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Genres in Political Discourse
Abstract
Norman Fairclough is former Professor of Language and Social Life in the Linguistics Department at Lancaster University, UK: Emeritus Professor of Lancaster University and Emeritus Professorial Fellow in Lancaster's Institute for Advanced Studies in Management and Social Research. He has written extensively on critical discourse analysis, including work on political discourse. His books include Language and power (Longman, 2nd edn., 2001), Discourse and social change (Polity Press, 1992), Critical discourse analysis (Longman, 1995), Media discourse (Edward Arnold, 1995), Discourse in late modernity (with Lilie Chouliaraki, Edinburgh University Press, 1999), New labour, new language? (Routledge, 2000), and Analyzing discourse: textual analysis for social research (Routledge, 2003). His particular concern has been developing discourse analysis as a theory and method within interdisciplinary research on social change. He is currently working on aspects of ‘transition’ in Central and Eastern Europe from a discourse analytical perspective.
... The major corridor of change is thus intertextuality (Plett ed. 1991; see also Chouliaraki and Fairclough 1999;Wodak 2000;Fairclough 2006), and the driving force is the fluid and shifting character of genres occupying the complex and fast-evolving social fields. The analytic consequences are easy to observe: it may be straightforward to theorize, a priori, upon the content and the function of a political speech, just from its context and the general expert knowledge the analyst possesses, but what if the speech is received in the online multimodal embedding which involves music and image on a par with the speech text? ...
... In the following I claim that this condition is met by the domain of political communication -notwithstanding its being itself "problematic" in actual analysis. Political communication can be taken to encompass all communicative acts whereby (representatives of) different social groups and institutions pursue their (particular) interests, needs, aspirations, and values (Fairclough 2006;Okulska and Cap 2010). The pursuit of political goals always forces individuals or groups to assume both cooperative and competing positions in social interaction, thus upholding or contesting the existing power differential. ...
... but also extraparliamentary campaigns and social movements), and the media system. The role of the media is often to connect the former two, by constantly "depoliticizing" the settled practices of the stabilized political structures of the state and simultaneously "politicizing" the unstable, fluctuating, emergent tendencies and interests of the "lifeworld" or "civil society" (Muntigl 2002;Fairclough 1995Fairclough , 2006. Research in political genres is thus far best documented at the level of (mediatized) national politics; traditionally, such forms as political speeches (Cap 2002(Cap , 2008(Cap , 2010Schäffner ed. ...
Discourse analysis of a sample of Facebook wall posts and photo comments showed that Arab users extensively use colloquial Arabic written in Arabic script or transliterated in Roman script. Standard Arabic is less commonly used. Some use English to communicate with friends. Facebook discourse is also characterized by invented spelling with a stretch of long vowels and punctuation marks. Arabic numerals such as 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9 are used to transcribe Arabic phonemes for which no equivalent graphemes are available in English script. The linguistic forms used by Arab adults in social networks are similar to those used by young adults in other languages such as Chinese and Japanese. Young Arabs reported that these forms are trendy in Internet communication which is informal and casual. Some have difficulty expressing themselves in Standard Arabic. New educational and linguistic policies for reinforcing the use of Standard Arabic among the young generation need to be established.
http://www.kaa.ff.ukf.sk/topics/issue8.pdf
... texts of law, literary and scientific genres, professional jargon and so forth) (Bakhtin, 1986). A policy document, for instance, can be considered a typical form of utterance, that is, a speech genre (Fairclough, 2006). Any such utterance is a link in a chain of speech communication of a particular sphere, which both responds to past utterances and expects subsequent responses of the other(s) for whom the utterance is constructed. ...
... Through the lens of genres, the meaningmaking aspect of Danish urban policy was embedded and enacted through various political genres (Fairclough, 2006) -political speeches, policy documents, press releases, news conferences and so forth (Frandsen & Hansen, 2020;Freiesleben, 2016;Simonsen, 2016). These political genres also relied on what Fairclough (2003) calls 'pre-genres', which are abstract general categories that transcend particular social practices, such as narrative, argument and description. ...
The current research studies demonstrations held in Copenhagen, Denmark, between 2020 and 2023 in the wake of the 2018 ‘parallel society agreement’ (a.k.a. ‘ghetto-laws’). The stated aim of this legislation was to facilitate the integration of ethnic minorities into mainstream society by drawing middle-class Danish residents into public housing areas defined by high levels of ethnic minority populations. We draw on dialogical and socio-cultural psychology to view demonstrations as communicative settings in which speakers locate problems, imagine futures and suggest pathways for action. Speakers’ problematizations and engagements with scenarios of collective action were formulated around three thematic domains: (1) intentions and motives of ‘institutional others’; (2) dystopia-utopia and; (3) expanding a constrictive future. As the legislation was increasingly implemented throughout the 3-year period, this was reflected in dialogical dynamics between different temporalities; and as a lawsuit initiated by a group of residents seemed to gain ground, this sustained a horizon of hope and volition. On a more general level, we stress the significance of the legal domain for engaging with the possible – particularly for urban social movements fighting for the ‘right to the city’. We similarly discuss the implications of our results for addressing urban marginalization.
... Within news broadcasting, the Today programmeme enjoys a high profile within political and media circles as a bedrock for quality news interviews, challenging, questioning and setting the day's political agenda. Broadcast on weekdays between 6 a.m. and 9 a.m., and on Saturdays between 7 a.m. and 9 a.m., the programmeme attracts prominent political and social commentators as well as influencing to a lesser or greater extent the order of political discourse (Fairclough, 1998). ...
... This ordinariness is also at the heart of what Fairclough (1995a) refers to as the 'conversationalization' of media language. In Fairclough's (1998) analysis of a radio news programme, also applied to the Today programmeme, he identifies the added news value of the programmeme, the possibility of influencing the political order of discourse, as located in the presenters' ability to emulate the language of 'ordinary discourse', or 'the man propping up the lounge bar on a Sunday lunchtime' (Fairclough, 1998 : 157). He also notes how this programmeme is able to assemble a large number of prominent commentators and interviewees and how it repeatedly returns to a story throughout the three hour programme. ...
... Here the ARC, in this case as redactor, imposes his monologic authority on the texts and the readers, and this could be related to his intention and motivation of the project and his relationship with the priest Francisco de Ávila. Although further studies about this kind of text are needed, I would suggest calling it a new genre, considering a genre as dynamic and -beyond the formal aspects of style, form and content -"a more or less stabilized and habitual linguistic way of acting and interacting, characterized by a distinctive linguistic form or structure, associated with specific communicative purposes, and with particular social or institutional contexts" (Fairclough 2009: 293, cf. Corbett 2009, and, I would add, in our case taking into account its oralliterary background or interface. ...
In: Linguistics in Amsterdam 15/1: 7-70
In colonial Peru, at the beginning of the 17th century, an anonymous author wrote down in Quechua what has become known as the Huarochirí Traditions. This author made use of his knowledge of writing which he had acquired in the missionary context (in ancient Peru writing was not known). In order to document the traditions of his people from the highlands of Central Peru within the framework of the dominant culture of the Spanish colonial empire, he re-formulated and wrote down myths and descriptions of rituals in their own language, Quechua, but following Spanish conventions of composing a book, and adding comments from a Christian point of view. The objective was the conservation of traditions (stated in the manuscript’s preface) (sections 1.1 and 1.2.) As the person responsible for composing this work has remained anonymous and the characteristics of the writer and the texts are complex, I will refer to him as an author-redactor-compiler (ARC) (section 1.3).
I will study how the texts change from (hypothetical) oral discourse to the written form and how far this results in textual re-creation, re-shaping or transmutation. Combining the pragmatics of writing and oral-to-written discussions (section 2) shows how the texts draw on both modes of expression (sections 3.1 and 3.2), and I will consider how these features are evident in the text layers which I identify (section 3.3.1). These are indigenous narrators’ core voices (3.3.2), discourse and syntax in the enveloping texts which create the framework of a book (3.3.3), the close intertwinement of core and enveloping text layers, especially in the description of rituals and ceremonies (3.3.4) and the marginal notes (3.3.5).
My analysis shows that content, discourse and language use in the Huarochirí Traditions is multivocal and characteristic of texts which are situated between the oral and the written sphere and which can be seen as transitional texts, at the interface between the two modes of expression (section 4).
... У том случају већина истраживања критичких студија дискурса могла би се окарактерисати као анализа политичког дискурса. Ферклаф (Fairclough 2006) истиче да домен политике "није недвосмислено oграничен, већ друштвено конструисан и отворен за различите конструкције" (33). Утврђивање "политичког", према Чилтону и Шефнер (Chilton and Schaffner 1997), резултат је процеса политизације у којем се као "потенцијално политички" показују они чинови који укључују моћ или отпор који јој се пружа (211). ...
Starting from the thesis that critical discourse studies, with their qualitative, critical and explanatory approach to the study of political communication, represent a valuable complement to the dominant approaches that privilege the positivist paradigm and quantitative research, in this paper we tried to provide more complex insights into the scientific contributions of these studies to the study of political discourse, through observing the specifics of their theoretical-methodological frameworks, analytical categories and interpretive procedures. For this purpose, some of the key features of Teun van Dijk's sociocognitive approach, Paul Chilton's cognitive-linguistic approach, Ruth Wodak's discursive-historical approach and Norman Fairclough's dialectical-relational argumentative approach were considered. In the introductory part of the paper, we provided an overview of the general distinctive features, main starting points and research interests of the critical analysis of political discourse, as well as an insight into the basic dilemma related to the scope of the content of the term "political discourse". The central part of the work consists of two complementary parts. In the first part, we started from the presentation of the analytical aspects of the following levels and dimensions of the political discourse structure: topics, superstructures or textual schemata, local semantics, lexicon, syntax, rhetoricand speech acts. Using an analytical-synthetic approach, we connected the semantic-grammatical dimensions of the textual level and the cognitive-pragmatic dimensions of the discursive level of production and analysis of political discourse. The second part of the central part of the work is focused on the presentation of the theoretical framework of the argumentative approach to political discourse, as a kind of upgrade and reframing of existing conceptual settings and analytical categories. In the concluding review of the insights reached in the article, as the main scientific contribution of critical studies of political discourse, we singled out the way in which is achieved the synthesis of systemic, but contextually sensitive textual analysis on the one hand, and descriptive, normative and explanatory viewpoints of critical social research, on the other.
... Considerando el amplio análisis que se ha hecho sobre producciones discursivas políticas y religiosas, que con frecuencia revelan mensajes de intención aglutinadora y de adhesión presuntamente colectiva, se ha validado tanto el diálogo como la tensión entre voz institucional y voz individual asumiendo que, en este caso, el límite de ambos discursos es difuso. Así como en el ámbito político y religioso se ha producido un tránsito desde la perspectiva del discurso como una construcción exclusiva de élites (Van Dijk, 1997) hacia una construcción social que también puede expresarse en mensajes mediáticos o individuales al margen (Fairclough, 2006;Randour, Perrez y Reuchamps, 2020), hoy es evidente que los discursos institucionales (incluso los expresados de manera escrita) pueden referir negociaciones de poder y sentido muy diversas (Chilton y Schäffner, 2002), siendo indiscutible la legitimidad de la heterogeneidad en la producción de intención colectiva, y obligando a reconocer en los mensajes concesiones, conflictos e índices de pluralidad (Bonnin, 2007). ...
Este artículo analiza cómo se aborda la enseñanza del golpe de Estado y la dictadura civil-militar entendida como un tema controversial, y cómo se vincula con las expectativas del profesorado sobre su enseñanza. Surge a partir de un proyecto en el que participan tres carreras de formación del profesorado de una universidad pública y cinco establecimientos educacionales de Santiago, desarrollado con el propósito de fortalecer una ciudadanía crítica en los espacios escolares a partir de la enseñanza del golpe de Estado y la creación de artefactos de memoria. Se optó por una metodología cualitativa con utilización de técnicas provenientes del análisis del discurso y documental. Como principales hallazgos se revela que el diseño de la enseñanza del golpe de Estado se aborda desde las múltiples dimensiones de su controversialidad (experiencia y memoria histórica, relevancia en el presente, vulneración de derechos humanos) materializadas en los artefactos de memoria construidos. Dicho abordaje se relaciona directamente con las expectativas del profesorado manifestadas como oportunidades, complejidades, tensiones y posicionamiento teórico y expresadas en estrecha relación a través de los distintos componentes de la planificación de la enseñanza. En conclusión, la controversialidad posibilita y desafía el ejercicio de la problematización curricular y se resuelve en el plano didáctico a partir de actividades y experiencias de memoria.
... Therefore, this method excludes other forms of discourse, such as discourse on political issues or civil discourse in the media, from the scope of political discourse analysis. Fairclough (2006) argued that the political discourse should not be pre-defined but should be understood as "socially constructed". Political discourse analysis should be oriented towards social issues, focus on the relationship among language, ideology, power and social structure, and reveal how language serves stances and values from three angles: text, discourse practice and social practice (Fairclough, 1993). ...
Since 2020, the Covid-19 epidemic has become a hot issue in the world. Based on the theory of modality combined with political discourse analysis, this study aims to analyze the situation of the prevention and control of the Covid-19 epidemic, to dissect American people’s attitudes towards the epidemic and to discuss the influence of American political system with 30 news reports from the New York Times by the combination of quantitative analysis and qualitative analysis. The findings are as follows. In terms of Modality, modal operators clearly reflect interviewers’ opinions and interviewees’ attitudes. In terms of political institutions, federalism, differences between two parties, and conflicts between them make it a challenge for the United States to surmount Covid-19.
... The aim of the article has been to characterize some of the most significant approaches to the study of metadiscourse traits in the political realm, especially considering that political genres have undergone a radical transformation in the last few decades. Even canonical political genres associated with the state system at a national level (parliamentary debates and political speeches would be a case in point) have recently suffered a complicated process of mediatization altering some of their typical generic features (Fairclough 2006;Cap and Okulska 2013). Consequently, it is the job of discourse analysts to have a closer look at the different metadiscoursal ways of revealing the new rhetorical strategies adopted by political discourse participants in recent times, with an emphasis on those strategies aimed at both attracting and persuading vast audiences in overtly mediatized political genres. ...
Metadiscourse features play a decisive role in the attainment of persuasion in different discourse domains and genres. Political genres, generally linked to the formal expression of viewpoints by national and international leaders, displays a vast amount of metadiscourse features aimed at persuading large audiences. This article offers a critical review of some important approaches to the study of metadiscourse traits in political discourse. The paper is organized as follows: (1) an introduction to the concept of metadiscourse and its potential as an analytical framework for the study of persuasion; (2) a description of contemporary political discourse, highlighting some current characteristics of political genres; (3) a discussion of the main approaches to the examination of political genres from a metadiscoursal perspective; and (4) conclusions on the strengths and shortcomings of the abovementioned approaches as regards the exploration of persuasive aspects in contemporary political talk.
... further defines recontextualization as the dynamic transfer and transformation of a discourse or text in context, and holds that recontextualization occurs in all discourses and can be divided into intratextual, intertextual and interdiscursive recontextualization.Fairclough (2006) describes it as systematic procedures for feeding public dialogue and deliberation into policy-making processes which can be seen as partly a matter of the existence of established re-lations of recontextualization between the genre of public sphere dialogue and the genres of policy making. Fairclough later explores recontextualization from the perspective of dialectical relations and Wodak and Fairclough (2010) from the perspective of discourse historical analysis. ...
... As Fairclough (2006) declared, the genre is the linguistic way of acting and interacting. Genre holds repeated patterns that are recognizable in a specific discourse that follows a related purpose to attain a goal. ...
Subtitles, as the most common form of audiovisual translation, allow international viewers from all backgrounds to access, comprehend, enjoy, interpret, and remember audiovisual products. However, if not performed properly, they may occasionally restrict the viewer’s interpretive options, resulting in the loss of many literary or dramatic features of the original films. Focusing on the emotion words/expressions as a distinctive feature of drama, the current study evaluated the quality of the English subtitles of five top Persian drama films. Johnson-Laird and Oatley’s (1989) list was used to identify the emotion words/expressions in the corpus. Pedersen’s (2017) FAR model was employed to evaluate the emotion words/expressions as used in the English subtitles. The results of the study showed that, although the films were subtitled for international film festivals, about four-fifth of subtitles were erroneous of a serious type. The findings reveal that a crucial aspect of maintaining the emotional burden of the genre of drama in translation, particularly subtitling, is conveying equivalently the emotion words/expressions. The findings will be of use not only to researchers and students but also to future audiovisual translators/subtitlers seeking further knowledge in the transfer of emotive language.
... The communicative context in which the debates takes place influences the argumentative activity, as it determines, e.g., the outcomes aimed for, the roles of the participants involved, and the rules or conventions with respect to the argumentative means available to them ( van Eemeren 2010). The interests and values of the individual participants further shape the practice (Fairclough 2006): the context of televised election debates is heavily influenced by the candidates' objective to persuade the electorate to vote for them, and the broadcasting networks' aim of providing a fair and well-viewed platform for doing so. ...
Argument schemes are abstractions substantiating the inferential connection between premise(s) and conclusion in argumentative communication. Identifying such conventional patterns of reasoning is essential to the interpretation and evaluation of argumentation. Whether studying argumentation from a theory-driven or data-driven perspective, insight into the actual use of argumentation in communicative practice is essential. Large and reliably annotated corpora of argumentative discourse to quantitatively provide such insight are few and far between. This is all the more true for argument scheme corpora, which tend to suffer from a combination of limited size, poor validation, and the use of ad hoc restricted typologies. In the current paper, we describe the annotation of schemes on the basis of two distinct classifications: Walton’s taxonomy of argument schemes, and Wagemans’ Periodic Table of Arguments. We describe the annotation procedure for each, and the quantitative characteristics of the resulting annotated text corpora. In doing so, we extend the annotation of the preexisting US2016 corpus of televised election debates, resulting in, to the best of our knowledge, the two largest consistently annotated corpora of schemes in argumentative dialogue publicly available. Based on evaluation in terms of inter-annotator agreement, we propose further improvements to the guidelines for annotating schemes: the argument scheme key, and the Argument Type Identification Procedure.
... Furthermore, to investigate the discourse transformation from the central government's administrative requirement to local governments' communicative open letters, this study adopted the recontextualization theory (Fairclough, 1995(Fairclough, , 2003(Fairclough, , 2006Wodak, 2001). Systemic functional grammar (Halliday and Matthiessen, 2004) and metaphor analysis were also adopted to analyze the interpersonal and ideological meanings in the data. ...
In response to the threat of COVID-19, China initiated a nationwide campaign. Ideological work such as explaining the implemented policies and persuading the public always took a central role in mobilization, and it has been emphasized by Chinese government during Covid-19 as well. The legitimation discourse used in the campaign is the focus of the current study. The investigation takes into consideration the political logic of the relationship between the central and local governments as well as their working mechanism. More specifically, a total of 84 open letters written by the local governments to mobilize residents during the COVID-19 pandemic were analyzed. The study integrated the CDA perspective, legitimation theory, and campaign-style governance and examined what ideological discourses are constructed in the open letters, what type of authority is constructed for legitimation, and what is the main communication style used. In addition, the study paid attention to the patterns among the different local government ranks. The findings revealed that moral appeal and political authority were the key elements of legitimation discourse, but governments with lower ranks exhibited a trend of de-ideologization. Meanwhile, impersonal politeness and direct bold command contradictorily co-existed in open letters of basic level local governments. These finding reveal that despite the top government's centralized power, realization of ideological work in a national campaign is confined by the divergent and complicated realities of local governments.
... Within the context of the mediatization of politics, analysis of televised political interviews has become a key research focus within the literature Ekström & Tolson, 2017;Fairclough, 2009). As noted by Fairclough (2009, p. 294), "political interviews have attracted considerable research interest as the genre that has been most potent in the way television has transformed the character of politics in the past 50 years." ...
This chapter presents an introduction to the book. It is divide into three parts. The first part defines political interviews as an organized media genre, followed by a discussion of the diversified forms of political interviews and their venues. This part especially details the in-depth broadcast media, concluding with a short discussion on the importance of analyzing broadcast political interviews as an important means for political information in a society. The second part of this chapter focuses on a proposed model consisting of eight elements or factors that need to be considered in studying political interviews. These include the participants, the interviewers’ questions and interviewees’ replies, the questions/replies sequences, the social/political atmosphere at the time of the interview, media organization, the setting of the interview session, as well as the general social culture and specific political culture in which the interview takes place. These elements are detailed one-by-one in a form of a model, suggesting questions that should be addressed regarding each element in future studies of broadcast interviews. Finally, the chapter details the structure of the book and briefly describes each chapter’s contributions.
... Within the context of the mediatization of politics, analysis of televised political interviews has become a key research focus within the literature (Clayman & Heritage, 2002;Ekström & Tolson, 2017;Fairclough, 2009). As noted by Fairclough (2009, p. 294), "political interviews have attracted considerable research interest as the genre that has been most potent in the way television has transformed the character of politics in the past 50 years." ...
The purpose of this chapter is to critically explore the strategiesStrategy employed by journalists when interviewing the contemporary far-rightFar-right. Drawing on a Critical Discourse AnalysisCritical Discourse Analysis (CDA) (CDA) of three television interviews with Australia’s most prominent far-right populistPopulistpolitician, Pauline HansonHanson, Pauline, this research reveals that journalists employ a suite of interviewing strategiesStrategy, from neutral and accommodative to confrontational and adversarial. This chapter advances the argument that conventional interviewing strategies are ineffective against the contemporary populistPopulist far-right who have benefited from disproportionate media coverage throughout the twenty-first century. It concludes by arguing that journalists must revaluate their strategiesStrategy when dealing with the far-right to avoid advancing their political project and furthering their mainstreaming and normalization within society.
... There have been long and relatively established studies on political speeches done by different experts (e.g., Amalia et al., 2021;Bastow, 2010;Cap, 2002Cap, , 2008El-Hussari, 2010;Fairclough, 2006;Graham et al., 2004;Muntigl, 2002;Reisigl, 2008;Sauer, 2002;Schäffner, 1997). The elaborative study of language in political speeches has been a significant research area, as underlined by Finlayson (2004, p. 538). ...
... There have been long and relatively established studies on political speeches done by different experts (e.g., Amalia et al., 2021;Bastow, 2010;Cap, 2002Cap, , 2008El-Hussari, 2010;Fairclough, 2006;Graham et al., 2004;Muntigl, 2002;Reisigl, 2008;Sauer, 2002;Schäffner, 1997). The elaborative study of language in political speeches has been a significant research area, as underlined by Finlayson (2004, p. 538). ...
Giving speeches is one's vital competency for creating a country's image in the global arena. Every political speech represents the speaker's deliberative reasoning to respond to the existing situation and is a synoptic lens of the intended judgment on particular issues. This study explores three Indonesian speakers' textual and discoursal strategies in the opening of three political speeches. By employing qualitative research, the researchers analyzed the textual and discoursal properties in terms of features, characters, and structures of argumentation and the speakers' flow of thinking realized linguistically. This research found that the speeches' micro and macro components are in mutual supporting functions to accommodate the themes of the discourse. Verbally, each speaker built their image as a figure who concerns solidarity, a leader who is aware of the global crisis, and an activist who promotes Indonesia's positive global roles. The findings imply the pivotal roles of textual and discoursal strategies to construct the national and personal image of a politician delivering a speech for the global audience. This study is expected to be beneficial for ESP, especially for the teaching of English for Public Relations.
... The communicative context in which the debates takes place influences the argumentative activity, as it determines, e.g., the outcomes aimed for, the roles of the participants involved, and the rules or conventions with respect to the argumentative means available to them ( van Eemeren 2010). The interests and values of the individual participants further shape the practice (Fairclough 2006): the context of televised election debates is heavily influenced by the candidates' objective to persuade the electorate to vote for them, and the broadcasting networks' aim of providing a fair and well-viewed platform for doing so. ...
Argument schemes are abstractions substantiating the inferential connection between premise(s) and conclusion in argumentative communication. Identifying such conventional patterns of reasoning is essential to the interpretation and evaluation of argumentation. Whether studying argumentation from a theory-driven or data-driven perspective, insight into the actual use of argumentation in communicative practice is essential. Large and reliably annotated corpora of argumentative discourse to quantitatively provide such insight are few and far between. This is all the more true for argument scheme corpora, which tend to suffer from a combination of limited size, poor validation, and the use of ad hoc restricted typologies. In the current paper, we describe the annotation of schemes on the basis of two distinct classifications: Walton’s taxonomy of argument schemes, and Wagemans’ Periodic Table of Arguments. We describe the annotation procedure for each, and the quantitative characteristics of the resulting annotated text corpora. In doing so, we extend the annotation of the preexisting US2016 corpus of televised election debates, resulting in, to the best of our knowledge, the two largest consistently annotated corpora of schemes in argumentative dialogue publicly available. Based on evaluation in terms of inter-annotator agreement, we propose further improvements to the guidelines for annotating schemes: the argument scheme key, and the Argument Type Identification Procedure.
... In total, 12 articles of 164 (7.31%) analyzed the discourse produced by such actors. Overall, these studies envisage political discourse as a social construct (Fairclough, 2006). Similarly, following Pelinka's (2007) argument that any issue can potentially be political, they also include discourses produced by actors from the civil society. ...
There is a long tradition of linguistic research on political discourse, but little attention has been paid to what the concept of political discourse itself encompasses. With this in mind, this article aims to understand what types of discourse are categorized as ‘political’ in linguistic research and what their characteristics are (form, type of actors, policy domains, geographical coverage). To this end, we conducted a systematic literature review of 164 scientific articles from the Scopus database. Overall, the findings show that political discourse is generally limited to the discourses of (institutionalized) political elites and most specifically to oral monological speeches. The review also highlights discrepancies regarding the geographical scope and the policy domains covered by the empirical analyses, more specifically a bias toward the Western world and issues related to external defense policies, justice and home affairs.
... • genres are socially situated; • genres are purposeful and goal-oriented; • genres are primarily a rhetorical category (Myers 2007, Hyland 2000; • genres are intertextual, not isolated, and interact with each other (the intertextual relationships among genres have been described through metaphors such as dialogues (Bakhtin 1986), chains (Räisänen 1999), systems (Bazerman 1994(Bazerman , 2004, colonies (Bhatia 2004), networks of genres (Fairclough 2006), etc. Bhatia (2004) also points out that despite their conventionalized features, genres tend to be dynamic, evolving and subject to constant changes and development, which is in congruence with the Prague school idea of the open character of the system of language. In fact, in contrast to the traditional view of genres as clearly distinct entities, more recent studies have begun to see genres in relation to other genres and how these are influenced by other genres, drawing attention to the notion of interdiscursivity. ...
... The concept of genre has become one of the fundamental theoretical constructs of Linguistics, Discourse Studies and Translation Studies. Among numerous approaches to genres, we understand them, after Fairclough (2006), as "a more or less stabilized and habitual linguistic way of acting and interacting, characterized by a distinctive linguistic form or structure, associated with specific communicative purposes, and with particular social or institutional contexts" (2006,32). Based on this definition, in this case EU genres, institutional genres are the EU institutions' conventional ways of acting and interacting linguistically, or rather, multi-linguistically in up to 24 official languages, through the mediation of translators and interpreters. ...
This paper explores the formulaicity of EU translations into Polish across four institutional genres (legislation, judgments, reports, websites) with reference to the corresponding EU English corpora in order to understand how the degree of formulaicity is affected by the variable of genre. Formulaicity is operationalised as lexical bundles – high-frequency multi-word sequences ( Biber and Barbieri 2007 ). The study shows a strong correlation between formulaicity and genres, as well as multiple facets of formulaicity (e.g. tokens vs. types). Our findings generally confirm the increased aggregate formulaicity of translations as regards bundle tokens for all EU genres, except for judgments, and the increased variation of bundles (types) for all the genres at the 40 occurrences per million words (pmw) threshold, although the “micro-formulaicity” threshold yielded inconclusive results. Another finding reveals a consistently low overlap of bundles between translations and non-translations. We argue that translations develop their own formulaic profiles which are levelled out compared to EU English corpora and which minimally overlap with formulaic profiles of domestic genres.
... Tetapi pada saat meng- analisis konteks, proses produksi, dan kebermaknaan, analisis wacana meman- dang teks sebagai bagian dari struktur makro. Pandangan ini didasarkan pada kenyataan bahwa sosok wacana tidak hanya terdiri dari aspek kebahasaan, tetapi juga bagaimana proses pemun- culannya dan ideologi apa yang ada di- baliknya (Fairclough, 1995:54;1998). ...
This study on the political strategy in the language use in Susilo BambangYudhoyono’s speeches is focused on the language behaviors. The data were collected from the internet sources containing his speeches in several occasions with regard to political policies during his presidency. The data were analyzed using the critical discourse analysis approach. The results show that his political strategy in the language use is reflected in the uses of words, sentences, and figures of speech. The language use helps public understandings of the conditions that Indonesian people are now facing and supports his presidency. From the language praxis, his political strategy in the language use is relevant to language behaviors in general.
... Texts are "encoded in and determined by discourse and genre" (Wodak 2008b: 17) and discourse practices, in general, are seen to be conditioned by the type of social activity, or genre, being pursued (Fairclough 1995). Genres can be defined as various ways of (inter)acting linguistically, which are distinguished by genre-specific linguistic forms and/or structures and are closely linked to specific social and institutional contexts (Fairclough 2006). In her view, Wodak highlights the importance of "social practices, conventions, rules and norms governing certain sets or groups of speakers" (loc. ...
This study proposes the application of a number of important tenets from Critical Discourse Analysis, specifically the Discourse-Historical Approach, to interpreter studies and training. It recognizes the crucial distinctions of text, discourse and genre in the sphere of politics and proposes a multi-layered interdisciplinary model of context to analyze source texts. The application of the model is illustrated on three political speeches that share the pro-active discourse of climate change.
The influence of political language on global communication cannot be denied. This is unique language and it is used by politicians, policymakers or every people that are involved in politics as a tools to express their ideas, policy and objective towards a society. What make this language unique is its complexity, specific jargon terms and its ability to control and influence the emotion, prospection and perception of majority of people. There are many objectives to this current research. First we are going to take a critical look on how through the understanding of empirical data on a subject area, carefully drawn conclusions can be made and further evidenced through a literature review. We are going to know the meaning of political language, the difference between political language and regular communication. The importance of political language in the global interaction such as the political jargon role in international affairs and the effect of political language on international relations. We will also us the example of real life and case studies to show the impact of political language and to expose us to how people of authority and influence use this language to manipulate and mold the perception of the masses. We are able to view the effects of political language in modeling people perception. We will be able to research and determine how the media influence political discussion across the globe and impact people perception negatively or positively, and the role of translation and future cases towards political language to improve global interaction, engagement, understanding and communication. In conclusion, upon our research’s findings, we would make some suggestions we think can help politician communicating better using this method of communication to ease their ing political conversation and engaging the global audience. The essence of the work research we are going to do here is to provide some invaluable benefits to the policy maker, politician and other influential and powerful people in the world sphere of decision making. We would also be able to help in creating opportunities for better global interaction, communication, reduction and dismantling of deadly political language and rebuild and reinforce positive communication between and inside the global community.
The chapter is devoted to the notion of authenticity in relation to the stylistic aspects of communication. We understand authenticity as a stylistic and social meaning and focus on its understanding in communication in general and in citizen-oriented political communication. The more traditional and newer genres used in election campaigning are identified, and we interpret their relevant stylistic aspects in relation to authenticity. The basis of the research carried out was the political campaign of the candidates in the presidential elections of the Slovak Republic in 2024.
The aim of this paper is to analyze and compare the language used in the New Year’s addresses of the presidents of Bulgaria, Austria and Türkiye and describe the major differences in terms of topics and expressions used. The cross-linguistic critical analysis attempts to reveal both how the political background of the presidents is reflected in their speeches and how the different scope of powers these presidents possess influences the choice of topics and their linguistic means of expression. The presidents of Bulgaria, Austria and Türkiye come from different political traditions, namely the socialist tradition, the environmental movement and the Islamic-conservative tradition. True to historically close relations with Russia, Radev avoids taking sides when talking about the Russia-Ukrainian war. A former speaker of the Austrian Green Party, van der Bellen is the only one of the three presidents who mentions the climate crisis as one of the major challenges of the future. And only AKP’s leader Erdoğan resorts to constructing fears and referring to God’s help he is hoping to receive. While Radev and van der Bellen position themselves as observers of political and social life, Erdoğan primarily focuses on the achievements of his party. In terms of field of action, the speeches of Radev and van der Bellen can be determined as belonging to ‘Formation of public attitudes, opinions and will’. In Erdoğan’s speech, we find elements from ‘Formation of public attitudes, opinions and will’, ‘Political advertising’ and ‘Political executive and administration’.
La emoción constituye un componente esencial de lo que entendemos por discurso político. Tomando como punto de partida la teoría de la valoración descrita por Martin y White (2005) que reformulan parcialmente Benítez-Castro e Hidalgo-Tenorio (2019), este trabajo tiene como objetivo general analizar y comparar el papel de la emoción como estrategia retórica utilizada en la construcción del discurso político en inglés y español en contextos de crisis. En concreto, se centra en analizar y comparar el componente afectivo de discursos políticos que tuvieron lugar como respuesta a la crisis social surgida por la pandemia de la COVID-19 en tres países distintos: Estados Unidos, Reino Unido y España. Para ello, se examinará un corpus de discursos políticos pertenecientes al género de las conferencias de prensa.
The article presents an overview of the main trends and approaches to the study of political discourse. The combination of linguistic and ideological structural approaches to the discourse analysis of specific texts leads to an understanding of discourse as a point of intersection of language and ideology, and discursive analysis as an analysis of ideological aspects of language use and the implementation of a certain ideology in language. Institutional discourse is a discourse determined by the types of social institutions formed in a certain society, characterized by a number of linguistically relevant features determined by such factors as the purpose of communication, the representative communicative function of its participants, and fixed typical circumstances of communication. One of the types of institutional discourse is political discourse, which is a reflection of the socio-political life of the country, contains elements of its culture, and also reflects the features of the national character, general and national-specific cultural values, and aims to gain and maintain political power. The main functions of political discourse are informative, instrumental, prognostic, normative, legitimating, persuasive and political propaganda. In political linguistics, genres related to the functioning of the political system are distinguished (for example, parliamentary debates, political manifestos and programs, reports of party leaders at conferences, political documents), genres related to mass media (for example, political news, political interviews, talk shows, political advertising in the press) and genres related to the public sphere (for example, meetings with citizens, political forums). Emphasizing the special role of the media in the implementation of political discourse, with the help of which it becomes addressed to a large audience, public, there is a tendency to merge the discourse of the mass media and political discourse.
This paper deals with multiple hedges with non-factive verbs and phrases in political interviews in Serbian and English. Political interview, as a specific type of political discourse, is increasingly present in the media and is becoming the main form of communication between political actors and the public. This type of interview is both a source of information for the public and a means for conducting political campaigns. Since politicians are responsible to their voters for their every action and statement, they must choose carefully what to say and how to say it. One of the important characteristics of their discourse is the hedging of propositional content, because they sometimes cannot or do not want to give an explicit answer to delicate questions. In these cases, they use one or more hedges to make their statements acceptable to the public without compromising or committing themselves. Linguistic disciplines that deal with the analysis of all types of discourse, including political and media discourse, are pragmatics and critical discourse analysis, which represent the theoretical basis of this paper. Examining political interviews in English and Serbian, our goal has been to classify and describe multiple hedges used by politicians in conversations and determine their discursive functions, as well as to perform a contrastive analysis of the use of hedges in these two languages. The results have generally confirmed the initial hypotheses about the main functions of multiple hedges.
A Brief Analysis of the Services Provided to Syrians in Temporary Protection Status: The Case of Adana Metropolitan Municipality
Today, people migrate individually or collectively for various reasons. The phenomenon of migration, which emerged as a result of wars, conflicts, human rights violations, terrorism, hunger, oppressive governments, climate change, and the desire to live in better conditions, is one of the most discussed and important issues today. Perceiving migration as a social event in which people change their settlements alone would be an incomplete perspective. Migration is a much more complex process than that. Because immigrants face many problems while adapting to changing conditions, and they have a positive/negative effect on the socio-economic and demographic structure of the countries they migrate to.
Turkey is one of the countries directly affected by the immigration and refugees problem, which started in Syria in 2011 and is still ongoing due to the civil war. The conflict and political instability in Syria caused the death of hundreds of thousands of people and the emigration of millions. Turkey was caught unprepared for this migration wave. At the first stage, immigrants were welcomed in the camps established on the Syrian border, with the increasing number of Syrians, the right to reside outside the camps was granted to them, and today, millions of Syrians have started to reside in different cities across the country.
In our study, the regulations for Syrians under temporary protection status and the services provided by Adana Metropolitan Municipality Immigration and Immigration Affairs Branch Office were examined. In this context, first of all, Turkey's policies towards Syrians will be briefly discussed, and then the place of local governments among migration policies will be mentioned. Afterwards, the services provided to Syrians by Adana Metropolitan Municipality will be briefly discussed and the study will be concluded. It is thought that the efforts of Adana Metropolitan Municipality Immigration and Migrant Affairs Branch Directorate to meet the needs of Syrians under temporary protection status and to ensure their social cohesion will contribute positively to the relations between the host society and the Syrians.
Keywords: Migration, Syrians, Integration, Central Government, Local Government.
Introduction. The article examines the peculiarities of the image construction of the Ukrainian war refugees as the consequence of political changes that swept the world in the war in Ukraine unleashed by Russia on February, 24, 2022. The relevance of the study is due to the growing scientific interest in the phenomenology of the discourse of migrants and refugees and its aspects.Methods. The research of mass media discourse was conducted in the context of critical discourse analysis (CDA).Results. The study based on the material of the British press analyses the mechanisms of the refugees’ image formation. As an instrument of the impact on the society, mass media discourse is structured and meets certain requirements. We identify the discourse topics where the Ukrainian refugees are presented as the threat to European security, as the most socially vulnerable individuals suffering the consequences of the war in their home country or as heroes forced to risk their lives. As social actors, Ukrainian refugees are represented either as a collective identity, or as individuals. The study concludes about the strategies that form the image of refugees (impersonification, victimization, referential, in-group and out-group framing), about the linguistic means verbalizing the strategies (generalised nouns, numerals, adjectives, idioms and collocations), and the stylistic figures (metaphors, allusions, oxymoron, hyperbolas, personification). Discussion. The prospects for further exploration we see in the study of the image of the Ukrainian refugees in the social media discourse.
The United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union, known as Brexit, is arguably the most important political, social, and economic phenomenon in British post‐WWII history. This paper analyses parliamentary debates from December 2018 concerning the European Withdrawal Act, focusing on the epistemic modality of Member of Parliaments' (MP) statements, to investigate the ontology of Brexit. Epistemic modality refers to linguistic devices that allow modification with regards to confidence, truthfulness, and probability, and enables investigation of MPs' commitments. Commitments are a part of their status function declaration, which create institutional reality. Analysis of such commitments permits inference about the institutional reality of Brexit. A video abstract is available at https://youtu.be/90RRWApg0rQ.
Rhetorical analysis of Hillary Clinton's speeches:" Keynote speech"(2013) and "Women's rights are human rights speech"(1995)
Artykuł ma cel eksploracyjny. Podjęto w nim próbę zrekonstruowania praktyk analizy dyskursu na podstawie badania zawartości abstraktów czasopism anglojęzycznych z zakresu analizy dyskursu („Language in Society”, „Discourse Studies”, „Discourse and Society”, „Language and Communication”, „Text and Talk”). Analizie poddano czasopisma mające wysoki współczynnik cytowalności i w związku z tym duży wpływ na wyznaczanie głównych trendów metodologicznych w analizie dyskursu. Obliczono częstotliwość występowania typów materiału badawczego (np. dyskurs ustny i mówiony) i przedmiotu analizy (interakcja instytucjonalna, codzienna, medialna i internetowa) oraz podejść teoretycznych i kategorii badawczych. Na podstawie szczegółowej analizy zróżnicowania pomiędzy czasopismami i tendencji wspólnych dla nich wszystkich dokonano wstępnych uogólnień na temat praktyk analizy dyskursu w krajach anglosaskich. Cechy wyróżniające te praktyki to między innymi skupienie się na interakcji, zainteresowanie kontekstami instytucjonalnymi i komunikacją mówioną oraz uprawianie badań stosowanych.
The present study analyzed questions in the political interviews in Iran and the United States in order to show what types of adversarial are used in the journalists’ questions and whether there are differences in the use of adversarial between Iranian and American journalists. To this end, the questions addressing the presidents in Iran (i.e. Presidents AhmadiNejad and Roohani) and presidents in the US (i.e. Presidents Obama and Trump), around 70 journalists (35 in each corpus) in political press conference, were randomly collected from 2012 to 2017. The data were then analyzed based Clayman et al.’s (2006) framework to examine how language is used to express adversarial questions. The findings showed that preface tilt was significantly used more in American corpus while other-referencing frames and global adversarial were significantly used more in Iranian corpus. Moreover, in the two corpora, negative questions were the least frequently used type of question and declarative questions was absent in American corpus.
The article covers issues related to the New Year’s addresses of Vyacheslav Zelimkhanovich Bitarov, the head of the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania, and the Anatoly Ilyich Bibilov, President of the Republic of South Ossetia. as the specifics of political communication small form genre. The genre features and cultural and historical characteristics of the New Year’s address of the head of state are identified and described. The study is based on the methodological platforms of genre analysis, approaches to typologization of speech genres, methods of communication strategies analyzing, methods and techniques of cognitive analysis, methods of conceptological analysis, methods of contextual analysis. The authors identified the typologically inherent characteristics in this political discourse genre based on the multidimensional classification criteria. A detailed analysis of the structural and semantic organization of the New Year address has been carried out. Variants of language codes switching are revealed, namely parity messages duplication, summarization in the Ossetian language, circular bilingual representation of the text. An optical mode of ritual appeal, represented by prayer formulas, has been determined. The types of performativity realized through etiquette congratulations and generally accepted wishes, ethnic well-wishes and clichéd fragments of Ossetian toast-prayers are considered. . The basic concepts of the of New Year’s messages cognitive space are described, including ethnospecific Ossetian concepts «куывд»”(kuyvd”), «фарн» (“farn), «бæркад» (“bаrkad”) and universal concepts “values”, “past”, “future”, “achievements”. The originality of the appeal texts targeting is indicated, it consists in the native land – Ossetia (Iriston) personification and the ethnos differentiation into the North and South Ossetians. According to the study results, it was established that the congratulation texts of the North and South Ossetias leaders are generated on the basis of a stable model, which possesses the genre in political discourse institutional features and ethnic features of traditional Ossetian communication.
The present article addresses genre shifts in Israeli political campaign in 2013, specifically written advertisements published in newspapers, on the Internet, on stickers, in leaflets, and on billboards. I examine shifts to diverse genres (protest slogans, writing on social networks, personal conversation, a math exercise etc.), and analyze various discursive and para-linguistic strategies by means of which these shifts are implemented: use of registers and sociolects identified with particular genres; syntactical, semantic and lexical repetitions; graphic, typographical, and visual elements, etc. I show that due to the expectations of the addressees regarding the reconstructed genres and the addressing parties, genre shifts may serve to fulfill two main pragmatic-rhetorical functions: (1) Promoting messages regarding the desired conduct of the voters during the elections; (2) Self-positioning of the parties, either to strengthen their existing image among the public or to create a new, surprising one. I thus emphasize the key role played by genre shifts in the intertextual phenomenon of integrating semiotic meanings into a linguistic text; specifically in this case, integrating cultural-societal meanings into campaign advertisements.
This paper proposes a relational and critical sociological perspective on discourse analysis, in particular on so-called “Critical Discourse Analysis” (CDA). The main argument of this paper is that CDA has not yet been able to turn its critical perspective towards its own field. Meanwhile, neither CDA nor other schools of discourse analysis can still pretend not to be integral parts of the system legitimizing social hierarchies in modern societies. The paper argues that discourse analysis can be seen as highly dependent on power relations, both because of its institutional positioning and because of its restricted reflexivity. A call for the development of a critical sociology of discourse analysis based on a relational approach is therefore presented. Its draft programme is largely based on inspiration from the sociology of knowledge, in particular from “the sociology of sociology” of Pierre Bourdieu.
The book is one of the few in-depth investigations into the nature of EU legal translation and its impact on national legal languages. It is also the first attempt to characterise EU Polish, a language of supranational law and a hybrid variant of legal Polish emerging via translation. The book applies Chesterman's concept of textual fit, that is how translations differ from non-translations, to demonstrate empirically on large corpora how the Polish eurolect departs from the conventions of legal and general Polish both at the macrostructural and microstructural level. The findings are juxtaposed with the pre-accession version of Polish law to track the 'Europeanisation' of legal Polish - recent changes brought about by the unprecedented inflow of EU translations.
This chapter sets out to examine how gays and lesbians have been socially represented in one of the most important quality daily newspapers published in Portugal, Diário de Notícias, in a particular set of texts that was released over a week, under the general title ‘Gay Power’ (‘Poder Gay’). The texts appeared from Sunday, 22 April to Saturday, 28 April 2001 and were announced in a previous edition of the newspaper, on Friday, 20 April, as ‘The Gay Power: an in-depth report starting Sunday in DN’ (‘O Poder Gay: Uma grande reportagem a partir de Domingo no DN [Diário de Notícias]’).
Mixed corpus design for researching the Eurolect: a genre-based comparable-parallel corpus in the PL EUROLECT project Mieszana struktura korpusu do badania eurolektu – gatunkowy korpus porównawczo-równoległy w ramach projektu PL EUROLECT Streszczenie W artykule opisano mieszaną strukturę gatunkowego kor-pusu porównawczo-równoległego budowanego w ramach projektu PL EUROLECT finansowanego przez NCN (grant SONATA BIS, 2015-2018). Celem projektu jest kompleksowe zbadanie polskiego eurolektu, nowej hybrydowej odmiany języka polskiego powstają-cej w wyniku tłumaczenia i stosowanej w kontekście unijnym oraz dogłębne zrozumienie procesów i czynników go kształtujących, a także jego wpływu na poakcesyjną polszczyznę urzędową. Podstawą korpusu będzie struktura gatunkowa obejmująca cztery gatunki uznane za reprezentatywne dla komunikacji unijnej (akty prawne, orzeczenia, sprawozdania i urzędowe strony internetowe dla oby-wateli) podzielone na podgatunki – np. w ramach korpusu aktów prawnych wydzielone zostaną podkorpusy rozporządzeń, dyrektyw i decyzji. Struktura gatunkowa korpusu umożliwi zbadanie zróżni-cowania wewnętrznego eurolektu i uzyskanie bardziej precyzyjnych danych ilościowych. Na strukturę gatunkową zostanie nałożony dwu-języczny korpus równoległy zawierający wyrównane teksty w języku angielskim i polskim oraz jednojęzyczny korpus porównawczy zawie-rający nieprzetłumaczone teksty administracyjne w języku polskim, a także – jako punkt odniesienia – zrównoważona próba Narodowego Korpusu Języka Polskiego. Mieszana struktura korpusu ma umożli-wić badanie dwóch fundamentalnych relacji, tj. ekwiwalencji – relacji eurolektu do tekstów źródłowych (korpus równoległy) oraz dopaso-wania tekstowego – relacji eurolektu do nieprzetłumaczonych tekstów w języku docelowym (korpus porównawczy). W strukturze korpusu uwzględniony zostanie również korpus diachroniczny polszczyzny urzędowej sporządzony dla poszczególnych gatunków z okresu prze-dakcesyjnego i poakcesyjnego w celu zbadania wpływu eurolektu na urzędową odmianę języka polskiego. Uzyskane dane ilościowe będą 198 Łucja Biel rejestrować stan eurolektu i polszczyzny w przekroju gatunkowym w konkretnych przedziałach czasowych, i stanowić punkt odniesienia dla innych badaczy. Gatunkowe dane ilościowe otrzymane z analizy korpusowej zostaną poddane triangulacji z danymi jakościowymi (analiza dyskursu, semiotyka społeczna, badania prawnoporównaw-cze terminologii). Celem metodologicznym jest opracowanie inter-dyscyplinarnego modelu teoretycznego do badania odmian języka powstających z udziałem tłumaczy.
This article contends that the language of dissident movements should be analyzed through the lenses of two modes of moral reasoning in order to evaluate the potential success of those movements. These two modes are characterized as the differences between Moralität and Sittlichkeit, Moralität as a type of moral reasoning based in universal principles, Sittlichkeit based in local manners and customs. Both types of reasoning can be observed in most dissident movements, and this article argues that dissident movements will not be successful without a certain balance of both types of moral reasoning infused in the processes of engaging citizens, mobilizing action, justifying strategy, and ensuring representation. This article explores several historical discourses, including anti-communist dissidents in Eastern Europe, Gandhi, and Aung San Suu Kyi. These cases demonstrate both the differences in these two modes of moral reasoning, and the various successful ways they can be used together as discourses of dissent. Conclusions are drawn for the sake of application to global dissident movements more generally.
Academic attention has often been focused upon analysing words in journalism texts and, consequently, the impact of photographs in newspaper journalism has tended to be overlooked. This is problematic because images are a key method by which news is selected, framed and communicated, particularly in tabloid newspapers. This article focuses upon criticisms that tabloids from Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation Australia were biased—against the Kevin Rudd-led Labor government and towards Tony Abbott's conservative Liberal–National Coalition—during the 2013 federal election in Australia. Through an analysis of front pages, this article explores how photographs contributed to reporting the campaign and expressing the strong political preferences of News Corporation. The article concludes that Murdoch's Australian tabloids shifted towards a British-style overt partisanship in their reporting of the 2013 election. Images were at the forefront of that shift as they are a powerful tool for conveying messages of newspaper support and opposition, and occupy a central place in how political issues, events and individuals are represented and understood.
This essay overviews the body of research known as political discourse analysis (PDA). I begin by situating this work within the linguistic and political turns that took place in the latter part of the 20th century within the human and social sciences. I then discuss different conceptions of what comprises the political and the appropriate objects of study for PDA. Adopting an inclusive conception of politics and discourse, I consider the relationship between PDA and critical discourse analysis (CDA). I close with a review of studies of political discourse in terms of their theoretical and analytic frameworks and the socio‐political issues they address.
The aim of this article is twofold. In the first part, a number of discourse analytic approaches are presented which have been selected for their suitability for the analysis of generic variants of political interviews. In the second part of the article, these analytical concepts are applied to a case study of the comparative analysis of BBC and ITV interviewer style. Using concepts from systemic functional linguistics, discourse analysis, conversation analysis, and pragmatics, a multi-level tripartite model of genre is proposed, requiring analysis in the three dimensions of representational, interpersonal, and textual meaning on all levels of structure. Appraisal theory, preference organization, conversational inference, and the concept of move schemata are employed. The BBC and ITV interviewers' style can be shown to differ in their orientation to representational and interpersonal meaning, as well as to explicit and implicit meaning. The BBC interviewer's style, with preferred question formats and interpersonal restraint, orients to an audience that expects political interviews to be issue-oriented and dramatized as confrontation. The ITV interviewer's style, with elaborate dispreferred question schemata and interpersonal effusiveness, orients to an audience that expects it to be person-oriented and emotionalized as talk.
A number of different approaches to genre analysis have emerged in recent years. The two main approaches which dominate the literature are those based on the work of systemic functional linguists and those based on the work of John Swales. Whilst both approaches to genre analysis offer important perspectives on the notion of genre, neither, as yet, has provided, within a single integrated framework, a model for genre analysis which incorporates both social and cognitive aspects of language comprehension and production. This paper is an attempt to integrate these factors into a framework for genre analysis and aims to account for them, and for the relationship between them, in the perception and production of communicative events as instances of particular genres. The key to this description, it is argued, lies in a pragmatic perspective on the notion of genre based on the concepts of prototype, intertextuality and inheritance.