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A. Almansa, O. Fonseca and A. Castillo
Málaga (Spain) and Bogotá (Colombia)
Social Networks and Young People.
Comparative Study of Facebook
between Colombia and Spain
Redes sociales y jóvenes. Uso de Face book en la juventud colombiana y española
v Dr. Ana Almansa-Martínez is Associate Professor in the Department of Audiovisual Communication and Advertising
of the Faculty of Communication Sciences at the University of Málaga (Spain) (anaalmansa@uma.es).
v Oscar Fonseca is Professor in the Department of Communication and Language at the Pontificia Javeriana
University of Bogotá (Colombia) (ofonseca@javeriana.edu.co).
v Dr. Antonio Castillo-Esparcia is Associate Professor in the Department of Audiovisual Communication and
Advertising of the Faculty of Communication Sciences at the University of Málaga (Spain) (acastilloe@uma.es).
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/C40-2013-03-03
ABSTRACT
Social networks have become areas of social interaction among young people where they create a profile to relate
with others. The way this population uses social networks has an impact on their socialization as well as the emo-
tional and affective aspects of their development. The purpose of this investigation was to analyze how Facebook is
used by young people to communicate among themselves and the experiences they gain from it. On the one hand,
while teenagers claim to know the risks, they admit to accepting strangers as friends and to sharing large amounts of
true data about their private lives. For this reason, it is necessary to understand the media and digital phenomenon
that the youth are living through. Although they are legally prohibited from using Facebook until they are 13, the
number of underage users of this social network is growing, without any restraint from parents or schools. This
investigation compares the use of Facebook by youth in Colombia and Spain by using the content analysis and inter-
view techniques. In Colombia 100 Facebook profiles were analyzed and 20 interviews carried out with students
between 12- and 15-years-old attending the Institución Educativa Distrital Técnico Internacional school in Bogotá.
In Spain, 100 Facebook profiles were analyzed and 20 interviews held with students of the same age group atten-
ding various secondary schools in Andalusia.
RESUMEN
Las redes sociales se han convertido en ámbitos de interacción social entre los jóvenes, que crean un perfil para rela-
cionarse con los demás. La exposición pública en el caso de los adolescentes puede generar problemas sobre aspec-
tos sociales, emotivos y afectivos. Esta investigación analiza cómo se usa Facebook por parte de los jóvenes y qué
experiencia obtienen de ello. Aunque dicen conocer los riesgos, admiten que aceptan a desconocidos como amigos
y ofrecen datos reales sobre su vida. Ante esta situación, se hace más evidente la necesidad de la alfabetización
mediática y digital de estos jóvenes que, aunque no deberían estar en Facebook hasta los 13 años, cuentan con un
perfil de manera mayoritaria. Para ello se ha utilizado una metodología basada en el análisis de contenido y las entre-
vistas en profundidad. Se trata de un estudio comparativo entre Colombia y España. En Colombia se han realizado
100 análisis de perfiles y 20 entrevistas en profundidad. La muestra ha sido de adolescentes de 12 a 15 años, de la
Institución Educativa Distrital Técnico Internacional de Bogotá. En España se han analizado 100 perfiles y se han
realizado 20 entrevistas a chicos de 12 a 15 años, de Institutos (IES) de Andalucía.
KEYWORDS / PALABRAS CLAVE
Social network, young people, teenagers, digital identity, media literacy, Facebook, privacy, risks.
Redes sociales, jóvenes, adolescentes, identidad digital, alfabetización mediática, Facebook, privacidad, riesgos.
Comunicar, n. 40, v. XX, 2013, Scientific Journal of Media Education; ISSN: 1134-3478; pages 127-134
www.comunicarjournal.com
INVESTIGACIONES / RESEARCH
Received: 07-05-2012 / Reviewed: 04-09-2012
Accepted: 25-09-2012 / Published: 01-03-2013
Comunicar, 40, XX, 2013
© ISSN: 1134-3478 • e-ISSN: 1988-3293 • Pages 127-134
128
1. Introduction
Since their creation, social networks such as Face -
book, MySpace, Cyworld, Bebo or Twitter have attrac-
ted millions of users (Foon-Hew, 2011), many of
whom have integrated these websites in their daily
activities (Boyd, 2007; Piscitelli, 2010). Schwarz
(2011) suggests that the youth are moving away from
the dominance of telephones and face-to-face interac-
tion and prefer communication based on text, espe-
cially messaging, as a method of instant communica-
tion. Social networks offer a new way to communica-
te, to build relationships and create communities
(Varas-Rojas, 2009).
Haythrnthwaite (2005) argues that what makes
social networks different is not that they allow young
people to meet strangers but that they enable users to
articulate their social networks and make them visible
thus leading to connections between individuals
(Timmis, 2012).
1.1. Research background on social networks
Most research on social networks has focused on
how individuals present themselves and create friend -
ships through the online networks, their structure and
privacy.
• Studies on how individuals present themselves
and develop friendships through the online networks:
as in other online contexts in which individuals are
able to consciously construct a representation of them-
selves, social networks constitute an important re -
search context for studies of the management proces-
ses of self-presentation and the development of
friendships, as studied by Junco (2012), McAndrew
& Jeong (2012), Ross, Orr & al. (2009) and Moore &
McElroy (2012). Although, most sites invite users to
create exact representations of themselves, partici-
pants usually do so at different stages (Marwick, 2005;
Ong, Ang & al. 2011). Marwick found that users of
social networks handle complex strategies when nego-
tiating their real or «genuine» identities.
• Studies on the structure of social networks: re -
searchers of social networks have also been interested
in the structure of friendship networks. Skog (2005)
argued that members of social networks are not pas -
sive but participate in the social evolution of the social
network. Likewise, studies have been developed
around the motivations for joining certain communities
(Backstrom, Hottenlocher & al., 2006). Liu, Maes &
Davenport (2006) stated that connections between
friends are not the only network worthy of research.
They examine how people’s interests (music, books,
movies, etc.) constitute an alternative network struc -
ture to what they call the «likes networks». And Soep
(2012: 98) points out that «the youth have developed
new codes of behavior and created models to support
production beyond publication», and Gonzales &
Han cock (2011) study the effects of Facebook use.
• Studies related to privacy: The coverage of mass
social media in social networks has focused on issues
of privacy, particularly on the safety of younger users
(Flores, 2009: 80), cyberbullying and other possible
risks (Calvete, Oru & al., 2010; Law, Shapka & Ol -
son, 2010; Hinduja & Patchin, 2008; McBride, 2011).
In one of the first academic studies on privacy and
social networking sites, Gross & Acquisti (2005) ana -
lyzed 4,000 Facebook profiles and described the
potential threats to privacy arising from the personal
information contained on the site.
Stutzman (2006), in his study of surveys of Face -
book users, described the «privacy paradox» that
occurs when teenagers are not aware of the public
nature of the Internet.
Jagatic, Johnson & al. (2007) used data from
open-access profiles of Facebook to develop an «iden-
tity theft». Data from this study provide a more optimis-
tic perspective and suggest that teenagers are aware of
the potential threats to privacy online. The research
also concludes that of the teenagers with open profi-
les46% admitted to including at least some false data
about themselves (Jagatic, Johnson & al., 2007: 97).
Privacy is also an issue in users’ ability to control
and manage their identities. Social networks are not a
panacea. Preibusch, Hoser & al. (2007) argued that
privacy options offered by social networks do not pro-
vide users with the flexibility they need.
In addition to these issues, a growing number of
studies address aspects such as race and ethnicity (Byr -
ne 2007), religion (Nyland & Near, 2007), how
sexuality is affected by social networks (Hjorth & Kim,
2005) and the use that certain segments of the popu-
lation make of social networks, as in the case of chil-
dren (Valcke, De-Wever & al., 2011), teenagers
(Pumper & Moreno, 2012; Moreau, Roustit & al.,
Chauchaud & Chabrol, 2012; Aydm & Volkan-San,
2011; Bernicot, Volckaert-Legrier & al., 2012; Mazur
& Richards, 2011) and digital natives (Ng, 2012).
2. Materials and methods
This research used a mixed methodology with
qualitative (in-depth interviews) and quantitative (con-
tent analysis) techniques. It is a comparative study of
teenagers in Colombia and Spain comprising 100
Face book profiles and 20 in-depth interviews of 12- to
15-years-olds in Colombia and Spain. In Colombia,
Comunicar, 40, XX, 2013
© ISSN: 1134-3478 • e-ISSN: 1988-3293 • Pages 127-134
129
the study centered on teenagers at the «Institución
Educativa Distrito Técnico Internacional», school in
Bogotá. In Spain, the survey focus was boys and girls
at various schools in Andalusia (Los Olivos, Torre
Atalaya, El Palmeral, El Jaroso and Rey Alabez). The
selection of schools was random. We analyzed the
Facebook profile of those teenagers who had agreed
to participate in our research, and from among these
we randomly selected students for the in-depth inter-
views.
A template was used for
content analysis of the Face -
book profiles containing rese-
arch variables and items such
as the frequency of sign-ups,
the language used, the number
of pictures and their descrip-
tions, and the number of
friends and type of personal
data (hobbies, likes, relations-
hips, etc.). In relation to the in-
depth interviews, the topics
covered were the uses of and
gratification gained from social
networks and the explanation
of specific aspects relating to
their profiles.
The period of analysis was
from May 2011 to May 2012. The study examples do
not include names or pictures because all participants
are minors.
3. Analysis and results
3.1. The case of Colombian teenagers
a) How do they present themselves on Facebook?
For those teenagers studied for this research,
having a Facebook a profile means managing his/her
personality. Creating a Facebook profile and assigning
content to certain fields already pre-established in the
interface is the act of creation of a being who moves in
a digital environment. Although it is about presenting
themselves as they are, there is also room to present
themselves as the wanted to be seen. Teenagers have
a clear notion of how they want to present themselves
on social networks which depends on something very
important at this stage of life: their socialization, both
real and virtual.
In this regard, our study demonstrated how teena-
gers adopt a name other than their own on Facebook
to describe attributes of their identity. Of the 100 pro-
files studied, 45 teenagers assumed a name that had lit-
tle or no relation to their real names. For these teena-
gers, the resonance of their name is very important.
One Colombian boy interviewed explains that «my
name is…because it looks cool…also because I listen
to Ska and Punk»; similarly another youngster justifies
altering his name «on Facebook by always writing it
with the C and not the E to make it different. And the
name Tanz means that I belong to a group of 6 friends
from my school but we also have that name on
Facebook».
b) Profile pictures: makeup and changes in pixels
Teenagers spend more time working on pictures
of themselves to post on the social network than any -
thing else; they think about their image, design it, cre-
ate it, produce it, edit it... and send it. However, in
their images they stand alone. The «Profile photos» of
the 100 Facebook profiles studied show the teenagers
appearing by themselves, and the photograph is nor-
mally taken using a mirror.
A teenager explains how she built most of her pro-
file pictures in which she usually appears alone: «Taking
pictures in front of the mirror is not a fad, it is just easier
because you know how they are going to look… for this
reason I take many pictures of myself in the bathroom.
There are photos that I do not like and so I do not uplo-
ad them… Besides I almost always modify the photos I
post… A lot of boys like my pic tures… I think that is
why I get so many friend requests».
The number of «Profile pictures» in the 100
Facebook profiles studied amounts to 2,612, an ave -
rage of 26 per teenager, with 1 photo published in
each profile. It is also interesting to note how teenage
girls tend to have more pictures in their «Profile pictu-
res» albums than boys.
Teenagers communicate on Facebook using new codes of
writing that ignore conventional grammar and spelling rules,
yet they type quickly and adopt the digital aesthetic. Their
way of writing seems to be capricious; new ways of writing
emerge in the form of «text-images» created from the
keyboard, in which the letters become part of the image that
means something entirely different from the linguistic
meaning.
c) Profile information
The «information» link in a Facebook profile con-
tains an «About me» field. An analysis of the 100 pro-
files found that 33 had published personal information
via this link, but even more interesting was that al -
though the interface only allows users to include infor-
mation as text, several of the teenagers had deployed
their keyboard skills to copy and paste to create ima-
ges.
They publish their dates of birth, though not en -
tirely truthfully (they tend to backdate), add their home
addresses and the schools where they study, their
favorite music, movies, television programs and activi-
ties and interests. However, they do not disclose their
religious beliefs, political affiliations or name their favo-
rite sports or books.
So, as in friendship, love is now mediated by tech-
nology. For these teenagers, a relationship presented
on Facebook is a true reflection of a relationship that
exists in real life. Of the 100 Facebook profiles stu-
died, 22 posted information related to sentimental
relationships with other users. In 6 cases, the teenagers
described themselves as married which is certainly not
true.
d) How do they interact?
For teenagers, having friends on Facebook means
more than having a contact list; it is the management of
friendships in another scenario where the image is the
main link. This is confirmed, for example, by one
Colombian youngsters interviewed, aged 13, who
explains that «for me to add someone as my friend is
because he has a nice picture, must be good looking or
cute… (laughs) and has friends in common with me,
because I know that if any of my friends know him, he
is not dangerous. However, if someone asks me to add
him as a friend and we do not have friends in com-
mon, I look very closely at the pictures and if he is cute
I add him».
For these young people, having a friend on
Facebook does not necessarily mean meeting face to
face. Several of the teenagers interviewed talked to
«Facebook friends» who they had never seen. The
number of friends on the 100 Facebook profiles stu-
died totals 34,730. But, how do they get to have so
many friends in their profiles?
They use two criteria to add
unknowns as friends: in their
pictures they must be «good
looking or cute» and must have
friends in common. However,
the former may be sufficient to
accept a request to be a friend.
The decision whether to
accept or reject a request to be
a friend on Facebook is taken
very quickly. These teenagers
did not take longer than 20
seconds to accept a request to
be a friend and rejected very
few. Unlike the real world, in
which teens interact with
adults such as their teachers,
parents, authority figures, etc., adults are forbidden
entry to their Facebook profiles, in fact only 5 teena-
gers had added their parents or other relatives as
friends; 2 had even added their teachers but most say
they do not want their parents to find out what is in
their profiles.
The conversations of teenagers on Facebook cen-
ter on their image. There are few posts that have any -
thing to do with subjects other than image. Pictures are
the starting point of conversations and relationships.
Most of the texts relating to images were very short
compared to the large numbers of photographs. The
reasons are explained by one of the girls interviewed
who says that «when I post a picture and nobody com-
ments on it, I delete it: why leave something there that
nobody cares about! For instance, the pictures with
most comments are the latest ones I have uploaded, so
I am more and less discovering what my friends like to
see… well, I think they are the sexy ones». The num-
ber of photos in the 100 Facebook profiles is11,426,
an average of 114 per user, with 26 published in each
profile.
The image has also become a way to express
130
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Comunicar, 40, XX, 2013
Teenagers spend more time working on pictures of
themselves to post on the social network than anything else;
they think about their image, design it, create it, produce it,
edit it... and send it. However, in their images they stand
alone. The «Profile photos» of the 100 Facebook profiles
studied show the teenagers appearing by themselves, and
the photograph is normally taken using a mirror.
affection: take a picture and modify it, upload it to
Face book and share it. They call this action a «zing»,
derived from the English «sign», as a signature added
to a photo uploaded to Facebook, with a message sent
to a friend.
Teenagers communicate on Facebook using new
codes of writing that ignore conventional grammar and
spelling rules, yet they type quickly and adopt the digi-
tal aesthetic. Their way of writing seems to be capri-
cious; new ways of writing emerge in the form of
«text-images» created from the keyboard, in which the
letters become part of the image that means something
entirely different from the linguistic meaning.
e) Facebook groups: new ways of belonging
For Colombian teenagers, belonging to a Face -
book group is not just feeling that they are part of
something, it is having a shared image that shelters
and protects its members, allowing them to act as an
«I» group. Being part of a group is belonging to a real
community.
3.2. Spanish teenagers
a) How do they present themselves on Facebook?
The vast majority (95%) of the Spanish youngsters
sampled used their real names in their Facebook pro-
files. However, when interviewed about this, half of
them agreed that it was dangerous to use the real
name, and one of them said: «My mother always tells
me that I should not give any true data, because any -
one with bad intentions could find me». Therefore,
the theory holds but they forget to put it into practice.
Most teenagers in our sample have all their profile
content and wall open to whoever wants to read it,
and only a small group limits access. When asked
about this in interviews, most responded that they
were unaware of the privacy
option they had activated. In
this sense, one of the girls
stated that «nothing happens
from sharing on Facebook.
All of my friends do it.
Because we are so many,
someone is going to be inte-
rested in what I do or say».
Therefore, the fact that it is
common among her col -
leagues to share is interpre-
ted by this girl as meaning an
absence of danger.
On the other hand,
when stating their age they
are not so honest. Almost none gives their true age.
Facebook has established a minimum age of 13 to
open an account on this social network, but teenagers
simply get around this by declaring they were born a
few years before their actual birth date. Most teena-
gers analyzed use the wall to share links, pictures and
to post and receive comments on photos of friends.
However, with one exception, wall activity is not very
common, with an average of only three or four posts
per month. This was proved during profile analysis
and also in interviews with these teenagers who said
they posting less than five comments per month, and
usually from home.
b) Teenagers’ profile picture and photos on the
social network
The Spanish teenagers, like their Colombian coun-
terparts, make great use of photographs in their profiles.
Of these 78% upload pictures without modification,
13% design photos, 6% use retouched photos and only
3% have no profile picture. The profile photos usually
show the protagonist alone (60%), or with friends
(20%). The remaining 20% is divided between photos
with a partner (6%), with relatives (3%), of landscapes
(6%), famous personalities like soccer players (4%) or
fictional characters like The Simpsons (1%).
The pictures that teenagers upload to their profiles
usually have them posing (sometimes very unnatu-
rally). The feeling is that they are imitating their TV or
media idols, and retouched or designed pictures seem
to further highlight this desire to emulate their media
leaders.
One of the Spanish teenagers interviewed recog-
nized that there is some competition between friends
to see who can upload the most appealing, controver-
sial or original photo.
131
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Comunicar, 40, XX, 2013
Figure 1: Who appears in the profile picture?
The number of pictures per profile («Profile Pictu -
res») ranges from one to 251. The average number of
pictures per profile is 23. Curiously, as also happens in
Colombia, girls have more photos in their profiles than
boys.
The average number of photos in each case is
considerably higher: 168. Two teenage girls have
1,116 and 1,184 photos respectively. Something simi-
lar happens with the number of albums, ranging from
none to 32, with the average being 5.4.
The average for photo sharing is also high. One
teenager shared up to 817 pictures, while the average
is 120 photos shared per teenager. Of these pictures,
the most widely discussed are those taken with friends
(36%), far ahead of photo-montages (10%), posed and
retouched photos (both 9%), and those taken with
relatives (3%). Therefore, friends of the teenager often
comment on pictures in which they appear or on pic-
tures of people they know. Photos that have been re -
touched or come in montage form also seem to arouse
their interest.
c) Profile information
We observed that 84% of teenagers in the sample
did not indicate in their profile which languages they
speak. Curiously, those who did so speak more than
one language: 9% declared that they speak Spanish,
English and French, 6% speak Spanish and English
and 1% English, French, Spanish and Latin.
Philosophy, religion and politics are of no particu-
lar interest to teenagers. In the case of philosophy and
religion, only 12% said they were Catholic, and 7%
posted sayings by philosophers or famous people in
their profiles. Only 2% named a political party with
which they sympathize.
Teenagers do not tend to include a description of
themselves in their profile («About me») and those that
do add phrases like «I like going out
with my friends», «I am a shy guy,
but charming», or incorporate
famous sayings or express the grea -
test joy because they feel under -
stood by their partner. Texts are
written in the abbreviated style that
usually omits vowels (spelling rules
ignored). In no case did we find
«text-images» similar to those pro-
duced by the teenagers in Colom -
bia.
Three quarters of the boys and
girls sampled failed to mention
their sentimental status. Of those
that did, 12% said they were single,
9% said they were in a relationship, 3% «engaged» and
1% said they were married (obviously not true). One
the teenager interviewed justified why he never provi-
des true data: «I say that I live in another place, I make
up my data… even my name.» He says that having a
false identity is not a problem because «I use a name
my friends know so they know right away who I am».
Nearly all the teenagers (98%) decline to give a con-
tact phone number on Facebook while 80% give an
email address which in most cases is via Hotmail.
d) How do they interact?
Teenagers do not use Facebook frequently or on
a daily basis. They usually post three or four times per
month. Similarly the average number of friends is quite
low, at 202. In the Spanish sample one boy had as
many as 559 friends, while another boy had only 3.
Therefore, it can be deduced that these teens are only
just beginning to interact with social networks and still
restrict themselves to their closest circles of friends.
e) Groups and applications
Spanish teenagers do not usually participate in
groups. Over 80% are not members of a group and
those who do, participate on average 3.8 times per
month. However, they make greater use of applica-
tions, with each teenager using an average of 2 appli-
cations, mainly games such as «Aquarium», «Pet Shop
City», «Sims Social» and «Dragon City».
f) Teenagers’ likes
Teenagers do not generally justify their likes al -
though soccer registered highly (54% of profiles listed
soccer as their favorite sport); 39% of teenagers do not
specify a favorite sport. In cases in which they men -
tioned sports, soccer, tennis, volleyball, swimming,
132
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Comunicar, 40, XX, 2013
Figure 2: Comments of photos.
basketball, paintball, paddle tennis and ballet are
among the favorites. The music that teenagers like
includes Lady Gaga, Justin Bieiber, David Guetta,
Shakira, Jen nifer Lopez, the Jonas Brothers, Michael
Jackson, Beyonce and Selena Gomez. Favorite films
are «Toy Story», «Tres metros sobre el cielo»,
«Twilight», «High School Musical», «Avatar» and
«Harry Potter». The tele vision programs named among
their likes are usually comedies or «top trending» series
such as «Tonterías las justas», «El intermedio», «El hor-
miguero» or «El club de la comedia»; and contests like
«Tú sí que vales» or «Fama»; and series such as «El
barco», «El internado» or «Friends».
4. Discussion and conclusions
Both in Colombia and Spain, the majority of teen -
agers between 12- and 15-years-old use Facebook to
interact with their friends. Facebook has become a
socialization medium as important, if not more so, than
the other social networks.
In both countries, teenagers reveal their need to
belong to a network and to present themselves on it in
the most original way possible (or, at least, in a way
they deem to be original). One such way is to adopt a
personalized language in their communications that
defies conventional spelling rules. Furthermore in Co -
lombia, the use of «text-images» (images created from
text) was common. This manifestation of supposed
originality is also evident in their photographs. The
teenagers sampled in Spain and Colombia competed
with each other to upload pictures that would attract
their partner’s attention: posing or making suggestive
gestures, retouching images, montages.
Most teenagers are over-exposed on the social
networks, as shown by averages of114.6 pictures per
person of the studied sample in Colombia and 168
photos per person in Spain. In the individual «Profile
pictures» the average is 26.1 photos in Colombia and
23 in Spain.
But this over-exposure goes beyond pictures.
Ninety-five per cent of Spanish teenagers use their real
names in their Facebook profiles, while only 55% do
so in Colombia. Hardly anyone expresses affiliation to
a political party or religion, but a substantial group has
no problem in declaring their sentimental status.
Interestingly, both in Colombia and Spain some teena-
gers said they were «married» when this was obviously
not true.
Another example of overexposure is found in the
contact information. The most common indicator is an
email address. However, in Spain, two teenagers gave
their mobile phone numbers. But what could be even
more dangerous is the fact that teenagers admit that
they accept unknowns as «friends», and although they
know it is dangerous they still do so. In Colombia, the
teenagers acknowledged that they added unknowns to
their list of friends, while in Spain most teenagers
declared that they only accept people they know, yet
this was proved to be untrue. In this sense, it is neces-
sary to extend this research to other national and cul-
tural backgrounds to make a transnational comparison.
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