in Tables 6
and 7:
Table 6: Tublay [k
͡h] with Phonetic Status
Tagalog
Tublay
Tuba
Sablan
needle
shakhom
shakom
-/-
finger
khalomot
kalomot
galomot
belly
ekhes
ekes
eges
I
si-khak
sikak
sigak
middle
naykhawa
naykawa
naygawa
Table 7: Tublay [k
͡h] with Phonemic Status
Tublay
Meaning
Other
varieties
Meaning
khalkhal
to chew
kalkal
to ransack
khait
companion
kait
gait
to scoop;
ladle
companion
khapkhap
to slice
kapkap
to grope; to
feel
It can be observed in Table 6 that there are some words
in Tublay where the aspirated velar stop [k
͡h] only seems
to be a shibboleth and a dialectal variation with [k] in
Tuba and Kabayan and [g] in Sablan. That is, this sound
only seems to be an allophone of the voiceless velar stop
[k] phoneme. However Table 7 also shows three words
which presents a considerable evidence of the phonemic
status of this sound; that is, the [k
͡h] and [k] is not in
complementary distribution and the meanings change
when these sounds are used.
A more thorough investigation and a wider body of data
may provide more insight on the phonemic status of the
aspirated velar stop [k
͡h], and is still subject to further
research.
3.2.3. Voiceless Uvular Stop [q]
A few languages in the Philippines, including Kalanguya
and Inivadoy exhibit a voiceless uvular [q], which can be
perceived by measuring and comparing the F2 values of
the neighbouring vowel that precedes the uvular stop and
the voiced velar stop [g]. The lowering of the F2 value
(more back articulation) of the vowel is explained by the
“retraction of the back of the tongue root when the
uvular is uttered” [21].
Figures 11 illustrates the uvularization of the consonant
which is characterized by the lowering of the F2 value
and a slight raising of the F1 value of the preceding
vowel.
Table 8: Mean Values of the Vowels when preceded by
the uvular and velar stop
Vowel
[q]
[g]
F1
F2
F1
F2
[a]
981
1235
535
1532
[ɪ]
642
1883
281
2869
[ʊ]
522
867
451
1022
[ə]
684
1829
493
1776
Fig. 11. Wide-band spectograms of [qi] and [gi]
Table 8 summarizes the mean values of the uvular [q]
and velar stop [g]. It can be observed that the F1 values
of the vowels are all higher (lower articulation)
compared to those of [g], while the F2 values of [q] are
all lower (more back articulation). This phonological
sound is both present in the Tuba and Tublay varieties;
however due to the limited data from Sablan and
Kabayan dialects, the dialectal distribution of this sound
is still subject to further research.
3.2.4. Voiceless fricatives [s] and [ʃ]
Voiceless fricatives are characterized by the impeding of
the air flow to produce a friction sound. The
voicelessness of the fricative can basically be attributed
to the lack of vibration in the articulation process. In
Inivadoy, the two voiceless fricatives that can be found
are the voiceless alveolar [s] and the voiceless palato-
alveolar [ʃ]. The acoustic properties of the two
consonants are very much similar to one another as can
be easily seen in their waveforms below:
Fig. 12. Waveform of [s] in [Ɂaˈsɔk]
Fig. 13. Waveform of [ʃ] in [mataˈʃəm]
Both waveforms are characterized by the heaviness of
the top part. The alveolar [s], however, has a much
higher peak frquency that doubles that of [ʃ] while the
palato-alveolar [ʃ] has a higher amplitude for the peak
frquency.
In Inivadoy, [s] and [[ʃ] are both given phonemic status
albeit [ʃ] is sometimes changed into [ʒ] in certain
varieties of Inivadoy but [ʒ] unlike the first two only has
allophonic status.
3.2.5. Allophonic Variations
3.2.5.1. [f] and [p]
Inivadoy has allophonic variations of the voiceless
labiodental fricative [f] and bilabial stop [p]. A
frequency count of the words in Olson's (2010) Ibaloi
dictionary was conducted to further examine the status
of [p] and [f] by determining which of the two occurs
more often.
Fig. 14. Frequency count for [f] and [p]
It can be observed that the [p] occurred in the words in
the dictionary 493 times while [f] occurred 85 times. The
same dominant use of [p] is also observed in the
frequency count of the narratives in Inivadoy. The
phonological distribution of [f] is as follows: 1) [f] never
occurs word initially or word finally in all its instances.
This is in contrast with [p] where 115 of the 493
instances of the phoneme occur word-initially; and 2) [f]
only occurs intervocalically. Eight words were evaluated
by an informant that may prove the phonemic status of
[f]; however, another informant pointed out that these
eight words could still be replaced with [p] in some
varieties.
Table 9: Words with [f] in Inivadoy
Variety 1
Other
varieties
Meaning
1. cafadi
kapadi
had it been so;
were it the case
2. ifit
ipit
clip; clasp;
thongs
3. iful
ipol
scrub; wash
4. ikafu
ikhapo
to start; to begin
5. kafu
khapo
cause; start
6. kefut
kapot
small backside;
scare
7. safot
sapot
cobweb
8. ufo
upo
money; wine;
rice; animals
given during the
wake of the dead
Table 9 shows that eight words with [f], which cannot be
replaced with [p]; that is, they are not allophones.
However these words may still be replaced with [p] in
some varieties of Inivadoy. In the morphohonemics of
Inivadoy, it can also be observed that [f] changes to [p]
upon affixation of the word, which may further prove
that they are just allophones, and that [f] is only an
allophone of the phoneme [p]. There indeed seems to be
little evidence on the phonemic status of [f] based on the
data. The voiceless labiodental fricative [f] also seems to
be only evident in the Tuba and Sablan varieties.
3.2.5.2. Allophonic Variation of [d], [ʃ] and [ʧ]
There are also allophonic variations between the
postalveolar [ʃ] and voiceless affricate [ʧ], which are
allophones of the phoneme /d/ in Inivadoy. This is
illustrated in Table 10:
Table 10: Distribution of [ʃ] and [ʧ] in Inivadoy
Tagalog
Inivadoy
Sablan
Tublay
Kabayan
Tuba
1. sahig
ʃatal
ʧətɁal
2.talampakan
ʃapan
ʃalʊkap
ʧalʊkap
3. dugo
ʃala
ʃala
ʧala
ʃala
4. balahibo
ʃʊtʃʊt
ʃʊtʃʊt
ʧʊtʧʊt
ʃʊtʃʊt
5. ilan
Ɂəʃʊn
Ɂəʧʊm
6. marami
Ɂəʃahəl
Ɂəʃakəl
Ɂəʧakəl
Ɂəʃahəl
7. wala
Ɂajʃə
Ɂajʃɪ
Ɂənʧɪ
Ɂajʃə
8. dito
ʃɪjaj
ʃɪjaj
ʧɪjaj
ʃəjaj
9. diyan
ʃɪtan
ʃɪtan
ʧɪtan
ʃɪtan
10. doon
ʃɪman
ʃɪman
ʧɪman
ʃɪman
It can be observed in Table 10 that the Kabayan variety
regularly reflect a shibboleth of [ʧ], while the Sablan,
Tublay and Tuba varieties all use [ʃ]. A frequency count
was also employed to determine the statistical frequency
of both sounds.
The sound sequence for each variety showed that the
voiceless affricate [ʧ] only occurs in the Kabayan variety
and ranks 19th as the most frequent sound used with 13
occurrences. On the other hand the postvelar [ʃ] often
occurs in the Tublay and Sablan varities, and ranks 14th
and 19th respectively and 16 occurrences each. Therefore
the postalveolar sound occurs more often in Inivadoy
and may best represent the allophonic variation between
the two consonants.
4. SYLLABLE STRUCTURE
4.1. CV Template and Phonotactic Constraints
According to Ballard (2011), there are two basic syllable
structures in Inivadoy: CV and CVC, which may be
observed in the words [ʃi] „at‟ and [tan] „and‟
respectively. Other syllable templates include CVCV in
[diˈma] „five‟, CVCVC in [saˈkəj] „one‟ and [Ɂəˈpat],
CVCV in [ˈlaja] „ginger‟, CVCCV in [ŋaɁˈŋa] „child‟
and CVCCVC in [bɔɁˈdaj] „earth‟, [ʃɔnˈtɔg] „mountain‟
and [təgˈɁin] „cold weather‟.
Phonotactic constraints in Inivadoy permit the pre-
consonantal glottal stop in medial position, as in [siɁˈdɔ]
„singe‟ and [jɔɁˈkɔw] „sleepy‟. The pre-consonantal
glottal stop can also be manifested as a consonant cluster
reduction in some words. That is, some of the geminated
consonants seem to reduce the coda to the glottal stop.
This includes words [padˈdɔk], which is articulated as
[paɁˈdɔk], and [Ɂəpasˈsas] which is reduced to
əpaɁˈsas].
4.2. Gemination
Geminate consonants are distinguished as compared to
non-geminates consonants by their difference in length,
where the geminate consonants have longer duration
than that non-geminate consonants [22].
An acoustic analysis was employed to determine the
acoustic difference between a singleton and geminated
consonant and to possibly identify the boundary in
which the first consonant (or the coda of the first
syllable) ends and the second consonant (or the onset of
the second syllable) begins.
Fig. 15. Waveform of a non-geminate word
Fig. 16. Waveform of a geminated word (coda)
0
50
100
150
200
Inivadoy
Geminate
Non-geminate
Fig.17. Waveform of a geminated consonant (onset)
It can be observed in Figures 15~17 that the relative
duration of the singleton and geminated consonants can
be measured in the waveform. Results showed that there
is a marked difference between the durations of the two
types of consonants; that is, the singleton sounds have a
shorter duration of articulation while the geminated ones
have a longer duration.
It can also be observed in Figure 16 and 17 that the
boundary between the consonants seem to be correlated
to the relative height of the intensity indicated by the
yellow line in the spectogram. The gradual fall of the
intensity correlates with the loss of sonority strength;
this is also manifested at the start of the coda articulation,
and ends in the ultimate closure of the airflow marked by
the absence of the intensity line. The beginning of the
onset consonant, on the other hand seems to be at the
point of the second rising of the intensity line which is
acoustically characterized by an increase of sonority
strength due to the proceeding vowel.
Finally it can be observed that the first consonant of the
geminate holds a longer duration due to the articulatory
need of the sound to be well-recognized and well-heard.
Table 11: Durational Comparison of the two geminated
consonants in Inivadoy and Ilokano (ms)
Inivadoy
Ilokano
Coda
Onset
Coda
Onset
78.670
101.874
202.944
34.084
56.695
145.842
121.010
34.470
52.078
112.829
125.495
32.392
Table 11 presents the duration of the two respective
consonants in the geminate. It can be observed that it is
typical in Ilokano that the first consonant geminate
generated a longer duration compared to the second
consonant so that the coda can be well-heard. However
this usual phenomenon does not seem to hold true in
Inivadoy; in fact the onset of the next syllable or the
second consonant geminate produced the longer duration
than the first consonant. It should be noted that these
coda are all reduced consonants of the geminate in
Inivadoy; thatthe three words used are [bɔdˈdaj] „earth‟,
əpasˈsas] „to show‟ and [Ɂəpunˈnəd] „to wipe‟, of
which all of the first consonant of the geminates have
reduced to glottal stop [Ɂ].
A comparison of the mean durations of singleton and
geminated consonants was also tabulated for Inivadoy
and Ilokano to determine which sound generated the
highest ratio value. This is shown in the following
tables:
Table 12: Mean Durations for each consonant (Inivadoy)
Singleton
mean (ms)
Geminate
mean (ms)
Ratio single:
geminate
Nasal
60
123
2.1
Fricative
119
184
1.55
Stop
120
186
1.55
Table 13: Mean Durations for each consonant (Ilokano)
Singleton
mean (ms)
Geminate
mean (ms)
Ratio single:
geminate
Nasal
74
162
2.2
Fricative
116
136
1.2
Stop
110
182
1.7
It can be observed in the two tables that the nasals in
both languages show to have the highest durational
contrast between the singleton and geminated
consonants. These results reflect the same sonority
hierarchy in Guinaang Bontok, where nasals constitute
the most significant difference between singleton and
geminated consonants, followed by the stops and
fricatives [23]. This order also seems to be in contrast
with the usual sequence of durational difference, which
starts with stops.
Fig. 18. Average duration of geminates and singletons in
Inivadoy
Fig. 19. Average duration of geminates and singleton in
Ilokano
Figures 18~19 summarize the durational difference of
geminates and non-geminates in Inivadoy and Ilokano,
and it can be observed that non-geminates in both
languages range from 60~120ms, while geminates range
from 120~190ms.
4.5. Stress
4.5.1 Common Stress Patterns
Stress in Inivadoy may be classified as primary and
secondary stress. Based on the acoustic analysis of the
limited data, primary stress in Inivadoy is found in the
ultimate syllable and less often in the penultimate
syllable. Secondary stress, when present, is usually
found at the preceding syllable before the vowel with the
primary stress. The audio data was only limited to the
Tuba and Tublay varieties.
Both varieties have the ultimate placement of stress in
two, three and four or more syllable groups as the most
common stress pattern.
There is a greater amount of ultimate syllable placement
in the Tuba variety compared to that of Tublay. Certain
words like [Ɂaˈtəp] roof shows a ultimate stress
placement in Tuba while the stress appears in the first
syllable in its Tublay counterpart. A more detailed study
should present more evidence regarding this ratio
between the two varieties.
4.5.2 Acoustic Correlates of Stress
Three acoustic correlates and their acoustic relationship
to the stress placement patterns in Inivadoy and Ilokano
were examined to test if any of three has a direct
correlation with stress. The analysis is presented in the
following tables:
Unstressed [ə]
Pitch (Hz)
Intensity (dB)
Duration (ms)
1
236
67.33
0.037212
2
226
67.35
0.047905
3
222.3
65.89
0.059014
4
252
68.33
0.027771
5
247.2
72.35
0.031937
Stressed [i]
Pitch (Hz)
Intensity (dB)
Duration (ms)
1
232.3
67.39
0.086785
2
205.7
67.34
0.100784
3
231.2
68.35
0.081214
4
193.2
60.96
0.091977
5
210.9
68.39
0.103719
Stressed [a]
Pitch (Hz)
Intensity
(dB)
Duration (ms)
1
253
68.98
0.079470
2
222.7
66.27
0.187456
3
249
74.68
0.098588
4
236
71.01
0.168710
5
210.4
65.37
0.163850
Unstressed [a]
Pitch (Hz)
Intensity (dB)
Duration (ms)
1
265
69.45
0.081925
2
213.8
68.56
0.077065
3
232.2
67.48
0.73941
4
236.6
72.67
0.84702
5
208.48
70.53
0.75343
Stressed [ə]
Pitch (Hz)
Intensity (dB)
Duration (ms)
1
209.9
68.78
0.76322
2
217.9
65.76
0.082192
3
220.4
66.28
0.057730
4
213.8
62.78
0.051370
5
209.5
60.87
0.051859
Unstressed [i]
Pitch (Hz)
Intensity (dB)
Duration (ms)
1
222.2
68.83
0.124971
2
238.3
67.97
0.90020
3
171.7
66.61
0.88553
4
242.4
70.85
0.83171
5
231
67.91
0.75343
0
50
100
150
200
Ilokano
Geminate
Non-geminate
It can be observed that among the three acoustic
correlates, duration or length seems to be the correlate
that has a direct relation with stress placement. All
stressed vowels in the data are significantly longer than
their unstressed counterparts; that is, some even showed
to be almost twice their unstressed counterpart. These
findings are also consistent with other studies on stress
like that of Arquillo's [24] study on the prosodic effects
of geminates in Ilokano and of Moriguchi's [25] study on
the accent in Kbalan.
These findings are also supported by the observation on
stress in syllables with geminates. Also mentioned in
Arquillo (2010), it can be seen that stress is predictable
in syllables with geminates as it always occurs with the
syllable that has the non-geminate or the second
consonant. These words include [ʃəpɁɔl] „ashes‟ and
[jɔɁkɔw] „sleepy‟. The duration of the vowel which was
seen as an acoustic correlate primarily related to stress
placement is reduced in the syllables with the geminate
consonants because they are significantly longer than
their non-geminate counterparts.
5. CONCLUSIONS
Table 14. Phonemic Inventory of Inivadoy
Bil
LB
D
Alv
PAlv
Pal
Vel
Uvu
Glo
Plo
p
b
t
d
k
g
Ɂ
Nas
m
n
ŋ
Tap
r
Lat
l
Fric
s
ʤ
h
LVel
w
Appr
j
Table 15. Phonetic and Orthographic Rules in Inivadoy
Phoneme
Allophone
Sample Words
Orthographic
Symbol
/p/
[f]/V__V (Tuba)
[p]/elsewhere
dufa „face‟
dopa „face‟
<p>
/b/
[b
͡h]/#_____
(Kab)
[v]/V__V(Tubl)
(Sab)
(Tub)
[b]/elsewhere
bhobong
„roof‟
bovong „roof‟
avada
„shoulder‟
avada
„shoulder‟
bobong „roof‟
<b>
/m/
-/-
shalem „liver‟
<m>
/t/
-/-
takday „hand‟
<t>
/d/
[ʧ]/Kabayan
[ʃ]/elsewhere
[d]
chala „blood‟
shala „blood‟
<s
͡h>
/n/
-/-
nowang
„carabao
<n>
/k/
[k
͡͡ h]/#___(Tubl)
/V__V
/C__V
[q]/V__V
[g] (Sablan)
[h]/V__V
(Sablan, Tuba)
[k] (Tuba,
Kabayan)
khobat „war‟
akhew „sun‟
khotkhotan
„scratch‟
iket „rope‟
agew „sun‟
ehet „rope‟
akew „sun;
day‟
<k>
/g/
-/-
piga „how
many‟
<g>
/ ŋ/
-/-
nganto „what‟
<ng>
/Ɂ/
-/-
emen „all‟
nan-inges
„same‟
<Ø>/#___
<->/C__V
/r/
-/-
oran „rain‟
<r>
/l/
-/-
pohel/pokel
<l>
Stressed [ɔ]
Pitch (Hz)
Intensity (dB)
Duration (ms)
1
234
68.87
0.193661
2
201.1
63.95
0.122888
3
215.9
71.84
0.116639
4
209.6
70.14
0.122888
5
240.1
69.55
0.147188
Unstressed [ɔ]
Pitch (Hz)
Intensity (dB)
Duration (ms)
1
250
69.23
0.143501
2
238.1
70.1
0.090951
3
211.6
62.68
0.110391
4
207.1
68.74
0.113168
5
237.2
64.94
0.071918
„bone‟
/s/
-/-
sangi „teeth‟
<s>
/ ʤ/
-/-
jasjas „to
breathe‟
<j>
/h/
-/-
only occurs
in loan words
<h>
/w/
[b]
[v]
[g
͡w]
[w]/ elsewhere
bara „there is‟
tavey „I don‟t
know‟
g
͡wara „there
is‟
wara „there
is‟
<w>
/j/
-/-
biyag „to
live‟
<y>
Tables 14 and 15 illustrate the phonemic and
orthographic inventory in Inivadoy, which were based
on the results of the acoustic analyses. Table 13 shows
that there are at least 17 consonants in Inivadoy. Table
14 on the other hand describes the allophonic variations
of these sounds and proposes apt orthographic
representations based on the acoustic analysis employed
in the study.
The voiceless bilabial stop /p/ has two allophones: [f]
and [p], where [f] only occurs intervocalically and are
limited to the Sablan and Tuba varieties . The voiced
bilabial stop /b/ has at least three allophones : [ b
͡h], [v]
and [b]. The aspirated [b
͡h] only occurs word-initially
and is only evident in the Kabayan variety based on the
limited data. [v] on the other hand only occurs
intervocalically.
The voiced dental stop /d/ has at least three allophones:
[ʧ], which only occurs in the Kabayan variety, [ʃ] which
occurs in the rest of the dialects and [d]. This allophonic
variation is also manifested in the words [ˈda:gum]
„needle‟ in Ilokano and [ˈʃakɔm]/ [ˈʃak
͡hɔm] or [ˈʃagɔm]
in Inivadoy.
The voiceless velar stop /k/ has at least four
allophones: the uvular stop [q], which only occurs
intervocalically, [g] which occurs in Sablan, [h]
which occurs in Tuba and sometimes in Sablan and
[k] elsewhere. The aspirated velar stop [k
͡͡ h] may hold
some phonemic status but is still subject to further
research. Finally the labiovelar glide /w/ has at least four
allophones based on the data gathered: [b], [v], [g
͡w] and
[w].
The orthographic representation of the glottal stop /Ɂ/
remains to be problematic, but the speakers of Inivadoy
maintain that it is not represented when it is found word-
initially and is represented by a hyphen <-> when it
occurs between a consonant and a vowel. It can be
observed in Inivadoy surnames, however that some
speakers represent the glottal stop with a hyphen when it
occurs intervocalically, as in „Bangsi-il‟ and „Paydo-an‟.
This may also prove that the speakers are linguistically
and acoustically aware of the existence of the glottal stop
between the two vowels, hence their use of the hyphen
to represent this sound.
Table 16: Phonemic Inventory of Ilokano
Bil
LB
D
Alv
PAlv
Pal
Vel
Glo
Plo
p
b
t
d
k
g
Ɂ
Nas
m
n
ŋ
Tap
r
Lat
l
Fric
s
h
LVel
w
Appr
j
Table 17. Phonetic and Orthographic Rules in Ilokano
Phoneme
Sample Words
Orthographic
Symbol
/p/
pungan „pillow‟
<p>
/b/
balay „house‟
<b>
/m/
timid „chin‟
<m>
/t/
darat „sand‟
<t>
/d/
dalan „road‟
<d>
/n/
bisin „hungry‟
<n>
/k/
tapuk „ashes‟
<k>
/g/
agas „medicine‟
<g>
/ ŋ/
iming „beard‟
<ng>
/Ɂ/
asok „smoke‟
teg-ab „to belch‟
< Ø>/#____
<->/C__V
/r/
takder „posture‟
<r>
/l/
lumteg „swell‟
<l>
/s/
buksit „stomach‟
<s>
/ ʤ/
dyenna „where‟
<dy>
/h/
hatayag „tall‟
<h>
/w/
nalawa „wide‟
<w>
/j/
laya „ginger‟
<y>
Table 16 and 17 on the other hand present the phonemic
and orthographic system of Ilokano, which consists of
16 consonants. Based on the data gathered there are no
allophones in the phonemes of Ilokano.
Table 18. Phonetic and Orthographic Representation of
Vowels in Inivadoy and Ilokano
Vowel
Phonetic
Representation
Orthographic
Representation
high front
unrounded
tensed
[i]
<i>/ <e>
open mid-back
rounded
[ɔ]
<o>/ <u>
mid central
[ə]
<e>
open mid-front
unrounded
[a]
<a>
Inivadoy and Ilokano both have a four-vowel system: the
high front unrounded /ɪ/, which has an allophone of the
mid-front unrounded [ε] and may be orthographically
represented as <i> or <e>, the high back rounded /ʊ/,
which can be represented as <o> or <u>, the mid central
/ə/, which is symbolized as <e> and the open-mid back
unrounded /a/, which is represented as <a>. Compared to
the proposed five vowel system of the Ortograpiyang
Pambansa, this study proposes that the symbols <i> and
<e>, and <o> and <u> to be merged and recognized as
one sound.
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... For a cross-linguistic comparison, here are the partial vowel spaces of English, Tagalog, Inivadoy, Ilokano (taken from the study of Talavera, et. al. [21]) superimposed on the male and female Ini vowel space. ...
Conference Paper
Full-text available
The paper is a study of the more salient and noteworthy features of the phonological system of the language of Ini / Romblomanon spoken primarily in the province of Romblon. The methods of acoustic phonetics were employed in tackling problems involving the said language's consonantal and vowel inventory and the exact characterization and articulation of these sounds, syllable structure and apparent peculiarities such as consonant-cluster codas and the appearance of an alveolar approximant [ɹ] in certain forms. Keywords: Romblomanon, Ini, acoustic phonetics, vowel space, phonemic inventory, morphophonemic processes
Chapter
Full-text available
The Bilingual Education Program of the Philippines (BEP), where English is the medium of instruction in Science and Mathematics and Pilipino or Filipino, the national language, in all other subjects, has been recognized as one of the earliest comprehensive bilingual education experiments in the world. The BEP was institutionalized in 1974 and since then, it has been the broad framework of the educational system in the country. Prior to 1974, English had been practically the sole medium of instruction in the Philippines since 1901 when the public education system was put in place by the Americans.
Article
Relationships between a listener&apos;s identification of a spoken vowel and its properties as revealed from acoustic measurement of its sound wave have been a subject of study by many investigators. Both the utterance and the identification of a vowel involve subjective responses and are affected by the language and dialectal backgrounds and the vocal and auditory characteristics of the individuals concerned. The purpose of this paper is to discuss some of the control methods that are being used in the evaluation of these effects in a vowel study program in progress at Bell Telephone Laboratories. The plan of the study, calibration of recording and measuring equipment, and methods for checking the performance of both speakers and listeners are described. The methods are illustrated from results of tests involving some 76 speakers and 70 listeners.
Ortograpiyang Pambansa. Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino
  • Virgilio Almario
Almario, Virgilio. 2013. Ortograpiyang Pambansa. Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino.
Comparative analysis of actual language usage and selected grammar and orthographical rules for Filipino, Cebuan-Visayan and Ilokano: a Corpus-based Approach
  • Joel Ilao
Ilao, Joel, et al. 2012. Comparative analysis of actual language usage and selected grammar and orthographical rules for Filipino, Cebuan-Visayan and Ilokano: a Corpus-based Approach. Electrical and Electronics Engineering Institute. University of the Philippines Diliman.
An Articulatory and Acoustic Investigation of Kalanguya Consonants
  • Paul Santiago
Santiago, Paul. 2008. An Articulatory and Acoustic Investigation of Kalanguya Consonants. Department of Linguistics, University of the Philippines Diliman.