Article

Incorporation beyond Cleavages? Parties, Candidates and Germany's Immigrant-Origin Electorate

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Abstract

This article is an attempt to shed more light on the relationship between parties and immigrants. The focus of the empirical analyses is on candidates and issues as linkage mechanisms between parties and voter groups. The results do not only point to some changes in this relationship, but also to a few elements that indicate a specific representational bond between the immigrant-origin electorate and immigrant-origin politicians. This finding corroborates the ‘politics of presence’ hypothesis by Anne Phillips, but rather as a complementary element of political representation than as a substitute. There are significant differences in some migration-related policy positions of native politicians and of those of immigrant origin – in all parties. Irrespective of the specific voter–candidate relationship among the immigrant-origin population, the analyses in this article strongly support the traditional, party-centred ‘politics of ideas’ approach. Consequently, the political integration of immigrants and their descendants can be characterised as a more general process across parties, and this process is expected to linger on.

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... Indeed, this suggests a general trend of increasing immigrant-origin candidacies. Like in other European democracies (Martin, 2016;Wüst, 2016), also in Switzerland right parties appear to increase their share of immigrant-origin candidates. Switzerland therefore constitutes a relevant case to study the factors underlying this increased interest in immigrant-origin candidates. ...
Article
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... Insbesondere Analysen der kommunalen Ebene sind die Ausnahme (Haußmann 2009;Klinger 2001). Die Repräsentationsforschung hat demgegenüber schon verschiedene politische Ebenen betrachtet (Wüst & Heinz 2009;Schönwälder et al. 2011;Schmitz & Wüst 2011;Schönwälder 2013;Wüst 2014aWüst , 2014bWüst , 2016Markowis 2016;Deiss-Helbig 2017a;Blätte & Wüst 2017;Ceyhan 2018), doch kann auch hier trotz vielfältiger, oft explorativer Forschung nicht von einem konsolidierten Forschungsstand gesprochen werden. ...
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https://minor-kontor.de/die-beteiligung-von-menschen-mit-migrationshintergrund/
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Abstract Despite their structural similarities the two countries have developed contrasting traditions about immigration: a broad consensus about pluralistic integration in the Netherlands, and bitter party conflicts spoiling the atmosphere in Germany. Regarding policy outcomes, however, we find that immigrants are less disadvantaged in Germany — a fact that has been much discussed in the Netherlands, bringing about a new policy of active integration. We conclude that integration processes can be very specific and that multicultural programmes can carry powerful messages of exclusion.
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The composition of eligible voters is changing continuously – in Germany and elsewhere. In electoral analyses, we pay special attention to new, first-time voters and to young voters in general. We consider young people to be trendsetters and we think that parties should pay special attention to this group in order not to lose touch with an age cohort or even with a whole generation. Yet much less attention is paid to those people that join the electorate by naturalisation. Only recently – and as a result of the new citizenship law that took effect in 2000 – have naturalised citizens been perceived as potential party voters, and even the parties’ policy preferences in migration and naturalisation policies are said to be influenced more by the electoral impact of immigration and naturalisation than by any other factor.1There are few data and even less analysis on the voting behaviour of naturalised citizens in Germany, although there has been a recent contribution that fills the gap to some extent, using nationwide and local data.2 The nationwide screening of naturalised citizens in the monthly Politbarometer surveys which have been the source for earlier analyses is replicated for the period from October 2001 to September 2002. Based on these data, this article describes who these naturalised citizens are, how much interest they show in politics, and how well they know parties and politicians. Further, it casts light on how frequently naturalised citizens participate in elections, which parties they vote for, and which ones they tend to avoid. Finally, the article makes an estimate as to the size of the impact made by naturalised citizens on the outcome of Germany's 2002 Bundestag election.
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Studies of the electoral behaviour of immigrants in Western Europe and North America have revealed a remarkably coherent cross-national voting pattern. Immigrants from the non-Western world hold a strong preference for left-of-centre parties. This unusual expression of group voting is so stable over time that it has been referred to as an ‘iron law’. There is, however, a dearth of scholarly research on this phenomenon. This article tests two explanations for the left-of-centre preferences of immigrants in Norway. The first is that the ideological and socio-economic composition of the immigrant electorate explains the preference for left-of-centre parties. If so, these voters' ethnic or immigrant background is not in itself decisive on Election Day. The second hypothesis is that immigrant voters engage in group voting, in which one's ethnic or immigrant background is significant and trumps other concerns when voting. This would express itself in a coherent voting pattern that cannot be explained by other factors. We also expect those who engage in group voting to favour candidates with similar ethnic backgrounds as themselves. The group voting hypothesis finds the strongest support. The immigrant vote appears to be driven by group adherence, rather than by ideology or social background.
A Lasting Impact? On the Legislative Activities of Immigrant-Origin Parliamentarians in Germany
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Politikwandel in der (bundes-)deutschen Migrationspolitik
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