Content uploaded by Maznorila Mohamad
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Maznorila Mohamad on Jun 29, 2016
Content may be subject to copyright.
Research Article
Integrative Food, Nutrition and Metabolism
Integr Food Nutr Metab, 2016 doi: 10.15761/IFNM.1000140 Volume 3(1): 262-267
ISSN: 2056-8339
other populations [8]. A study in Brazil found that women should not
eat game meat and sh at the same time during pregnancy due to the
belief that such combinations can kill or cause harm such as congestion
or vomiting [9]; whilst women in Tanzania abstain from eating meat,
fearing that the baby they deliver might take on the characteristics of
the animal they consumed. Many studies have reported that pregnant
women in various parts of the world are forced to abstain from
nutritious foods as part of their traditional food belief [5]. Women
in the southern part of India commonly avoid raw papaya during
pregnancy because they believe that papaya can cause abortion [10,11]
and Mexican women belief that eggs can make the baby smell bad [7].
Altering roles and activities during pregnancy or following
childbirth are well known among anthropologists [12]. e reasons
for these changes are numerous and diverse. ere is a common belief
that women and infants were more vulnerable during post-partum
period [13]. Women in many societies observed a series of postpartum
practices which aimed to protect the mothers and their newborns [14].
In Malaysia, similar taboos also exist. Traditional postpartum care in
Food taboos of malay pregnant women attending antenatal
check-up at the maternal health clinic in Kuala Lumpur
Maznorila Mohamad* and Chong Yee Ling
Division of Nutrition and Dietetics, School of Health Sciences, International Medical University, Malaysia
Abstract
Food taboos are generally practiced during pregnancy in many cultures. Certain food or activities are not allowed during pregnancy in order to safeguard the unborn
child and prevent any negative outcomes to the mother and the baby alike. Passed on from one generation to another, most of these taboos are based on learned
behaviour, either acquired mostly by instruction from parents and family members or observation from close relatives and friends. The main aim of the study was
to determine the prevalence and types of food taboos and its reason for avoidance. The secondary objective was to determine its association with rates of weekly
weight gain of the pregnant women. A cross sectional study was conducted among 104 Malay pregnant women ranging from age 20 to 46 years. Information on
socio-demographic profile and practices pertaining to food taboo was collected using a structured questionnaire. Weight gain status during pregnancy was assessed
by comparing the current weight with pre-pregnancy weight. About 70.2% of the respondents avoided at least one food item due to food taboos. Pineapple and sugar
cane drink were regarded as taboo foods by more than half of the subjects (70.2% and 59.6% respectively), followed by hot foods (47.1%), carbonated drinks (39.4%)
and cold foods (12.5%). The most common reason for avoiding foods were fear of abortion (95.2%), followed by fear of excessive bleeding during labor (34.6%),
baby born with deformities (27.9%) and other reasons such as difficult labor, unnecessary sickness, induced vomiting and edema (19.2%). Multiparous women with
3 pregnancies or more were found to be associated with the practice of food taboos (p ≤ 0.05). About 71.2% of women who practiced food taboos had an inadequate
weight gain and there was a significant association between prevalence of food taboos with weekly rates of weight gain of the pregnant women (p<0.05). Prevalence
of food taboos was high among the Malay pregnant women and the main reason for adhering to food taboos was fear of abortion. A significant association was found
between the prevalence of food taboo with weekly rates of weight gain. Nutrition education should be conducted in all health centers to help pregnant women with
a healthier food choice to ensure a healthy pregnancy.
Introduction
Food taboos probably exist in one form or another in every
society. Dietary rules and regulations may govern particular phase of
human life cycle and maybe associated with special events such as a
menstrual period, pregnancy, childbirth, lactation, wedding, funeral,
etc. Meter-Rochow dened food taboo (or prohibition) as a deliberate
avoidance of a food item for reasons other than simple dislike from
food preferences [1].
Food taboos are commonly practiced during pregnancy in many
cultures [2-6]. Certain food or activities are not allowed during
pregnancy in order to safeguard the unborn child and prevent any
negative outcomes to the mother. Passed on from one generation to
another, most of these taboos are based on learned behaviour, either
acquired mostly by instruction from parents and family members or
observation from close relatives and friends who practices it.
Many of these cultural patterns have to do with avoiding other
problematic events or situations [2]; hence changing the food habit
during pregnancy are observed by the women in order to make
delivery easy or to prevent the child from being marred or deformed.
For example; in the Philippines, women are told to eat raw egg just
before delivery to help lubricate the birth canal and Chinese women
avoid eating crabs due to the belief that this might make their baby
mischievous or babies may be born with 11 ngers [7].
In many cultures, strong taboos limit the amounts, or kinds, of
food a pregnant woman may choose; for example protein foods are
oen denied to pregnant women in various part of Africa and many
Correspondence to: Maznorila Mohamad, Division of Nutrition and Dietetics,
School of Health Sciences, International Medical University, No 126 Jalan
Jalil Perkasa, Bukit Jalil 57000, Kualalampur, Malaysia; E-mail:
Maznor il a_mohamad@imu.edu.my
Key words: Malay, pregnant women, food taboos, weight gain status
Received: December 31, 2015; Accepted: January 13, 2016; Published: January
16, 2016
Mohamad M (2016) Food taboos of malay pregnant women attending antenatal check-up at the maternal health clinic in Kuala Lumpur
Volume 3(1): 262-267Integr Food Nutr Metab, 2016 doi: 10.15761/IFNM.1000140
Malaysia is widely practiced regardless of the socio-demographic and
cultural dierences. e women in Malaysian societies observe 30 to 44
days of connement period in which adherence to the food restrictions
is the one of the most common practice [15].
While there were quite a number of studies have been done relating
on food taboos aer childbirth or during connement in Malaysia
[12,14,16,17]; however a literature search of available resources found
very few studies solely focused on food taboos during pregnancy
[6,18] Most of the available studies presented the practices among
the indigenous women in Peninsular Malaysia and not the Malays.
ough very few reports found on food taboos among Malay women
during pregnancy [19,20], this does not mean that the practice rarely
exists or the Malay women do not have a distinctive food taboos while
pregnant. Unlike many other cultures, perhaps the Malay does not
regard pregnancy as a condition that requires special precautions as
compare to the period of post-partum [12]. is observation appears
to support a study by Millis which shows that the food intake of Malay
women was unchanged during pregnancy, but noted that they avoided
certain food only during connement [21].
Pregnancy is the most nutritionally demanding stage in a woman’s
life. is stage demands extra calories and essential nutrients are needed
every day to support the growth of the fetus [22]. Severe food avoidance
during pregnancy might deplete the body of important nutrients
which can adversely aect pregnancy and birth outcomes. Evidence
showed that the amount of weight gained during pregnancy can aect
the immediate and future health of a woman and her baby [23,24].
erefore, attention to appropriate dietary behaviour and proper
nutrient intake is of utmost importance for adequate nourishment
to both, the mother and the fetus. Lack of accurate information
concerning food intake of pregnant women could be a hindrance for
the improvement of their nutritional status. us, the purpose of this
study is to determine the prevalence of food taboos among Malay
pregnant women, types of food taboos and its reason for avoidance.
is paper will assess the association of food taboo practices and its
eect on weight gain during pregnancy of Malay women attending
antenatal check-up at the maternal and child health clinic in Kuala
Lumpur.
Materials and methods
Ethical clearance
is study was approved by the International Medical University
Joint Committee of the Research and Ethics Committee bearing the
grant no. N&D 1-01/2008(17)2010. e purpose of the study was
informed to the subjects prior to their consent for the data collection.
Subjects
A total of 104 Malay pregnant women from all trimesters were
recruited for this study from a maternal and child health clinic. e
subjects were those who attended a routine antenatal check-up at the
clinic. Pregnant women included in this study were free from any
obstetrical and medical complications known to aect fetal growth,
such as hyperemesis gravidarum, gestational diabetes mellitus (GDM)
and hypertension. Pregnant women who had food intolerance and
food allergies resulting in avoidance of certain foods due to adverse
reaction were excluded.
Data collection
Questionnaire and interview: A face to face interview was
conducted for each subject using a set of structured questionnaires
which had been pre-tested in a pilot study. e questionnaires were
developed to elicit information on the socioeconomic and demographic
background of the subjects and also the practices of food taboos
observed during pregnancy. In order to gather information on the food
taboos, the subjects were asked to list down the food they avoided and
state the reason why certain foods were considered as taboos. Some of
the questions were open-ended questions purposely design to enable
the interviewer to probe in greater detail about a particular matter
while allowing the subjects the opportunity to answer freely.
Obstetric history and gestational age: Data on subject’s obstetric
history was collected from the medical records with permission from
the subjects and the sanctions of the clinic. e gestational age was
calculated from the subject’s last menstrual period.
Anthropometric assessment: e pre-pregnancy nutritional
status of the subjects was evaluated using Body Mass Index (BMI).
e nutritional status was dened as underweight, normal, overweight
or obese, according to WHO BMI standards [25]. e subjects’ pre-
pregnancy weight was obtained from the medical records or from
their recalled (if there was no record found on subject’s pre-pregnancy
weight). Subjects’ height was measured to the nearest 0.1 cm using
Microtoise, which was suspended 2 meters from the at surface oor
against a smooth and at wall. Subjects were required to stand straight
without shoes.
e subjects’ current body weight was measured using Tanita
digital weighing scale to the nearest 0.1 kg in their lightest clothing
with shoes removed. From the measured current body weight, rate of
weight gain per week by the subjects can be calculated by subtracting
their pre-pregnancy weight from the current weight and then divided
by week of gestation.
Pre-pregnancy BMI and the rate of weight increase per week will
then compare to the Institute of Medicine (IOM) 2009 [26] guide for
the recommended weight gain during gestation. e subjects then are
classied as having inadequate, adequate or excessive weight gain rate.
Statistical analysis
Data analyses were analyzed using SPSS (Statistical Package for the
Social Sciences) Version 20.0.
Results
Socio-demographic background
Table 1 shows the socio-demographic characteristics of the
pregnant women at the time of the interview. More than half (53.8%) of
the subjects were young women aged between 20-29 years old, followed
by 41.3% between 30 - 39 years old and 4.8 % were at or above 40 years
old. e mean age of the subjects was 30.0 ± 4.8 years, ranging from 20
to 46 years.
e majority of subjects have completed secondary education
(83.6%) whereas 16.4% have received tertiary education. Regarding
estimated monthly household income, about one third (30.8%)
reported the household income of below RM2,000 per month. Of
the remaining, half (50.0%) of the subjects had a household income
of between RM2,100-4,000, another 15.4% had household income
between RM4,001-6,000 while only 3.8% had household income above
RM6,000.
At the time of data collection, 26.9% of the subjects were at gravida
Mohamad M (2016) Food taboos of malay pregnant women attending antenatal check-up at the maternal health clinic in Kuala Lumpur
Volume 3(1): 262-267Integr Food Nutr Metab, 2016 doi: 10.15761/IFNM.1000140
grandmothers, mothers or older siblings. Health professionals such as
physicians, nutritionists and nurses were the next most credible source
that the pregnant women relied on (27.9%), followed by social media
(6.7%) and friends (1.9%).
However, nearly one third (29.8%) of subjects reported that they
did not abstain from eating any food because they believed good
pregnancy outcomes is the result from eating healthily.
Type of food taboos and its reason for avoidance
Type of food avoided and the dierent reasons for this avoidance
are presented in Table 3. e most commonly taboo foods were
pineapple (70.2%), followed by sugarcane juice (59.6%), ‘hot foods’
(47.1%), carbonated drinks (39.4%), ‘tapai’ or fermented glutinous
rice (33.7%), bamboo shoots (18.3%), ‘cold foods’ (12.5%) and others
(35.6%).
e main reason for food avoidance was mainly due to the belief
that consuming these foods will lead to abortion (95.2%), followed
by excessive bleeding during labor (34.6%) and the baby born with
deformities (27.9%). Other reasons stated by the women were to avoid
unnecessary sickness, edema, vomiting and/or dizziness. ey also
fear of facing dicult labor, having babies with dark skin and/or with
cognitive impairment.
Association between socio-demographic characteristics and
food taboo practices
ere is a signicant association (p<0.05) between food taboo
practices with the number of pregnancies of the study subjects (Table
4). However subjects’ age, education level, monthly household income
and pre-pregnancy BMI do not show any association with food
avoidance during pregnancy (p>0.05).
Association between food taboo practices and weight gain
Table 5 shows a signicant association between food taboos and
the rate of weight gain among the pregnant women (p < 0.05). About
71.2% of the pregnant mother had an inadequate weight gain, 8 (11.0%)
had an adequate weight gain and 13 (17.8 %) had excessive weight gain
during pregnancy. ose who did not adhere to the food taboo practice
apparently had a slightly lower percentage of inadequate weight gain
(51.6%) as compared to those who practiced food taboo (71.2%).
Discussion
Majority of the subjects (70.2%) in this study avoided at least one
type of food while pregnant. is nding clearly shows that the practice
1, more than one third (35.6%) were at gravida 2, and 37.5% of them
have at least had experienced more than 2 pregnancies.
Pre-pregnancy BMI status
Figure 1 shows that 14.4% of the women suered from chronic
energy deciency, but more than half (52.9%) of them were at their
normal weight before pregnancy. However, one h (20.2%) of them
were overweight and a smaller percentage (12.5%) were obese.
Weight gain status of the subjects
e weight gain status of the subjects is categorized based on
IOM 2009 classication and presented in Table 2. About 64.4% of the
subjects had inadequate rates of weekly weight gain and 15.4 %, had an
excessive rate of weekly weight gain.
Prevalence of food taboos and its source of information
e prevalence rate of pregnant women adhering to specic food
taboos during their pregnancy was 70.2%, of which, 18.3% avoided
eating at least one food item. e majority of subjects (63.5%) acquired
information about food taboos from their family members, either from
Characteristic n Percentage (%)
Age (years) 20-29 56 53.8
30-39 43 41.3
≥ 40 5 4.8
Education level Lower secondary 62 59.6
Upper secondary 25 24.0
Tertiary 17 16.4
Household income per month (RM) 1,000 and below 0 0.0
1,001-2,000 32 30.8
2,001-3,000 24 23.1
3,001-4,000 28 26.9
4,001-5,000 11 10.6
5,001-6,000 5 4.8
> 6,000 4 3.8
Gravidity Gravida 1 28 26.9
Gravida 2 37 35.6
Gravida 3 20 19.2
Gravida 4 13 12.5
Gravida 5 5 4.8
Gravida 6 0 0.0
Gravida 7 1 1.0
Table 1. Socio-demographic characteristics of the pregnant women (n=104).
12.5
20.2
52.9
14.4
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Obese
Overweight
Normal weight
Under weight
Percentages
BMI Categoty
Figure 1. Pre-pregnancy BMI of the subjects.
Pre-
pregnancy
BMI (kg/m2)
n
(%)
*Rates of weight
gain 2nd and 3rd
trimester
(mean range in kg/
week)
Rates of weight gain
Inadequate
n = 67
(64.4%)
Adequate
n = 21
(20.2%)
Excessive
n = 16
(15.4%)
Underweight
(< 18.5)
15 (14.4) 0.45-0.59 12
(11.5)
2
(1.9)
1
(1.0)
Normal
(18.5-24.9)
55 (52.9) 0.36-0.45 38
(36.6)
8
(7.7)
9
(8.6)
Overweight
(25.0-29.9)
21 (20.2) 0.23-0.32 10
(9.6)
6
(5.8)
5
(4.8)
Obese
(≥ 30)
13 (12.5) 0.18-0.27 7
(6.7)
5
(4.8)
1
(1.0)
*Rates for weight gain during pregnancy based on IOM 2009 recommendation which
assumed 0.5 -2.0 kg weight gain in the rst trimester.
Table 2. Pre-pregnancy BMI and subjects’ rates of weekly weight gain (n=104).
Mohamad M (2016) Food taboos of malay pregnant women attending antenatal check-up at the maternal health clinic in Kuala Lumpur
Volume 3(1): 262-267Integr Food Nutr Metab, 2016 doi: 10.15761/IFNM.1000140
of food avoidance is still very much in practice among the pregnant
Malay women. e rate seems higher than the study conducted among
Javanese in Indonesia (37%)4 though the Malay and the Javanese have
both similar origins and share many common cultures and traditions.
For Javanese women, the main taboo during pregnancy was about
observing their behavior rather than their food intake.
ough literature searched could not nd a sucient report on food
taboo during pregnancy among the Malays, this study found pineapple
as the most mentioned food avoidance because of its’ abortive eect.
e Malay believes that ingesting ‘hot’ substance such as pineapple;
especially the unripe one can cause strong uterine contractions [20].
It is interesting to note that dierent fruits are thought to cause
miscarriage in dierent culture. e Indians [11] believed that papaya
is unsafe to be consumed by pregnant women. Whereas the Chinese
[2] claim that banana is detrimental to pregnancy because it is thought
to cause miscarriage if eaten in early pregnancy. While pineapple and
papaya are categorized as ‘hot’ foods by the Malays [20] and the Indians
[27] respectively; the Chinese, however, oen categorize fruits and
vegetables as ‘cold’ foods [16].
e concept of ‘hot’ and ‘cold’ foods is quite widespread but
the underlying criteria of its classication are oen not clear [27].
Although the Malays and the Indians believe that pregnancy is a hot
condition [20,27], the Chinese, however, believe the pregnancy will
cause a harmful disequilibrium of yin (cold) and yang (hot) in the body
Food n (%) Reason for avoidance
Pineapple 73 (70.2) Fear of abortion, excessive bleeding during labor, the baby may be born with deformities
Sugarcane juice 62 (59.6) Fear of abortion, excessive bleeding during labor, the baby may be born with deformities
*Hot foods 49 (47.1) Fear of abortion, excessive bleeding during labor, the baby may be born with deformities, uncomfortable feeling in the abdomen
(pain), fever
Carbonated drinks 41 (39.4) Fear of abortion, excessive bleeding during labor, the baby may be born with deformities
‘Tapai’ 35 (33.7) Fear of abortion, excessive bleeding during labor, the baby may be born with deformities
Bamboo shoots 19 (18.3) Fear of abortion, excessive bleeding during labor, the baby may be born with deformities
ⱡCold foods 13 (12.5) Fear of abortion, body ache, bloated stomach, produce thick breast milk, baby will get sick easily
◊Other foods 37 (35.6) Fear of abortion, difcult labor, unnecessary sickness, vomiting, dizziness, edema, dark skin baby, the baby may be born with
cognitive impairment
*Hot foods: black pepper, chili, durian, fried foods, ginger, rambutan, turmeric, vinegar.
ⱡCold foods: cabbage, coconut water, cucumber, jackfruit, kale, long beans, pumpkin, spinach, watermelon.
◊Other foods: cashew nuts, chicken liver, coffee, junk foods, mackerel, meat, oily foods, seafoods.
Table 3. Type of foods avoided and reasons for practicing food taboos during pregnancy among Malay women (n=104).
Variables
Food avoidance/taboo χ2 (df) p value
Yes (n=73) No (n=31)
Age (years) 20 - 29 42 14
1.974 (2) 0.373
30 - 39 27 16
≥ 40 4 1
Education level Lower secondary 42 20
1.572 (2) 0.456
Upper Secondary 20 5
Tertiary 11 6
Monthly household income (RM) ≤ 2000 22 10
5.791 (2) 0.055
2001 - 4000 41 11
≥ 4001 10 10
Gravidity Gravida 1 23 5
5.984 (2) 0.050*
Gravida 2 28 9
≥ Gravida 3 22 17
BMI (kg/m2) < 18.5 13 2
2.568 (3) 0.463
18.5 - 24.9 38 17
25.0 - 29.9 14 7
≥ 30.0 8 5
*P<0.05, calculated using chi square test
Table 4. Association of socio-demographic characteristics with food taboo practices.
Food avoidance/taboo Weight gain rate of the subjects (kg/week) χ2 (df) p value
Inadequate Adequate Excessive
n (%) n (%) n (%)
Yes (n=73) 52 (71.2) 8 (11.0) 13 (17.8) 8.765 (2) 0.012*
No (n= 31) 16 (51.6) 11 (35.5) 4 (12.9)
*P<0.05, calculated using chi square test
Table 5. Association of food taboo practices with rates of weekly weight gain.
Mohamad M (2016) Food taboos of malay pregnant women attending antenatal check-up at the maternal health clinic in Kuala Lumpur
Volume 3(1): 262-267Integr Food Nutr Metab, 2016 doi: 10.15761/IFNM.1000140
[38]. ey believe the body will experience the cold condition in the
rst trimester and progress into a heart anomaly in the nal trimester;
hence pregnant women avoid ‘cold’ foods in the rst trimester. ey
start eating cold foods only during the second trimester in order to
counteract the hot condition that may come up in the nal stage
of pregnancy [29]. ese observations reiterate reports on food
taboo practices that were diverse and not absolute among dierent
community [18,27,30]. Bolton reported that the food taboo can be local
and personal, so much so that certain food can be transformed into
non-taboo if it is found to have no ill-eect on the individual [18].
is study revealed that the main reason for not consuming the
taboo foods was because of the health consequence to the mother
themselves, such as abortion and excessive bleeding during labor and
also to safeguard the birth outcomes of the babies, similar to what was
witnessed in other cultures [2,3,5,7].
It is speculated that the relatively high prevalence of food taboos
observed in this study is due to the high number of women in their
rst or second pregnancy. Most women who are pregnant with her rst
child are usually overly concerned with the pregnancy outcomes. ey
are easily inuenced by the opinions and suggestions given by those
who are close to them and/or by those who already had experienced
pregnancies. is habit was clearly shown in this study whereby the
majority of the subjects (63.5%) got the information about food taboos
from their family members. is study also found that the food taboo
practices declined as the women experienced multiple pregnancies
and it is evident that gravidity has a signicant association with the
practices (p<0.05). Almost a similar result was reported in a study
among Nigerian women whereby it was revealed that primi-gravidity
was associated with food taboos [3]. However, Nigerian study and our
nding were contradicted with a study in Ethiopia, where it concluded
that gravidity was not related to the food taboos practices [31].
ough gravidity did not inuence food taboo practices among
Ethiopian women, the study, however, found that educational level
and income appeared to have an association on their food taboos.
e Ethiopian study found women of low education level and lower
income groups observed food taboos more as compared to women
of better education and in the middle income group [31], which were
contradicted by our ndings. Our result also showed that no signicant
associations were found between age and pre-pregnancy BMI with
food taboo practices.
Our nding shows a high number of pregnant women were not
gaining the recommended weekly weight gain and there is a signicant
association between food taboos and the rate of weekly weight gain
among the pregnant women (p<0.05). Apparently the percentages of
not gaining the recommended weekly weight gain among those who
practice food taboo was slightly higher (71.2%) than those who were
not adhering to the practice (51.6%). is nding is almost similar to
a study in Nigeria whereby they found that nearly three quarters of
the pregnant women did not gain enough to meet the recommended
weekly weight gain due to traditional beliefs of avoiding food during
pregnancy rather than the more frequently cited reasons of poverty and
non-availability of foods [32].
e high prevalence rate of the food taboos discovered in this
study, underlines the need to further strengthen the eort to educate
the mothers-to-be about nutrition knowledge during their antenatal
check-up. Pregnant mothers visiting such health clinics should also be
educated on dietary patters and healthy food habits. Emphasis should
be given on the importance of consumption of fruits and vegetables
in order to supply micronutrient and bre to the body. Nutrition
education should be conducted in all health centres to help pregnant
women with healthier food choice to ensure the pregnant women
understand the importance of good nutrition during pregnancy.
Convenience sampling method was used due to time constraint,
though it might be biased as it may not represent the pregnant women
population who came for the antenatal check-up. Secondary data
which obtained from subjects’ the medical records may not be accurate
due to having variations in term of height and weight measurement
technique of the measurers. e data on pre pregnancy weight were
mostly being recalled by the subjects that might lead to recall bias.
Most subjects found it very hard to complete the questionnaire as they
required thinking and recalling especially when they were asked to give
examples of certain food items they avoided. e questions were mostly
open-ended type which largely depends on respondent cooperation,
opinions and understanding.
Conclusion
e present study concludes that the prevalence of food taboos
was alarmingly high with an inadequate weekly weight gain. e most
common food the pregnant women avoided during pregnancy was
pineapple due to its abortive eect or excessive bleeding during labor
or the baby born with deformities. is study also shows that there is an
association between food taboo practices and the rate of weekly weight
gain.
Acknowledgements
Our deepest gratitude and appreciation to all the subjects who had
participated in this study and special thanks to the Health Services of
Malaysian Armed forces for their approval to conduct this study at
its Maternal and Child Health clinic in Kuala Lumpur. We are also
grateful to the International Medical University (IMU) Kuala Lumpur
for providing a grant to conduct this work.
References
1. Meyer-Rochow VB (2009) Food taboos: their origins and purposes. J Ethnobiol
Ethnomed 5: 18. [Crossref]
2. Martin D (2001) Food restrictions in pregnancy among Hong Kong mothers, In: Wu
DYH and Tan CB (Eds) Changing Chinese Foodways in Asia. The Chinese University
Press: The Chinese University of Hong Kong: 97-122.
3. Oni OA, Tukur J (2012) Identifying pregnant women who would adhere to food taboos
in a rural community: a community-based study. Afr J Reprod Health 16: 68-76.
[Crossref]
4. Koeryaman MT (2012) Description of taboo behavior practice among pregnant women
in West Java, Indonesia. Presented at the 23rd International Nursing Research Congress,
Brisbane Australia.
5. Patil R, Mittal A, Vedapriya DR, Iqbal Khan M, Raghavia M (2010) Taboos and
misconceptions about food during pregnancy among rural population of Pondicherry.
Calicut Medical Journal 8: e4.
6. Sharifah Zahhura SA, Nilan P, Germov J (2012) Food restriction during pregnancy
among indigenous Temiar women in Peninsula Malaysia. Mal J Nutr 18: 243-253.
7. Adamson DS (2015) The myths about food and pregnancy. BBC Magazine.
8. Wilson CS (1973) Food habits: A selected annotated bibliography. J Nutr Educ 5.
9. Trigo M, Roncada MJ, Stewien GT, Pereira IM (1989) [Food taboos in the northern
region of Brazil]. Rev Saude Publica 23: 455-464. [Crossref]
10. Ferro-Luzzi EG (1980) Food avoidance of pregnant women in Tamil Nadu. In Robson
JRK (Ed) Food, Ecology and Culture: Readings in the Anthropology of Dietary
Practices. Gordon and Breach, Science Publishers, Inc: New York p101-108.
11. Puri S, Kapoor S (2006) Taboos and myths associated with women’s health among
Mohamad M (2016) Food taboos of malay pregnant women attending antenatal check-up at the maternal health clinic in Kuala Lumpur
Volume 3(1): 262-267Integr Food Nutr Metab, 2016 doi: 10.15761/IFNM.1000140
rural and urban adolescent girls in Punjab. Indian Journal of Community Medicine
31: 168-170.
12. Wilson CS (1980) Food taboos of childbirth: The Malay example. In: Robson JRK (Ed)
Food, ecology and culture: Readings in Anthropology of Dietary Practices. Gordon and
Breach, Science Publishers, Inc: New York p67-74.
13. Piperata BA (2008) Forty days and forty nights: a biocultural perspective on postpartum
practices in the Amazon. Soc Sci Med 67: 1094-1103. [Crossref]
14. Sharifah Suraya SJ (2014) Beliefs and practices surrounding postpartum period among
Malay women. Proceeding of the Social Sciences Research ICSSR 2014 (e-ISBN
978-967-11768-7-0). Kota Kinabalu, Sabah, Malaysia 409-417. Organized by http://
WorldConference.net
15. Sharifah Suraya SJ (2013) Penjagaan Kesihatan Wanita: Amalan Tradisonal dan
Moden. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.
16. Poh BK, Wong YP, Norimah AK (2005) Postpartum dietary intakes and food taboos
among Chinese women attending maternal and child health clinics and maternity
hospital, Kuala Lumpur. Mal J Nutr 11: 1-21.
17. Hishamshah M, Ramzan M, Rashid A, Mustaffa WW, Haroon R (2010) Belief and
Practices of Traditional Post Partum Care Among a Rural Community in Penang
Malaysia. The Internet Journal of Third World Medicine 9: 4210.
18. Bolton JM (1972) Food taboos among the Orang Asli in West Malaysia: a potential
nutritional hazard. Am J Clin Nutr 25: 789-799. [Crossref]
19. Laderman C (1987) Destructive heat and cooling prayer: Malay humoralism in
pregnancy, childbirth and the postpartum period. Soc Sci Med 25: 357-365. [Crossref]
20. Sudheer Pamidimarri DV, Reddy MP (2014) Phylogeography and molecular diversity
analysis of Jatropha curcas L. and the dispersal route revealed by RAPD, AFLP and
nrDNA-ITS analysis. Mol Biol Rep 41: 3225-3234. [Crossref]
21. Millis J (1958) Modications in food selection observed by Malay women during
pregnancy and after connement. Med J Malaya 13: 139-144. [Crossref]
22. Islam MN, Ullah MO (2005) Knowledge and Attitude of Urban Pregnant Women of
Bangladesh Toward Nutrition, Health Care Practice and Delivery Place. Journal of
Medical Sciences 5: 116-119.
23. Viswanathan M, Siega-Riz AM, Moos MK, Deierlein A, Mumford S, et al. (2008)
Outcomes of maternal weight gain. Evid Rep Technol Assess 1-223. [Crossref]
24. Siega-Riz AM, Viswanathan M, Moos MK, Deierlein A, Mumford S, et al. (2009)
A systematic review of outcomes of maternal weight gains, according to the Institute
of Medicine recommendations: birth weight, fetal growth, and postpartum weight
retention. Am J Obstet Gynecol 201: 339. e1-14.
25. World Health Organization (2000) The Asia-Pacic Perspective: redening Obesity
and its treatment 2000. World Health Organization, Geneva, Switzerland.
26. Institute of Medicine (2009) Weight gain during Pregnancy: Reexamining the
guidelines. Report brief. May 2009.
27. Moni N (1994) Belief and practices about food during pregnancy. Economic and
Political Weekly pp 2427-2438.
28. Tung WC (2010) Doing the month and Asian cultures: Implications for health care.
Home Health Care Manag Prac 22: 369-371.
29. Notes on Food in Nutrition and Health in Traditional China (1991) In Food in China:
A cultural and Historical Inquiry; Simoons FJ, ed; CRC Press Boston MA USA pp
469-515.
30. Gao H, Stiller CK, Scherbaum V, Biesalski HK, Wang Q, et al. (2013) Dietary intake
and food habits of pregnant women residing in urban and rural areas of Deyang City,
Sichuan Province, China. Nutrients 5: 2933-2954.
31. Gemebo TD (1996) Food aversion, craving and taboo of pregnant women in Hadiya
zone, Ethiopia: prevalence and their signicance in maternal nutrition. Digital
Repository, Universiti of Nairobi.
32. Ojofeitimi EO, Tanimowo CM (1980) Nutritional beliefs among pregnant Nigerian
Women. Int J Gynaecol Obstet 18: 66-69.
Copyright: ©2016 Mohamad M. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted
use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.