Incorporation beyond Cleavages? Parties, Candidates and Germany's Immigrant-Origin Electorate

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This article is an attempt to shed more light on the relationship between parties and immigrants. The focus of the empirical analyses is on candidates and issues as linkage mechanisms between parties and voter groups. The results do not only point to some changes in this relationship, but also to a few elements that indicate a specific representational bond between the immigrant-origin electorate and immigrant-origin politicians. This finding corroborates the ‘politics of presence’ hypothesis by Anne Phillips, but rather as a complementary element of political representation than as a substitute. There are significant differences in some migration-related policy positions of native politicians and of those of immigrant origin – in all parties. Irrespective of the specific voter–candidate relationship among the immigrant-origin population, the analyses in this article strongly support the traditional, party-centred ‘politics of ideas’ approach. Consequently, the political integration of immigrants and their descendants can be characterised as a more general process across parties, and this process is expected to linger on.

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... Indeed, this suggests a general trend of increasing immigrant-origin candidacies. Like in other European democracies (Martin, 2016;Wüst, 2016), also in Switzerland right parties appear to increase their share of immigrant-origin candidates. Switzerland therefore constitutes a relevant case to study the factors underlying this increased interest in immigrant-origin candidates. ...
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Political parties in Western democracies with large immigrant populations have become increasingly interested in nominating immigrant-origin candidates. This paper investigates how contextual factors explain parties’ effort of immigrant representation. I argue that nominations of immigrant-origin candidates are shaped by parties’ strategic calculations weighing out potential vote gains among immigrant-origin voters compared to a potential native backlash. I contend that alien enfranchisement and liberal naturalization policies provide decisive incentives to nominate immigrant-origin candidates. In contrast, economic insecurity implies potential material threat perceptions generating a native backlash against immigrants, reducing the nomination of immigrant-origin candidates. Using a novel dataset on candidates in Switzerland, the analysis reveals that the political and economic contexts indeed determine the number of immigrant-origin candidates and their ballot position, particularly those of non-Western origin. These findings have significant implications for our understanding of strategic behaviors of political parties and the promotion of immigrant representation.
... In general, the government has been enormously more active in the field of immigration and integration with the overall trajectory of bringing Germany more into line with its European neighbours. Partisan tension on the issue of immigration, which had been very high in the 1990s, eased significantly in the first decade of the twenty-first century and fewer Christian Democratic politicians seemed to be insisting that 'Germany is not a country of immigration' (Wüst 2016). True, when Merkel famously told a meeting of the CDU youth group that 'multiculturalism has failed', her remarks were often interpreted by the foreign press to mean that the CDU was maintaining its anti-immigration stance. ...
The chapter explains how the centrist Christian democratic Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) has responded to the challenges of the Silent revolution and counter revolution by demonstrating a selective willingness to cooperate with the populist radical right Freedom Party (FPÖ). Polling and manifesto data show how the ÖVP has shifted from dismissive to accommodative approaches when it was polling behind the FPÖ. Sufficient electoral distress led to the installation of new leaders who were able to change the strategic status quo. In the first instance in 1995 Wolfgang Schüssel emphasized policy-seeking and in the second case Sebastian Kurz pursed vote-seeking. Both strategies resulted in a positional alignment and eventually a coalition with the FPÖ, which at the time was pursuing office. Changes in the ÖVP depended on shifts in the balance of power among important intra-party groups, specifically, hardline conservatives and market liberals viewing cooperation with the FPÖ as advantageous for their respective interests. Analysis of the supply side reveals the close programmatic alignment of ÖVP with FPÖ positions since 2002. Demand side analysis suggests that the programmatic shifts by the ÖVP coincide with changes in the profile of its electorate toward a composition more typical of a far right party. Overall, the chapter concludes that while the ÖVP has been affected by massive voter dealignment since the 1980s, it responded to the counter revolution and the resulting surge of nativist populism mainly by means of emulation and cooperation.
... Insbesondere Analysen der kommunalen Ebene sind die Ausnahme (Haußmann 2009;Klinger 2001). Die Repräsentationsforschung hat demgegenüber schon verschiedene politische Ebenen betrachtet (Wüst & Heinz 2009;Schönwälder et al. 2011;Schmitz & Wüst 2011;Schönwälder 2013;Wüst 2014aWüst , 2014bWüst , 2016Markowis 2016;Deiss-Helbig 2017a;Blätte & Wüst 2017;Ceyhan 2018), doch kann auch hier trotz vielfältiger, oft explorativer Forschung nicht von einem konsolidierten Forschungsstand gesprochen werden. ...
... While the party supported the European Union and the euro in general, it argued that the European monetary union was in need of radical reform and that the austerity programmes in Germany as well as in the countries affected by the euro crisis should be terminated (Die Linke 2014, 13). With regard to asylum and migration policy, the Left also remained true to its programmatic position (Wüst 2016), which could be captioned as internationality and solidarity. Although one of the chairs of the Left's parliamentary party, Sahra Wagenknecht, repeatedly criticised the grand coalition's refugee policy and called for a limitation of immigration (Dostal 2017, 594), the Left in general took the most liberal position on migration among German parties. ...
How did electoral competition during the second grand coalition under Chancellor Angela Merkel affect policy-making? By examining opinion polls and the outcomes of Länder elections, the article shows that on the demand side party competition was (potentially) intense. On the supply side, it discusses the major opposition parties’ policy positions and reviews whether the voters regarded them as credible and competent. Then it assesses the effects of this actor constellation for the two most salient policy areas, the euro crisis and the refugee crisis. It finds that the grand coalition partially revoked its initially liberal migration policy as the AfD gained strength and became a credible alternative for CDU/CSU (as well as SPD) voters. In contrast, euro rescue policy was largely unaffected by party competition because the issue was less salient and the CDU/CSU was regarded as the most credible party in this respect.
This article examines Germany’s response to the European migrant crisis of 2015–2016 by analysing immigration and identity debates in Germany and their impact on German politics. The refugee crisis sharply divided the European Union and raised questions relating to immigration, humanitarian assistance and the duties towards those fleeing war and persecution. In such a scenario, Chancellor Angela Merkel’s decision to admit more than a million refugees had deep ramifications not only for German politics but also European and international politics at large. After the initial wave of support subsided, xenophobic and right-wing factions emerged, and public opinion began to turn against Merkel. The emergence of such sentiments is at odds with Germany’s complicated relationship with nationalism and right-wing politics in the post-war era. It is this juxtaposition that the article aims to analyse; whether the response to the refugee crisis proves that Germany is on the path to becoming a more inclusive society despite the presence of deep-rooted xenophobic elements. In order to do so, this article has focused on the complex relationship between party politics, immigration trends and identity debates in Germany and its impact on contemporary German politics as a whole.
In spite of the fact that Conservative, Christian democratic and Liberal parties continue to play a crucial role in the democratic politics and governance of every Western European country, they are rarely paid the attention they deserve. This cutting-edge comparative collection, combining qualitative case studies with large-N quantitative analysis, reveals a mainstream right squeezed by the need to adapt to both 'the silent revolution' that has seen the spread of postmaterialist, liberal and cosmopolitan values and the backlash against those values – the 'silent counter-revolution' that has brought with it the rise of a myriad far right parties offering populist and nativist answers to many of the continent's thorniest political problems. What explains why some mainstream right parties seem to be coping with that challenge better than others? And does the temptation to ride the populist wave rather than resist it ultimately pose a danger to liberal democracy?
This chapter introduces contextual settings that are expected to affect which selection strategy is used and explicates how these interact in shaping party selection behavior toward candidates from immigrant backgrounds. Recurring to research on minority representation, the book assumes variances across political parties, the mode of candidacy, the ethnic concentration in SMDs, and the social deprivation in SMDs.
This chapter concentrates on the group whose descriptive representation is in the spotlight of the empirical analysis. It addresses the question of what defines immigrant origin, and how immigrant origin citizens in Germany are seen. After presenting a definition of immigrant origin, the country-specific situation of immigration to Germany is briefly described. Taking into account the religious and ethnic heterogeneity of immigrant origin citizens in Germany, the chapter further discusses the question to what extent they can be treated as one group, and explores the implications of this approach.
Beyond the general selection behavior of political parties towards immigrant origin candidates, this book is also interested in a better understanding of which selection strategy is applied under which circumstances. While previous studies have assessed the effect of contextual factors on the overall level of minority representation, this chapter explores whether these factors also affect party selection behavior towards immigrant origin candidates at the micro-level. In line with previous theoretical considerations, the book expects variances across immigrant subgroups, political parties, the mode of candidacy, and SMD context.
By focusing on visible minority women in Germany, this article contributes to an emerging field of intersectional research on political representation. Research on minority women’s access to politics is still limited despite Germany’s sizable immigrant population. To fill this gap, this article provides recent data on the descriptive representation of visible minority women at both the federal and state level. Furthermore, it seeks to explain differences in political representation, primarily why the representation of minority women at the federal level and in some states is better than that of minority men, while in other states it is the reverse. Since traditional institutional explanations, such as gender quotas and electoral systems, provide only part of the solution to this intersectional puzzle, this article argues that informal practices of individual party elites need to be considered. Qualitative interviews with visible minority women in German politics suggest that some party elites actively promote minority women, while others overlook or even discriminate against them, contributing an additional explanation of why minority women’s access to politics is easier in some cases than in others.
In this book, 30 contributions provide a comprehensive overview of theories and findings from research on political attitudes and political behaviour, subdivided into the fields of ‘political communication’, ‘political attitudes’, ‘political participation’, ‘voting behaviour’ and ‘methods’.
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This article provides an alternative understanding of the substantive representation of immigrant-origin citizens compared to previous work in the ‘politics of presence’ tradition. Rather than assuming that the representational activities of members of parliaments (MPs) are underpinned by intrinsic motivations, it highlights extrinsic motives. Drawing on principal–agent theory, the article conceptualises MPs as delegates who are to act on behalf of their main principals, constituents and party bodies. This approach permits the rigorous analysis of the impact of electoral rules, candidate selection methods and legislative organisation on substantive representation. Based on an analysis of more than 20,000 written parliamentary questions tabled in the 17th German Bundestag (2009–2013), empirical findings suggest that electoral rules do not influence the relationship between MPs and their principals in relation to the substantive representation of disadvantaged immigrant groups; however, results indicate that candidate selection methods as well as powerful parliamentary party group leaderships do.
A burgeoning literature on minority representation asks whether immigrant-origin voters are more likely to vote for candidates of immigrant-origin (CIOs) than for native candidates, thus giving parties incentives to nominate CIOs. At present, however, evidence of such a link comes exclusively from candidate-centred electoral systems. The present study intends to narrow this gap by examining the influence of CIOs on the voting behaviour of immigrant-origin citizens in Germany, a more party-centred electoral environment. An empirical analysis of opinion survey and candidate data from the 2013 Bundestag election suggests that the electoral link between voters and CIOs is considerable. This paper is thus the first one to show that CIOs are a significant factor for the electoral mobilisation of immigrant-origin citizens in a party-centred electoral system.
Welche Auswirkungen hatte der Parteienwettbewerb auf Politikentscheidungen in der 18. Wahlperiode? Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage betrachtet der Beitrag die Nachfrage- und die Angebotsseite des politischen Marktes und setzt diese in Zusammenhang mit den zwischen 2013 und 2017 elektoral salientesten Politikfeldern, der Eurorettungs- und der Flüchtlingspolitik. Auf der Basis einer quantitativen Auswertung von Pressemitteilungen und Bundestagsaktivitäten kommt der Beitrag zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Große Koalition ihre zunächst liberale Migrationspolitik teilweise zurücknahm, je elektoral salienter das Thema wurde und je mehr sich die AfD zu einer wählbaren Alternative für bisherige CDU/CSU- (und SPD-) Wähler entwickelte. Umgekehrt war die Eurorettung nur wenig vom Parteienwettbewerb geprägt; zum einen war das Thema weniger salient und zum anderen wurden CDU/CSU in diesem Politikfeld als besonders kompetent betrachtet.
Although a large number of normative and empirical scholars are dealing with the question whether descriptive representation is required for a functioning representational relationship and which groups need descriptive representatives to be politically represented, the debate is not without relevance. Since parliamentary candidates are key figures in the representational process of parliamentary democracies, their views on descriptive representation can provide revealing evidence in assessing the relevance of descriptive representation. By studying candidates’ attitudes towards immigrant representation, this contribution attempts to enhance our understanding of whether they consider immigrant representation important and what shapes candidates’ attitudes towards immigrant representation.
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Electoral campaigns are conducted by parties and candidates to convince the people to turn out to vote and to vote for them instead of voting for a competitor. In parliamentary democracies, and especially in those that apply electoral systems of proportional representation with closed party lists, parties and their top candidates for prime minister or for chancellor are considered to be the main actors in campaigns. Consequently, electoral campaigns are primarily party campaigns which are neither won nor lost by any 'average' candidate. Parties structure the electoral competition by collectively emphasising certain issues and by presenting a rather cohesive ideological perspective in a campaign. Further, candidates and elected MPs are first and foremost representatives of their parties with very limited personal room for political manoeuvre. While this assessment is not challenged in principle, we argue that it cuts too short. In addition to parties, candidates play important roles in electoral campaigns, and due to the modernisation of parties and campaigns, we expect a substantial degree of personalised campaigning which is likely to increase in the future. Given the particular mixed-member electoral system used to elect the German Bundestag, we are able to differentiate the campaign of pure constituency candidates, pure list candidates and the most frequent hybrids who ran for office both in a constituency and on a party list in 2005.
The German religious cleavage developed during a political conflict concerning the rights of the Catholic Church in the early 1870s of the just-founded German Empire. The Christian Democratic Party was successful in transforming this cleavage into a denominational-religious cleavage after WWII. Within the electorate, this cleavage is manifested by the CDU/CSU party identification of both religious Catholics and Protestants, the former delineated by frequency of church attendance, and the latter by religious belief systems. Communal social relationships among these groups support the stability of this cleavage. In addition, the CDU affiliation of Protestants varies by region. It is strongest within the overwhelmingly Protestant northern regions of Germany where the CDU was founded after WWII without “help” of former members of the Catholic Zentrum party. This cleavage between the Christian Democrats on the one side and all other parties on the other side still existed in 1982 as shown with Allbus data of that year.
Die Debatte um die Personalisierung von Wahlkämpfen scheint mit jedem neuen Wahlkampf einen weiteren Höhepunkt zu erreichen; in der Bundesrepublik haben vor allem die beiden TV-Duelle zwischen Bundeskanzler Gerhard Schröder und seinem Herausforderer, dem bayerischen Ministerpräsidenten Edmund Stoiber, diese Debatte weiter zugespitzt. „Der oder ich?“ Diese Frage stellte Stoiber in einer Wahlkampfrede anlässlich des Wahlkampfauftaktes der Union.1
Immigrants and their descendants are becoming increasingly visible in Germany's political life. What determines immigrant political incorporation into parliamentary positions over time and in specific contexts? The article focuses on the regional parliaments of Germany's 16 states. A comparative analysis enables us to specify whether, how and under what conditions factors thought to impact levels of immigrant representation are indeed influential and how they interact with local and situational conditions. The article first outlines immigrant representation in Germany's states over time. It then discusses several possible explanations for the striking variation between states. Rather than one key factor, it is found that interactions between demographic, institutional, cultural and political conditions account for different levels of immigrant representation in Germany's state parliaments.
In der praktischen Sozialpolitik geht es um politisches Handeln, das präventiv das Auftreten sozialer Problemlagen verhindern und reaktiv die Lage benachteiligter Personengruppen verbessern soll (verkürzt nach Lampert 1980). Dabei wird eine abgegrenzte Gesellschaft vorausgesetzt. Durch internationale Wanderungen verändert sich aber die Bevölkerung, bei der soziale Problemlagen auftreten können. Insofern sind Regelungen im Politikfeld Migration zentral für soziale Sicherungssysteme, denn sie berühren unmittelbar die Frage, wer zum abgesicherten Personenkreis gehört. Dies geschieht sowohl durch Regelungen dazu, wer ins Land kommen darf oder das Land verlassen muss (Migrationspolitik), als auch durch Bestimmungen bezüglich der politischen und sozialen Rechte und Pflichten, die Zuwanderer aus dem Ausland haben (Migrantenpolitik).1 Zuwanderung kann auch indirekt die sozialen Sicherungssysteme beeinflussen, weil sie zur Beseitigung von sozialen Problemlagen bei Einheimischen beitragen kann (z.B. durch die Behebung eines Pflegekräftemangels oder die finanzielle Entlastung der Rentenversicherung), aber auch Problemlagen verschärfen kann (z.B. durch zusätzliche Konkurrenz um Arbeitsplätze und Wohnraum). Welche Effekte überwiegen, hängt von den arbeitsmarkt- und sozialpolitischen Rahmenbedingungen und der Migrationspolitik ab, die typischerweise meist positive indirekte Effekte sicherstellt.
This article is about immigrant-origin politicians running for a Bundestag mandate in the 2013 election. Patterns of candidacy, electoral success and failure of the respective candidates and parliamentarians are systematically analyzed. The main finding is that politicians of immigrant origin are serious contenders for seats in the Bundestag, and political parties seem to have quite some interest in their election. It is increasingly the second immigrant generation that is involved politically, and, as the career patterns indicate, it is likely that many of them are going to stay longer in politics. Consequently, a closer look at immigrant-origin candidates and parliamentarians is of merit for both the study of parliamentary representation and of the political integration of immigrants and their descendants.
Politiker, die sich um ein Mandat im Deutschen Bundestag bewerben, sollten Lösungsangebote für gegenwärtige und künftige Herausforderungen der Gesellschaft anbieten. Zu den Themen, die in absehbarer Zukunft größere Bedeutung erlangen werden, gehören einerseits Regelungen der Einwanderung aus ökonomischen und demografischen Gründen, andererseits Vorstellungen über das Zusammenleben in einer zunehmend multiethnischen Gesellschaft. Die meisten Bundestagskandidaten des Jahres 2005 sind Einwanderungsregelungen gegenüber aufgeschlossen, wünschen sich aber einen gewissen Grad an kultureller Assimilation. Neben der ideologischen Grundorientierung, die sich zu einem Teil bereits durch die Parteizugehörigkeit ergibt, sind Einstellungen zu Globalisierung und Gleichstellung für die Erklärung unterschiedlicher Haltungen zu Einwanderungsregelungen und der Forderung nach kultureller Anpassung von Bedeutung. Darüber hinaus unterscheiden sich die Haltungen signifikant nach Alter, Bildungsgrad, Kirchgangshäufigkeit und Wohnort. Individuelle, soziale und kontextuelle Faktoren beeinflussen demnach die Haltungen der Politiker. Schließlich spielt die Wahrnehmung von Problemen, die einen Bezug zu Einwanderung und Assimilation haben, für die Positionierung der Kandidaten eine ergänzende Rolle. Im Vergleich zu älteren Kandidaten zeigen sich die Jüngeren in FDP, Grünen und Linkspartei aufgeschlossener gegenüber Einwanderung und kultureller Vielfalt. Bei den Volksparteien bewegt sich vergleichsweise wenig.
The purpose of this book is to expand knowledge of political representation in the EU and of the legitimacy of its political order. In this concluding chapter, a summary is given of what has been learned on these two subjects and what this says about the EU as a developing democratic political system. The hypothesis that a well-functioning system of political representation is a precondition for a legitimate democratic political system serves as the leading theme. The chapter, therefore, first tries to evaluate the quality of the system of political representation of the EU, and from there continues with what has been learned about the legitimacy of the Union.
Abstract Despite their structural similarities the two countries have developed contrasting traditions about immigration: a broad consensus about pluralistic integration in the Netherlands, and bitter party conflicts spoiling the atmosphere in Germany. Regarding policy outcomes, however, we find that immigrants are less disadvantaged in Germany — a fact that has been much discussed in the Netherlands, bringing about a new policy of active integration. We conclude that integration processes can be very specific and that multicultural programmes can carry powerful messages of exclusion.
The composition of eligible voters is changing continuously – in Germany and elsewhere. In electoral analyses, we pay special attention to new, first-time voters and to young voters in general. We consider young people to be trendsetters and we think that parties should pay special attention to this group in order not to lose touch with an age cohort or even with a whole generation. Yet much less attention is paid to those people that join the electorate by naturalisation. Only recently – and as a result of the new citizenship law that took effect in 2000 – have naturalised citizens been perceived as potential party voters, and even the parties’ policy preferences in migration and naturalisation policies are said to be influenced more by the electoral impact of immigration and naturalisation than by any other factor.1There are few data and even less analysis on the voting behaviour of naturalised citizens in Germany, although there has been a recent contribution that fills the gap to some extent, using nationwide and local data.2 The nationwide screening of naturalised citizens in the monthly Politbarometer surveys which have been the source for earlier analyses is replicated for the period from October 2001 to September 2002. Based on these data, this article describes who these naturalised citizens are, how much interest they show in politics, and how well they know parties and politicians. Further, it casts light on how frequently naturalised citizens participate in elections, which parties they vote for, and which ones they tend to avoid. Finally, the article makes an estimate as to the size of the impact made by naturalised citizens on the outcome of Germany's 2002 Bundestag election.
Studies of the electoral behaviour of immigrants in Western Europe and North America have revealed a remarkably coherent cross-national voting pattern. Immigrants from the non-Western world hold a strong preference for left-of-centre parties. This unusual expression of group voting is so stable over time that it has been referred to as an ‘iron law’. There is, however, a dearth of scholarly research on this phenomenon. This article tests two explanations for the left-of-centre preferences of immigrants in Norway. The first is that the ideological and socio-economic composition of the immigrant electorate explains the preference for left-of-centre parties. If so, these voters' ethnic or immigrant background is not in itself decisive on Election Day. The second hypothesis is that immigrant voters engage in group voting, in which one's ethnic or immigrant background is significant and trumps other concerns when voting. This would express itself in a coherent voting pattern that cannot be explained by other factors. We also expect those who engage in group voting to favour candidates with similar ethnic backgrounds as themselves. The group voting hypothesis finds the strongest support. The immigrant vote appears to be driven by group adherence, rather than by ideology or social background.
A Lasting Impact? On the Legislative Activities of Immigrant-Origin Parliamentarians in Germany
For the Canadian definition of visible minorities and its application in Germany, see A. Wüst, 'A Lasting Impact? On the Legislative Activities of Immigrant-Origin Parliamentarians in Germany', Journal of Legislative Studies 20/4 (2014), pp.495-515.
Paradigmenwechsel ohne Instrumentenwechsel? Kontinuität und Wandel im Politikfeld Migration Sozial-und Wirtschaftspolitik unter Rot-GrünPolitikwandel in der (bundesdeutschen n Migrationspolitik
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D. Vogel and A. Wüst, 'Paradigmenwechsel ohne Instrumentenwechsel? Kontinuität und Wandel im Politikfeld Migration', in M. Seeleib-Kaiser and A. Gohr (eds), Sozial-und Wirtschaftspolitik unter Rot-Grün (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2003), pp.265– 86; K. Schönwälder, 'Politikwandel in der (bundesdeutschen n Migrationspolitik', in U. Davy and A. Weber (eds), Paradigmenwechsel in Einwanderungsfragen? U ¨ berlegungen zum neuen Zuwanderungsgesetz (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2006), pp.8– 22;
  • S Alonso
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S. Alonso and S. Claro da Fonseca, 'Immigration, Left and Right', Party Politics 18/6 (2011), pp.865– 84. 23. Ibid., p.873.
Wenn aus Ausländern Wähler werden: Die ambivalente Rolle der Parteien bei der Repräsentation in Deutschland
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O. Kösemen, 'Wenn aus Ausländern Wähler werden: Die ambivalente Rolle der Parteien bei der Repräsentation in Deutschland', in Bertelsmann Stiftung (ed.), Vielfältiges Deutschland (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2014), pp.217-55.
Die politische Repräsentation von Migranten in Deutschland
  • Heinz Wüst
Wüst and Heinz, 'Die politische Repräsentation von Migranten in Deutschland';
Dauerhaft oder temporär?
  • A Wüst
A. Wüst, 'Dauerhaft oder temporär? Zur Bedeutung des Migrationshintergrunds für Wahlbeteiligung und Parteiwahl bei der Bundestagswahl 2009 ′, Politische Vierteljahresschrift 45 (special issue), (2011), pp.157-78.
SPD party leader Sigmar Gabriel had pledged to finance the election party for the party's regional unit that will provide the first minister of immigrant originSPD-Parteitag: Eine Partei verpackt sich selbst', Badische Zeitung, 26 Sept
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Already in 2010, SPD party leader Sigmar Gabriel had pledged to finance the election party for the party's regional unit that will provide the first minister of immigrant origin; M. Neubauer, 'SPD-Parteitag: Eine Partei verpackt sich selbst', Badische Zeitung, 26 Sept. 2010, available from http://www.–35911663.html (accessed 29 October 2014).
The People's Choice: How the Voter Makes Up His Mind in a Presidential CampaignThe Revival of Group Voting: Explaining the Voting Preferences of Immigrants in Norway
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P. Lazarsfeld, B. Berelson and H. Gaudet, The People's Choice: How the Voter Makes Up His Mind in a Presidential Campaign (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944); J. Bergh and T. Bjørklund, 'The Revival of Group Voting: Explaining the Voting Preferences of Immigrants in Norway', Political Studies 59/2 (2011), pp.308– 27.
Wirtschaftlicher Wandel, religiöser Wandel und Wertewandel. Folgen für das politische Verhalten in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland
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F. Pappi, 'Die konfessionell-religiöse Konfliktlinie in der deutschen Wählerschaft – Entstehung, Stabilität und Wandel', in D. Oberndörfer, H. Rattinger and K. Schmitt (eds), Wirtschaftlicher Wandel, religiöser Wandel und Wertewandel. Folgen für das politische Verhalten in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1985), pp.263–90; M. Debus, 'Sozialstrukturelle und einstellungsbasierte Determinanten des Wahlverhaltens und ihr Einfluss bei den Bundestagswahlen im Zeitverlauf: Westdeutschland 1976– 2009 ′, in R. Schmitt-Beck (ed.), Wählen in Deutschland, Sonderheft der Politischen Vierteljahresschrift (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2012), pp.40– 62.
Einwanderung und die deutschen Parteien: Akzeptanz und Abwehr von Migranten im Widerstreit in der Programmatik von SPD, FDP, den Grünen und CDU
  • K Tietze
K. Tietze, Einwanderung und die deutschen Parteien: Akzeptanz und Abwehr von Migranten im Widerstreit in der Programmatik von SPD, FDP, den Grünen und CDU/CSU (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2008);
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SPD-Parteitag: Eine Partei verpackt sich selbst', Badische Zeitung
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M. Neubauer, 'SPD-Parteitag: Eine Partei verpackt sich selbst', Badische Zeitung, 26 Sept. 2010, available from http://www. (accessed 29 October 2014).
Politikwandel in der (bundes-)deutschen Migrationspolitik
  • K Schönwälder
K. Schönwälder, 'Politikwandel in der (bundes-)deutschen Migrationspolitik', in U. Davy and A. Weber (eds), Paradigmenwechsel in Einwanderungsfragen? Ü berlegungen zum neuen Zuwanderungsgesetz (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2006), pp.8-22;
  • S Alonso
  • S Claro Da Fonseca
S. Alonso and S. Claro da Fonseca, 'Immigration, Left and Right', Party Politics 18/6 (2011), pp.865-84.
Immigration into Politics
  • Wüst
Wüst, 'Immigration into Politics'.