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Food taboos of malay pregnant women attending antenatal check-up at the maternal health clinic in Kuala Lumpur

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Research Article
Integrative Food, Nutrition and Metabolism
Integr Food Nutr Metab, 2016 doi: 10.15761/IFNM.1000140 Volume 3(1): 262-267
ISSN: 2056-8339
other populations [8]. A study in Brazil found that women should not
eat game meat and sh at the same time during pregnancy due to the
belief that such combinations can kill or cause harm such as congestion
or vomiting [9]; whilst women in Tanzania abstain from eating meat,
fearing that the baby they deliver might take on the characteristics of
the animal they consumed. Many studies have reported that pregnant
women in various parts of the world are forced to abstain from
nutritious foods as part of their traditional food belief [5]. Women
in the southern part of India commonly avoid raw papaya during
pregnancy because they believe that papaya can cause abortion [10,11]
and Mexican women belief that eggs can make the baby smell bad [7].
Altering roles and activities during pregnancy or following
childbirth are well known among anthropologists [12]. e reasons
for these changes are numerous and diverse. ere is a common belief
that women and infants were more vulnerable during post-partum
period [13]. Women in many societies observed a series of postpartum
practices which aimed to protect the mothers and their newborns [14].
In Malaysia, similar taboos also exist. Traditional postpartum care in
Food taboos of malay pregnant women attending antenatal
check-up at the maternal health clinic in Kuala Lumpur
Maznorila Mohamad* and Chong Yee Ling
Division of Nutrition and Dietetics, School of Health Sciences, International Medical University, Malaysia
Abstract
Food taboos are generally practiced during pregnancy in many cultures. Certain food or activities are not allowed during pregnancy in order to safeguard the unborn
child and prevent any negative outcomes to the mother and the baby alike. Passed on from one generation to another, most of these taboos are based on learned
behaviour, either acquired mostly by instruction from parents and family members or observation from close relatives and friends. The main aim of the study was
to determine the prevalence and types of food taboos and its reason for avoidance. The secondary objective was to determine its association with rates of weekly
weight gain of the pregnant women. A cross sectional study was conducted among 104 Malay pregnant women ranging from age 20 to 46 years. Information on
socio-demographic profile and practices pertaining to food taboo was collected using a structured questionnaire. Weight gain status during pregnancy was assessed
by comparing the current weight with pre-pregnancy weight. About 70.2% of the respondents avoided at least one food item due to food taboos. Pineapple and sugar
cane drink were regarded as taboo foods by more than half of the subjects (70.2% and 59.6% respectively), followed by hot foods (47.1%), carbonated drinks (39.4%)
and cold foods (12.5%). The most common reason for avoiding foods were fear of abortion (95.2%), followed by fear of excessive bleeding during labor (34.6%),
baby born with deformities (27.9%) and other reasons such as difficult labor, unnecessary sickness, induced vomiting and edema (19.2%). Multiparous women with
3 pregnancies or more were found to be associated with the practice of food taboos (p ≤ 0.05). About 71.2% of women who practiced food taboos had an inadequate
weight gain and there was a significant association between prevalence of food taboos with weekly rates of weight gain of the pregnant women (p<0.05). Prevalence
of food taboos was high among the Malay pregnant women and the main reason for adhering to food taboos was fear of abortion. A significant association was found
between the prevalence of food taboo with weekly rates of weight gain. Nutrition education should be conducted in all health centers to help pregnant women with
a healthier food choice to ensure a healthy pregnancy.
Introduction
Food taboos probably exist in one form or another in every
society. Dietary rules and regulations may govern particular phase of
human life cycle and maybe associated with special events such as a
menstrual period, pregnancy, childbirth, lactation, wedding, funeral,
etc. Meter-Rochow dened food taboo (or prohibition) as a deliberate
avoidance of a food item for reasons other than simple dislike from
food preferences [1].
Food taboos are commonly practiced during pregnancy in many
cultures [2-6]. Certain food or activities are not allowed during
pregnancy in order to safeguard the unborn child and prevent any
negative outcomes to the mother. Passed on from one generation to
another, most of these taboos are based on learned behaviour, either
acquired mostly by instruction from parents and family members or
observation from close relatives and friends who practices it.
Many of these cultural patterns have to do with avoiding other
problematic events or situations [2]; hence changing the food habit
during pregnancy are observed by the women in order to make
delivery easy or to prevent the child from being marred or deformed.
For example; in the Philippines, women are told to eat raw egg just
before delivery to help lubricate the birth canal and Chinese women
avoid eating crabs due to the belief that this might make their baby
mischievous or babies may be born with 11 ngers [7].
In many cultures, strong taboos limit the amounts, or kinds, of
food a pregnant woman may choose; for example protein foods are
oen denied to pregnant women in various part of Africa and many
Correspondence to: Maznorila Mohamad, Division of Nutrition and Dietetics,
School of Health Sciences, International Medical University, No 126 Jalan
Jalil Perkasa, Bukit Jalil 57000, Kualalampur, Malaysia; E-mail:
Maznor il a_mohamad@imu.edu.my
Key words: Malay, pregnant women, food taboos, weight gain status
Received: December 31, 2015; Accepted: January 13, 2016; Published: January
16, 2016
Mohamad M (2016) Food taboos of malay pregnant women attending antenatal check-up at the maternal health clinic in Kuala Lumpur
Volume 3(1): 262-267Integr Food Nutr Metab, 2016 doi: 10.15761/IFNM.1000140
Malaysia is widely practiced regardless of the socio-demographic and
cultural dierences. e women in Malaysian societies observe 30 to 44
days of connement period in which adherence to the food restrictions
is the one of the most common practice [15].
While there were quite a number of studies have been done relating
on food taboos aer childbirth or during connement in Malaysia
[12,14,16,17]; however a literature search of available resources found
very few studies solely focused on food taboos during pregnancy
[6,18] Most of the available studies presented the practices among
the indigenous women in Peninsular Malaysia and not the Malays.
ough very few reports found on food taboos among Malay women
during pregnancy [19,20], this does not mean that the practice rarely
exists or the Malay women do not have a distinctive food taboos while
pregnant. Unlike many other cultures, perhaps the Malay does not
regard pregnancy as a condition that requires special precautions as
compare to the period of post-partum [12]. is observation appears
to support a study by Millis which shows that the food intake of Malay
women was unchanged during pregnancy, but noted that they avoided
certain food only during connement [21].
Pregnancy is the most nutritionally demanding stage in a woman’s
life. is stage demands extra calories and essential nutrients are needed
every day to support the growth of the fetus [22]. Severe food avoidance
during pregnancy might deplete the body of important nutrients
which can adversely aect pregnancy and birth outcomes. Evidence
showed that the amount of weight gained during pregnancy can aect
the immediate and future health of a woman and her baby [23,24].
erefore, attention to appropriate dietary behaviour and proper
nutrient intake is of utmost importance for adequate nourishment
to both, the mother and the fetus. Lack of accurate information
concerning food intake of pregnant women could be a hindrance for
the improvement of their nutritional status. us, the purpose of this
study is to determine the prevalence of food taboos among Malay
pregnant women, types of food taboos and its reason for avoidance.
is paper will assess the association of food taboo practices and its
eect on weight gain during pregnancy of Malay women attending
antenatal check-up at the maternal and child health clinic in Kuala
Lumpur.
Materials and methods
Ethical clearance
is study was approved by the International Medical University
Joint Committee of the Research and Ethics Committee bearing the
grant no. N&D 1-01/2008(17)2010. e purpose of the study was
informed to the subjects prior to their consent for the data collection.
Subjects
A total of 104 Malay pregnant women from all trimesters were
recruited for this study from a maternal and child health clinic. e
subjects were those who attended a routine antenatal check-up at the
clinic. Pregnant women included in this study were free from any
obstetrical and medical complications known to aect fetal growth,
such as hyperemesis gravidarum, gestational diabetes mellitus (GDM)
and hypertension. Pregnant women who had food intolerance and
food allergies resulting in avoidance of certain foods due to adverse
reaction were excluded.
Data collection
Questionnaire and interview: A face to face interview was
conducted for each subject using a set of structured questionnaires
which had been pre-tested in a pilot study. e questionnaires were
developed to elicit information on the socioeconomic and demographic
background of the subjects and also the practices of food taboos
observed during pregnancy. In order to gather information on the food
taboos, the subjects were asked to list down the food they avoided and
state the reason why certain foods were considered as taboos. Some of
the questions were open-ended questions purposely design to enable
the interviewer to probe in greater detail about a particular matter
while allowing the subjects the opportunity to answer freely.
Obstetric history and gestational age: Data on subject’s obstetric
history was collected from the medical records with permission from
the subjects and the sanctions of the clinic. e gestational age was
calculated from the subject’s last menstrual period.
Anthropometric assessment: e pre-pregnancy nutritional
status of the subjects was evaluated using Body Mass Index (BMI).
e nutritional status was dened as underweight, normal, overweight
or obese, according to WHO BMI standards [25]. e subjects’ pre-
pregnancy weight was obtained from the medical records or from
their recalled (if there was no record found on subject’s pre-pregnancy
weight). Subjects’ height was measured to the nearest 0.1 cm using
Microtoise, which was suspended 2 meters from the at surface oor
against a smooth and at wall. Subjects were required to stand straight
without shoes.
e subjects’ current body weight was measured using Tanita
digital weighing scale to the nearest 0.1 kg in their lightest clothing
with shoes removed. From the measured current body weight, rate of
weight gain per week by the subjects can be calculated by subtracting
their pre-pregnancy weight from the current weight and then divided
by week of gestation.
Pre-pregnancy BMI and the rate of weight increase per week will
then compare to the Institute of Medicine (IOM) 2009 [26] guide for
the recommended weight gain during gestation. e subjects then are
classied as having inadequate, adequate or excessive weight gain rate.
Statistical analysis
Data analyses were analyzed using SPSS (Statistical Package for the
Social Sciences) Version 20.0.
Results
Socio-demographic background
Table 1 shows the socio-demographic characteristics of the
pregnant women at the time of the interview. More than half (53.8%) of
the subjects were young women aged between 20-29 years old, followed
by 41.3% between 30 - 39 years old and 4.8 % were at or above 40 years
old. e mean age of the subjects was 30.0 ± 4.8 years, ranging from 20
to 46 years.
e majority of subjects have completed secondary education
(83.6%) whereas 16.4% have received tertiary education. Regarding
estimated monthly household income, about one third (30.8%)
reported the household income of below RM2,000 per month. Of
the remaining, half (50.0%) of the subjects had a household income
of between RM2,100-4,000, another 15.4% had household income
between RM4,001-6,000 while only 3.8% had household income above
RM6,000.
At the time of data collection, 26.9% of the subjects were at gravida
Mohamad M (2016) Food taboos of malay pregnant women attending antenatal check-up at the maternal health clinic in Kuala Lumpur
Volume 3(1): 262-267Integr Food Nutr Metab, 2016 doi: 10.15761/IFNM.1000140
grandmothers, mothers or older siblings. Health professionals such as
physicians, nutritionists and nurses were the next most credible source
that the pregnant women relied on (27.9%), followed by social media
(6.7%) and friends (1.9%).
However, nearly one third (29.8%) of subjects reported that they
did not abstain from eating any food because they believed good
pregnancy outcomes is the result from eating healthily.
Type of food taboos and its reason for avoidance
Type of food avoided and the dierent reasons for this avoidance
are presented in Table 3. e most commonly taboo foods were
pineapple (70.2%), followed by sugarcane juice (59.6%), ‘hot foods’
(47.1%), carbonated drinks (39.4%), ‘tapai’ or fermented glutinous
rice (33.7%), bamboo shoots (18.3%), ‘cold foods’ (12.5%) and others
(35.6%).
e main reason for food avoidance was mainly due to the belief
that consuming these foods will lead to abortion (95.2%), followed
by excessive bleeding during labor (34.6%) and the baby born with
deformities (27.9%). Other reasons stated by the women were to avoid
unnecessary sickness, edema, vomiting and/or dizziness. ey also
fear of facing dicult labor, having babies with dark skin and/or with
cognitive impairment.
Association between socio-demographic characteristics and
food taboo practices
ere is a signicant association (p<0.05) between food taboo
practices with the number of pregnancies of the study subjects (Table
4). However subjects’ age, education level, monthly household income
and pre-pregnancy BMI do not show any association with food
avoidance during pregnancy (p>0.05).
Association between food taboo practices and weight gain
Table 5 shows a signicant association between food taboos and
the rate of weight gain among the pregnant women (p < 0.05). About
71.2% of the pregnant mother had an inadequate weight gain, 8 (11.0%)
had an adequate weight gain and 13 (17.8 %) had excessive weight gain
during pregnancy. ose who did not adhere to the food taboo practice
apparently had a slightly lower percentage of inadequate weight gain
(51.6%) as compared to those who practiced food taboo (71.2%).
Discussion
Majority of the subjects (70.2%) in this study avoided at least one
type of food while pregnant. is nding clearly shows that the practice
1, more than one third (35.6%) were at gravida 2, and 37.5% of them
have at least had experienced more than 2 pregnancies.
Pre-pregnancy BMI status
Figure 1 shows that 14.4% of the women suered from chronic
energy deciency, but more than half (52.9%) of them were at their
normal weight before pregnancy. However, one h (20.2%) of them
were overweight and a smaller percentage (12.5%) were obese.
Weight gain status of the subjects
e weight gain status of the subjects is categorized based on
IOM 2009 classication and presented in Table 2. About 64.4% of the
subjects had inadequate rates of weekly weight gain and 15.4 %, had an
excessive rate of weekly weight gain.
Prevalence of food taboos and its source of information
e prevalence rate of pregnant women adhering to specic food
taboos during their pregnancy was 70.2%, of which, 18.3% avoided
eating at least one food item. e majority of subjects (63.5%) acquired
information about food taboos from their family members, either from
Characteristic n Percentage (%)
Age (years) 20-29 56 53.8
30-39 43 41.3
≥ 40 5 4.8
Education level Lower secondary 62 59.6
Upper secondary 25 24.0
Tertiary 17 16.4
Household income per month (RM) 1,000 and below 0 0.0
1,001-2,000 32 30.8
2,001-3,000 24 23.1
3,001-4,000 28 26.9
4,001-5,000 11 10.6
5,001-6,000 5 4.8
> 6,000 4 3.8
Gravidity Gravida 1 28 26.9
Gravida 2 37 35.6
Gravida 3 20 19.2
Gravida 4 13 12.5
Gravida 5 5 4.8
Gravida 6 0 0.0
Gravida 7 1 1.0
Table 1. Socio-demographic characteristics of the pregnant women (n=104).
12.5
20.2
52.9
14.4
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Obese
Overweight
Normal weight
Under weight
Percentages
BMI Categoty
Figure 1. Pre-pregnancy BMI of the subjects.
Pre-
pregnancy
BMI (kg/m2)
n
(%)
*Rates of weight
gain 2nd and 3rd
trimester
(mean range in kg/
week)
Rates of weight gain
Inadequate
n = 67
(64.4%)
Adequate
n = 21
(20.2%)
Excessive
n = 16
(15.4%)
Underweight
(< 18.5)
15 (14.4) 0.45-0.59 12
(11.5)
2
(1.9)
1
(1.0)
Normal
(18.5-24.9)
55 (52.9) 0.36-0.45 38
(36.6)
8
(7.7)
9
(8.6)
Overweight
(25.0-29.9)
21 (20.2) 0.23-0.32 10
(9.6)
6
(5.8)
5
(4.8)
Obese
(≥ 30)
13 (12.5) 0.18-0.27 7
(6.7)
5
(4.8)
1
(1.0)
*Rates for weight gain during pregnancy based on IOM 2009 recommendation which
assumed 0.5 -2.0 kg weight gain in the rst trimester.
Table 2. Pre-pregnancy BMI and subjects’ rates of weekly weight gain (n=104).
Mohamad M (2016) Food taboos of malay pregnant women attending antenatal check-up at the maternal health clinic in Kuala Lumpur
Volume 3(1): 262-267Integr Food Nutr Metab, 2016 doi: 10.15761/IFNM.1000140
of food avoidance is still very much in practice among the pregnant
Malay women. e rate seems higher than the study conducted among
Javanese in Indonesia (37%)4 though the Malay and the Javanese have
both similar origins and share many common cultures and traditions.
For Javanese women, the main taboo during pregnancy was about
observing their behavior rather than their food intake.
ough literature searched could not nd a sucient report on food
taboo during pregnancy among the Malays, this study found pineapple
as the most mentioned food avoidance because of its’ abortive eect.
e Malay believes that ingesting ‘hot’ substance such as pineapple;
especially the unripe one can cause strong uterine contractions [20].
It is interesting to note that dierent fruits are thought to cause
miscarriage in dierent culture. e Indians [11] believed that papaya
is unsafe to be consumed by pregnant women. Whereas the Chinese
[2] claim that banana is detrimental to pregnancy because it is thought
to cause miscarriage if eaten in early pregnancy. While pineapple and
papaya are categorized as ‘hot’ foods by the Malays [20] and the Indians
[27] respectively; the Chinese, however, oen categorize fruits and
vegetables as ‘cold’ foods [16].
e concept of ‘hot’ and ‘cold’ foods is quite widespread but
the underlying criteria of its classication are oen not clear [27].
Although the Malays and the Indians believe that pregnancy is a hot
condition [20,27], the Chinese, however, believe the pregnancy will
cause a harmful disequilibrium of yin (cold) and yang (hot) in the body
Food n (%) Reason for avoidance
Pineapple 73 (70.2) Fear of abortion, excessive bleeding during labor, the baby may be born with deformities
Sugarcane juice 62 (59.6) Fear of abortion, excessive bleeding during labor, the baby may be born with deformities
*Hot foods 49 (47.1) Fear of abortion, excessive bleeding during labor, the baby may be born with deformities, uncomfortable feeling in the abdomen
(pain), fever
Carbonated drinks 41 (39.4) Fear of abortion, excessive bleeding during labor, the baby may be born with deformities
‘Tapai’ 35 (33.7) Fear of abortion, excessive bleeding during labor, the baby may be born with deformities
Bamboo shoots 19 (18.3) Fear of abortion, excessive bleeding during labor, the baby may be born with deformities
Cold foods 13 (12.5) Fear of abortion, body ache, bloated stomach, produce thick breast milk, baby will get sick easily
Other foods 37 (35.6) Fear of abortion, difcult labor, unnecessary sickness, vomiting, dizziness, edema, dark skin baby, the baby may be born with
cognitive impairment
*Hot foods: black pepper, chili, durian, fried foods, ginger, rambutan, turmeric, vinegar.
Cold foods: cabbage, coconut water, cucumber, jackfruit, kale, long beans, pumpkin, spinach, watermelon.
Other foods: cashew nuts, chicken liver, coffee, junk foods, mackerel, meat, oily foods, seafoods.
Table 3. Type of foods avoided and reasons for practicing food taboos during pregnancy among Malay women (n=104).
Variables
Food avoidance/taboo χ2 (df) p value
Yes (n=73) No (n=31)
Age (years) 20 - 29 42 14
1.974 (2) 0.373
30 - 39 27 16
≥ 40 4 1
Education level Lower secondary 42 20
1.572 (2) 0.456
Upper Secondary 20 5
Tertiary 11 6
Monthly household income (RM) ≤ 2000 22 10
5.791 (2) 0.055
2001 - 4000 41 11
≥ 4001 10 10
Gravidity Gravida 1 23 5
5.984 (2) 0.050*
Gravida 2 28 9
≥ Gravida 3 22 17
BMI (kg/m2) < 18.5 13 2
2.568 (3) 0.463
18.5 - 24.9 38 17
25.0 - 29.9 14 7
≥ 30.0 8 5
*P<0.05, calculated using chi square test
Table 4. Association of socio-demographic characteristics with food taboo practices.
Food avoidance/taboo Weight gain rate of the subjects (kg/week) χ2 (df) p value
Inadequate Adequate Excessive
n (%) n (%) n (%)
Yes (n=73) 52 (71.2) 8 (11.0) 13 (17.8) 8.765 (2) 0.012*
No (n= 31) 16 (51.6) 11 (35.5) 4 (12.9)
*P<0.05, calculated using chi square test
Table 5. Association of food taboo practices with rates of weekly weight gain.
Mohamad M (2016) Food taboos of malay pregnant women attending antenatal check-up at the maternal health clinic in Kuala Lumpur
Volume 3(1): 262-267Integr Food Nutr Metab, 2016 doi: 10.15761/IFNM.1000140
[38]. ey believe the body will experience the cold condition in the
rst trimester and progress into a heart anomaly in the nal trimester;
hence pregnant women avoid ‘cold’ foods in the rst trimester. ey
start eating cold foods only during the second trimester in order to
counteract the hot condition that may come up in the nal stage
of pregnancy [29]. ese observations reiterate reports on food
taboo practices that were diverse and not absolute among dierent
community [18,27,30]. Bolton reported that the food taboo can be local
and personal, so much so that certain food can be transformed into
non-taboo if it is found to have no ill-eect on the individual [18].
is study revealed that the main reason for not consuming the
taboo foods was because of the health consequence to the mother
themselves, such as abortion and excessive bleeding during labor and
also to safeguard the birth outcomes of the babies, similar to what was
witnessed in other cultures [2,3,5,7].
It is speculated that the relatively high prevalence of food taboos
observed in this study is due to the high number of women in their
rst or second pregnancy. Most women who are pregnant with her rst
child are usually overly concerned with the pregnancy outcomes. ey
are easily inuenced by the opinions and suggestions given by those
who are close to them and/or by those who already had experienced
pregnancies. is habit was clearly shown in this study whereby the
majority of the subjects (63.5%) got the information about food taboos
from their family members. is study also found that the food taboo
practices declined as the women experienced multiple pregnancies
and it is evident that gravidity has a signicant association with the
practices (p<0.05). Almost a similar result was reported in a study
among Nigerian women whereby it was revealed that primi-gravidity
was associated with food taboos [3]. However, Nigerian study and our
nding were contradicted with a study in Ethiopia, where it concluded
that gravidity was not related to the food taboos practices [31].
ough gravidity did not inuence food taboo practices among
Ethiopian women, the study, however, found that educational level
and income appeared to have an association on their food taboos.
e Ethiopian study found women of low education level and lower
income groups observed food taboos more as compared to women
of better education and in the middle income group [31], which were
contradicted by our ndings. Our result also showed that no signicant
associations were found between age and pre-pregnancy BMI with
food taboo practices.
Our nding shows a high number of pregnant women were not
gaining the recommended weekly weight gain and there is a signicant
association between food taboos and the rate of weekly weight gain
among the pregnant women (p<0.05). Apparently the percentages of
not gaining the recommended weekly weight gain among those who
practice food taboo was slightly higher (71.2%) than those who were
not adhering to the practice (51.6%). is nding is almost similar to
a study in Nigeria whereby they found that nearly three quarters of
the pregnant women did not gain enough to meet the recommended
weekly weight gain due to traditional beliefs of avoiding food during
pregnancy rather than the more frequently cited reasons of poverty and
non-availability of foods [32].
e high prevalence rate of the food taboos discovered in this
study, underlines the need to further strengthen the eort to educate
the mothers-to-be about nutrition knowledge during their antenatal
check-up. Pregnant mothers visiting such health clinics should also be
educated on dietary patters and healthy food habits. Emphasis should
be given on the importance of consumption of fruits and vegetables
in order to supply micronutrient and bre to the body. Nutrition
education should be conducted in all health centres to help pregnant
women with healthier food choice to ensure the pregnant women
understand the importance of good nutrition during pregnancy.
Convenience sampling method was used due to time constraint,
though it might be biased as it may not represent the pregnant women
population who came for the antenatal check-up. Secondary data
which obtained from subjects’ the medical records may not be accurate
due to having variations in term of height and weight measurement
technique of the measurers. e data on pre pregnancy weight were
mostly being recalled by the subjects that might lead to recall bias.
Most subjects found it very hard to complete the questionnaire as they
required thinking and recalling especially when they were asked to give
examples of certain food items they avoided. e questions were mostly
open-ended type which largely depends on respondent cooperation,
opinions and understanding.
Conclusion
e present study concludes that the prevalence of food taboos
was alarmingly high with an inadequate weekly weight gain. e most
common food the pregnant women avoided during pregnancy was
pineapple due to its abortive eect or excessive bleeding during labor
or the baby born with deformities. is study also shows that there is an
association between food taboo practices and the rate of weekly weight
gain.
Acknowledgements
Our deepest gratitude and appreciation to all the subjects who had
participated in this study and special thanks to the Health Services of
Malaysian Armed forces for their approval to conduct this study at
its Maternal and Child Health clinic in Kuala Lumpur. We are also
grateful to the International Medical University (IMU) Kuala Lumpur
for providing a grant to conduct this work.
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Copyright: ©2016 Mohamad M. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted
use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
... Mixed results on this topic have been reported in the literature. In Laos, women with higher socioeconomic status and education, who are older and attend more antenatal care visits were less likely to have a restrictive diet (Smith et al., 2022), while in Malaysia, maternal age, education and household income were not associated with food taboos (Mohamad & Ling, 2016). Our finding that multiparity decreases the practice of food taboos has also been observed in Laos (Barennes et al., 2009;Smith et al., 2022) and ...
... Malaysia (Mohamad & Ling, 2016). Multiparous women may be less concerned with the risks of eating taboo foods as they have already had a successful pregnancy, delivery and postpartum experience, which can lead to reduced levels of fear or uncertainty with these periods of the life cycle. ...
... food taboos in pregnancy (n = 126 of 450)(Hartini et al., 2005), whereas in Malaysia, a smaller study found that 70% of pregnant women (n = 73 of 104) restricted foods in their diets(Mohamad & Ling, 2016). In Laos, pregnancy food taboos are nearly nonexistent(de Sa et al., 2013;Eckermann & Deodato, 2008;Holmes et al., 2007;Smith et al., 2022), yet postpartum taboos are widespread. ...
Article
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Food taboos encompass food restrictions practiced by a group that go beyond individual preferences. During pregnancy and lactation, food taboos may contribute to inadequate nutrition and poor maternal and infant health. Restriction of specific fish, meat, fruits and vegetables is common among peripartum women in many Southeast Asian countries, but data from Cambodia are lacking. In this mixed-methods study, 335 Cambodian mothers were asked open-ended questions regarding dietary behaviours during pregnancy and up to 24 weeks postpartum. Descriptive statistics and content analysis were used to characterize food taboos and multiple logistic regression analyses were conducted to identify predictors of this practice. Participants were 18-44 years of age, all of Khmer ethnicity and 31% were primiparous. Sixty-six per cent of women followed food taboos during the first 2 weeks postpartum, whereas ~20% of women restricted foods during other peripartum periods. Pregnancy taboos were often beneficial, including avoidance of sugar-sweetened beverages, coffee and alcohol. Conversely, postpartum avoidances typically included nutrient-dense foods such as fish, raw vegetables and chicken. Food taboos were generally followed to support maternal and child health. No significant predictors of food taboos during pregnancy were identified. Postpartum, each additional live birth a woman had reduced her odds of following food taboos by 24% (odds ratio [95% confidence interval]: 0.76 [0.61-0.95]). Specific food taboo practices and rationales varied greatly between women, suggesting that food taboos are shaped less by a strict belief system within the Khmer culture and more by individual or household understandings of food and health during pregnancy and postpartum.
... A structured questionnaire (tool) was adapted from different studies on food taboos or restrictions during pregnancy, 9,[18][19][20][21][22][23] which comprised women's sociodemographic variables, obstetric history, maternal health service utilization (specifically, antenatal care (ANC), Tetanus Toxoid (TT) vaccination, and nutritional counseling), and pregnancy related food taboos (restrictions), types of food items avoided and perceived reason for pregnancy-related food taboos. The questionnaire was initially prepared in English then translated to "Afaan Oromo" and backtranslated to English by individuals with good command of both languages. ...
... This difference might be due to the study settings, where almost all respondents in our study were rural residents who had not attended formal education, which may affect their awareness level and had misconceptions or perceived reasons for food taboos. Nevertheless, this finding is lower as compared with studies conducted in Ethiopia that reported pregnancy-related food taboos ranged 55%-68%, 20,33 57% in Ghana, 34 64% in South Africa (64%), 35 70% in Malaysia (70%), 19 and 65% in India. 36 Congruent with similar studies, the most frequently mentioned reason for food taboos was fear of delivering a big baby, and cultural prohibitions of eating tabooed food during pregnancy. ...
... 36 Congruent with similar studies, the most frequently mentioned reason for food taboos was fear of delivering a big baby, and cultural prohibitions of eating tabooed food during pregnancy. 13,20,22 In addition, pregnant women in this study raised similar reason for food taboos with a study conducted in Sudan, 31 South Africa, 32 and Ghana reported cultural compassion, 34 and in Malaysia, 19 revealed that the most common perceived reasons for avoiding foods were fear of born a baby with deformities and fear of difficult of delivering big baby. ...
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Objective: The main aim of this study was to assess food taboos and associated factors among pregnant women in eastern Ethiopia. Methods: A community-based cross-sectional study was conducted among randomly selected 422 pregnant women at Haramaya Demographic Surveillance System from Haramaya District, eastern Ethiopia. Data on sociodemographic conditions, the presence of food taboos, and perceived reasons were collected using the face-to-face interview method by trained data collectors through arranged home visits. Collected data were entered into EpiData 3.1 and exported to statistical package for social sciences version 23 for cleaning and analysis. Descriptive, binary, and multiple logistic regression analyses were carried out to determine the relationship between explanatory and outcome variables. Adjusted odds ratio (AOR) with 95% confidence interval (CI) at p value less than 0.05 was used to declare significant association. Results: Approximately half (48%, 95% CI: 43%, 52%) of the pregnant women reported the presence of pregnancy-related food taboos. Pregnant women who have heard about food taboos (AOR: 3.58; 95% CI: 1.89, 6.83), pregnant women had friends who avoided food (AOR: 1.91; 95% CI: 1.22, 2.99), women’s monthly income ⩽840ETB (AOR: 1.73; 95% CI: 1.10,2.73), and pregnant women who had not attended formal education (AOR: 1.95; 95% CI: 1.18, 3.23) were more likely to report food taboos. The odds of pregnant women who had attended uptake of immunization services were less likely to have food taboos (AOR: 0.35; 95% CI: 0.21, 0.58). Conclusion: Pregnancy-related food taboos among pregnant women are unacceptably high. Therefore, awareness creation and nutritional counseling at health service delivery points are imperative actions for pregnant women to avoid food taboos norms. Further research should be done to understand the social and cultural ground of food taboos during pregnancy. Keywords: Food taboos, pregnant women, Haramaya, eastern Ethiopia
... The abortive effect of pineapples was also reported in Malaysia by [81] where it was regarded as a hot food capable of causing strong uterine contractions. Debnath et al. [83] reported that excessive consumption of fresh pineapple juice can cause mouth and oesophagus soreness and if consumed on an empty stomach can result in stomach upset. Additionally eating too much pineapple may contribute to gingivitis and cavities. ...
... Additionally eating too much pineapple may contribute to gingivitis and cavities. Also too much consumption of pineapple fruit during the second trimester of pregnancy was associated with an increased likelihood of gestational diabetes mellitus [83]. Therefore, avoidance of pineapples during pregnancy may accord health benefits to the mother. ...
Article
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Background Food taboos and cultural beliefs among pregnant and breast-feeding women influence their food consumption patterns and hence the health of women and unborn children. Cognizant of their neglect in programs aimed to ameliorate hidden hunger among pregnant and breast-feeding women in Buyende and other resource-poor communities in sub-Saharan Africa, we opted for a study to unravel them to inform program design. Methods We documented food taboos and beliefs amongst pregnant and breast-feeding women from six sub-counties of Buyende district in Eastern Uganda. A mixed-methods approach was used, which was comprised of questionnaire interviews with 462 women, eight focus group discussions with 6–10 participants in each and a total of 15 key informant interviews. Results The present study revealed that 129 (27.9%) of the respondents practice food taboos and adhere to cultural beliefs related to their dietary habits during pregnancy and breast-feeding that are fuelling the prevalence of hidden hunger. The most tabooed foods during pregnancy were sugarcane (17.8%), fishes which included lung fish, catfish and the Lake Victoria sardine (Rastrineobola argentea) (15.2%), oranges (6.6%), pineapples (5.9%), eggs (3.3%), chicken (3.3%) and cassava, mangoes and Cleome gynandra (each at 3%). Most foods were avoided for reasons associated with pregnancy and labour complications and undesirable effects on the baby. Most women learnt of the taboos and beliefs from the elders, their own mother, grandparents or mother-in-law, but there was also knowledge transmission in social groups within the community. Conclusions The taboos and cultural beliefs in the study area render pregnant and breast-feeding women prone to micronutrient deficiency since they are denied consumption of a diversity of nutritious foods. There is a need to educate such women about consumption of nutrient-rich foods like fish, eggs, fruits and vegetables in order to improve their health, that of the unborn and children being breast fed. Additionally, culturally appropriate nutrition education may be a good strategy to eliminate inappropriate food taboos and beliefs with negative impact on the health of pregnant and breast-feeding women.
... Several instances of food taboos and avoidance practices can be cited. For instance, in various parts of Africa and other settings, pregnant women are often denied protein-rich foods in the form of meat, fish, eggs and legumes (Sa, Nilan & Germov, 2012;Mohamad & Ling, 2016). Moslems do not only avoid pork but also blood, non-ritually slaughtered animals, cadavers and alcohol [Qur'an (2:168)]. ...
... In Western societies, cats and dogs are not consumed because of their emotional relationships with people (Zerfu et al., 2016). Another form of food avoidance involves the rule of fasting, where for example, Christians (i.e., Lent -a period from Ash Wednesday to Holy Saturday) are forbidden from meat and animal products, and Muslims (i.e., Ramadan -the ninth month of the Muslim Calendar, where there is a strict adherence to fasting from sunrise to sunset) are forbidden from all types of food, including beverages (Getnet, Aycheh &Tessema, 2018;Mohamad & Ling, 2016). ...
Article
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Purpose: The cultural beliefs of a group of people play a pivotal role in determining the nutritional status and well-being of the people. Understanding food beliefs and practices is critical to the development of dietary recommendations, nutritional programmes, and educational messages. An aspect of cultural beliefs that greatly affect majority of people especially children, pregnant women and the aged is food taboos and avoidance practices. The main aim of this study is to explore the various food taboos and its associated practices that affect pregnant women in Larteh. Materials and Methods: The study employed aspects of quantitative and qualitative approaches, and used the cross-sectional exploratory design. The random sampling technique was used to select 75 participants for the quantitative aspect, whilst the purposive sampling approach was used to select five opinion leaders for the qualitative aspect. A closed-ended structured questionnaire was used to obtain quantitative data, whilst a structured interview guide was used to collect the qualitative data. Whilst the quantitative data was analysed using frequencies and percentages in IBM-SPSS v9, the qualitative data was analysed using narratives. The results were presented in tables. Findings: Among the key findings were pregnant women were forbidden from eating snails, crabs, shellfish mudfish and eggs. It was further revealed that the people perceive these taboos as a way to protect pregnant women from experiencing stillbirths, deformities and delayed labour, among others. Implications to Theory, Practice and Policy: The sociological theory of functionalist perceptive anchored the study and its assertion that food taboos and avoidance practices are handed down to generations was affirmed. It was thus suggested that there should be public education on the nutritional needs of people in Larteh, especially the vulnerable so that adequate provision can be made for them because of food scarcity and limited choices of food commodities due to numerous food taboos and avoidance practices. Moreover, given the deep-rooted nature of the beliefs, it is advisable that when nutritious foods are restricted, nutritional interventions should rather search for alternative sources of nutrition, which are available and considered appropriate for pregnant women.
... [7] According to a survey done in Malaysia, 70.2% of pregnant women followed some food taboos during their pregnancy, with 18.3% of them not eating at least one food item. [8] Half of the mothers preferred to eat heavy meals and snacks, according a Nigerian study on the feeding habits of expectant mothers in Delta State. Some people enjoy light fare. ...
Article
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Background: Food taboos are customs that prevent certain foods and beverages from being consumed within a society for religious and cultural reasons. Due to the restriction of essential foods and beverages, it has a significant negative health impact on pregnant women and offspring. However, there is a lack of data regarding Ethiopian food taboos practices in general and in this study area particularly. Objective: To assess the magnitude of food taboos practice and associated factors among pregnant women in Dr. Bogalech Gebre memorial general Hospital, Durame Town, Southern Ethiopia. Materials and Methods: An institution‑based cross‑sectional study was conducted among 422 pregnant women from August 1 to 30, 2022 by using systematic sampling techniques. Data were entered into epi‑data version 3.1 and exported to SPSS version 26 for further analysis. Statistical significance was declared at a P-value < 0.05 with a 95% Confidence level. Results: From the total 422 pregnant mothers, 54.5% (95% CI 49.90–59.20) of them encounter food taboos practice at least for one food item. The age group of pregnant mothers was 25–34 years [AOR = 0.48, 95% CI (0.28–0.84)]; the number of family size was 4–6 were [AOR = 0.42, 95% CI (0.19–0.88)]. Previous antenatal care [AOR = 1.64, 95% CI (1.02–2.66)], change feeding habit [AOR = 1.52, 95% CI (1.02–2.33)], and nausea and vomiting during pregnancy [AOR = 1.83, 95% CI (1.16–2.91)] were significantly associated with food taboos practice. Conclusion: The magnitude of food taboos practice among pregnant women was public health problems. Age, family size, previous antenatal care follow‑up, changing feeding habits, and nausea and vomiting during pregnancy were found to be factors affecting food taboos practice.
... Moreover, a study in Tajikistan described that consumption of carbohydrates during pregnancy leads to excessive weight gain and a risky delivery because high gestational weight gain "makes the baby very big" [43]. A study among malay pregnant women found out a significant association between practice of food taboos and weekly rates of weight gain [44]. ...
Article
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Background There are foods considered as taboo across different communities in the world and in Ethiopia in particular. Although food taboos exist across all ages or physiologic states, they are predominant among pregnant women and children. Identifying such foods among pregnant women is crucial in providing focused interventions and prevents their negative consequences. Therefore, the aim of this review was to review the available evidence on food taboos and their perceived reasons among pregnant women in Ethiopia to provide comprehensive and precise evidence for decision making. Methods Electronic search of the literature was made from Pub-Med, Google Scholar, Google Scopus, and Medline databases using search terms set based on the PICO/PS (Population, Intervention/exposure, Comparison, and Outcome) and PS (Population and Situation) search table. The search was made from December 05, 2020 – December, 29, 2021, and updated on January, 2022. All quantitative and qualitative studies published in English were included in the review. The systematic review protocol was registered at INPLASY (Registration number: INPLASY202310078). The outcome of interest was food taboo for pregnant women and its perceived reasons. The results of the review was narrated. Results After identifying eighty two articles, thirteen were found eligible for the review. Vegetables, fruits, and fatty foods like meat, and dairy products were considered as taboo for pregnant women in different parts of Ethiopia. The reasons stated for the food taboo vary from fear of having a big baby, obstructed labour, and abortion to evil eye and physical and aesthetic deformities in the newborn. Conclusions Though not uniform across the country, there are foods considered as taboo for pregnant women in Ethiopia due to several perceived reasons, misconceptions, and societal influences. This could increase the risk of malnutrition and could have short and long term consequences on both the mother and her growing foetus. Therefore, context specific nutritional counseling with emphasis during ante-natal care and post-natal service is important.
... For example, pineapple is believed to be a forbidden food and must be avoided by pregnant women because pineapple is considered a 'hot' food and is at risk of causing miscarriage, heavy bleeding during childbirth, or birth defects. This statement was presented by Mohamad & Ling (2016) in a study conducted on Malay women who were pregnant and had an antenatal examination at a health clinic in Kuala Lumpur. Therefore, the consumption of these foods has been strictly prohibited since the time of the ancestors because the indigenous people believed that there was a fear of miscarriage. ...
... On the other hand, the finding of this study is lower compared to studies reported in Bangalore [3], Malaysia [16], China [17], and Surendranagar [18] with a prevalence of food taboos 75%, 70.2%, 70.6%, and 77%, respectively. The probable reasons for this inconsistency may be the difference in the method of assessment in the case of Malaysia and China, the difference in age groups of participants in the case of Bangalore, and the difference in educational status in the case of Surendranagar. ...
Article
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In underdeveloped nations, cultural norms that are harmful to women's health, such as food taboos, are responsible for five to fifteen percent of pregnancy-related deaths. Food Taboo traditions prevent women from consuming particular foods, which reduces dietary diversity and food quality and may have detrimental nutritional effects. However, little is known about Ethiopia’s dietary taboos and related issues. So, the purpose of this study was to find out how common food taboos are among pregnant women in agro pastoralist settings, as well as the accompanying factors. 636 pregnant women were enrolled in a community-based cross-sectional study using a two-stage cluster sampling strategy, distributed over seven clusters. Data were exported from Epi Data version 3.01 to Statistical Package for Social Science version 20 after being entered. The prevalence of dietary taboos in this study was 67.4% (95% CI: 63.7%, 71.1%). Food taboos were independently and significantly predicted by lack of formal education [AOR = 1.97 (95% CI: 1.583, 4.496), low wealth index [AOR = 2.26 (95% CI: 1.173, 4.353)], absence of antenatal care visits [AOR = 6.16 (95% CI: 4.996, 10.128), lack of knowledge of maternal nutrition [AOR = 4.94 (95% CI: 3.799, 8.748)], and negative attitude toward maternal nutrition [ In the research area, dietary taboos were very common. Food taboos were independently predicted by low wealth index, lack of maternity care visits, lack of formal education, ignorance of maternal nutrition, and unfavorable attitudes. Therefore, it is highly advised that strong community-based maternal nutrition education and counseling, raising women's income, and preparing young women for study in order to improve their educational standing be implemented.
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Background: Food taboos and cultural beliefs among pregnant and breastfeeding women influence their food consumption patterns and hence the health of women and unborn children. Cognizant of their neglect in programs aimed to ameliorate hidden hunger among pregnant and breast-feeding women in Buyende and other resource poor communities in Sub-Saharan Africa, we opted for a study to unravel them to inform program design. Methods: We documented food taboos and beliefs amongst pregnant and breast-feeding women from six sub counties of Buyende district in Eastern Uganda. A mixed-methods approach was used, which was comprised of questionnaire interviews with 489 women, eight focus group discussions with 6-10 participants in each and a total of 15 key informant interviews. Results: The present study revealed that nearly 40% of the respondents practice food taboos and adhere to cultural beliefs related to their dietary habits during pregnancy and breastfeeding, that are fuelling the prevalence of hidden hunger. The most tabooed foods during pregnancy were Saccharum officinarum (17.9%), fishes (16.0%), Citrus sinensis (5.8%), Ananas comosus (5.6%), eggs (3.6%), chicken (3.3%) and Eleusine coracana(3.0%).Most foods were avoided for reasons associated with pregnancy, labour complications and undesirable effectson the baby. Most women learnt of the taboos and beliefs from elders especially their own mother, grandmother or mother in-law, but there was also knowledge transmission in social groups within the community. Conclusion: The taboos and cultural beliefs in the study area renders pregnant and breast-feeding women prone to micronutrient deficiency since they are denied consumption of a diversity of nutritious foods. There is a need to educate such women about consumption of nutrient-rich foods like fish, eggs, fruits and vegetables in order to improve their health, that of the unborn and children being breast fed. Additionally, culturally appropriate nutrition education may be a good strategy to eliminate inappropriate food taboos and beliefs with negative impact on the health of pregnant and breast-feeding women.
Article
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Back Ground: Food taboos influence intake of vital nutrients which required for optimal maternal health and fetal development during pregnancy. Pregnancy is the most delicate stage of human life and targets of food taboos. Even though there are fewer studies conducted on food taboos during pregnancy, there is no pooled estimate among pregnant women in Ethiopia. The smaller studies reported the different prevalence of food taboos which were difficult to help health planning at a national level. Thus, this study was expected to provide a pooled prevalence of pregnancy related food taboos in Ethiopia. Methods: The relevant studies were identified by manual and electronic data base searching method. Important information from the original studies was presented in a table and the quantitative results were presented in the forest plots. The Cochrane Q test and I2 test statistic were used to test heterogeneity across studies. The Pooled estimate of prevalence of food taboo was computed by a random effects model. Results: 175 articles were identified; nine studies meet inclusion criteria. A random effect meta-analysis of the results from these nine studies was carried out to provide pooled prevalence of food taboo during pregnancy. Analysis showed, the pooled prevalence of food taboo among pregnant women in Ethiopia was 38.50 (95% CI = 24.33-52.67); a significant heterogeneity was observed among studies (I2 = 99%, p value <0.001). Subgroup analysis shows the highest prevalence of food taboo found in Somali region 67.38% and the lowest prevalence seen in Tigray 11.45% region. Conclusion: This review found pooled estimate of food taboo during pregnancy in Ethiopia. Variation in the magnitude of pregnancy related food restriction was seen across the regions. Therefore, integrating nutrition education with the basic antenatal care program was recommended in all regions of Ethiopia to prevent nutritional deficiencies associated with food taboo.
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Introduction: In developing countries, 70% of new mothers do not receive postpartum care. In Malaysia there are a number of traditional postpartum practices commonly practiced by new mothers.Aim: To describe the beliefs and practices related to the traditional postpartum care among women who had given live births in a village in Penang, Malaysia. Methodology: A descriptive cross sectional study was conducted among 68 women residents of a village who had given live births. Besides the baseline demographic data, information was collected on the postpartum confinement period and the aspects of traditional postpartum care. The data was analysed using the SPSS version 18.0.Results: All the 68 eligible women responded. All of them were aware of and practised postpartum 'pantang'. The mean perceived confinement period was 53 days. Most respondents practice the confinement period due to self-belief (86.8%), others due to convenience (4.4%) and family pressure (4.4%). Most women in this village were aware of and practiced the common postpartum regimens except for the encouragement of more food intake and the limitation of contact with others. Older women were more likely to consume or use traditional herbs (χ² = 9.468, 4, P = 0.050) and to restrict their water intake (χ² = 18.827, P < 0.001). Most of them claimed that they would repeat the same traditional postpartum care regimens in their subsequent pregnancies and would advise their children the importance of doing so despite the presence of complications.Conclusion: This study revealed a high awareness and practice of traditional postpartum care.
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A qualitative comparative case study was conducted to compare and contrast food taboos and avoidance practices during pregnancy among Orang Asli or indigenous Temiar women in four distinct locations that represent different lifestyle experiences and cultural practices. Through snowballing sampling, a total of 38 participants took part in five focus groups: one group each in Pos Simpor and Pos Tohoi in Kelantan state, one group in Batu 12, Gombak in Selangor state, and two groups in a regroupment scheme (RPSOA) in Kuala Betis, Kelantan. All the transcripts were coded, categorised and 'thematised' using the software package for handling qualitative data, NVivo 8. Variant food prohibitions were recorded among the Temiar women residing in different locations, which differ in food sources and ways of obtaining food. Consumption of seventeen types of food items was prohibited for a pregnant Temiar woman and her husband during the prenatal period. Fear of difficulties during labour and delivery, convulsions or sawan, harming the baby (such as foetal malformation), and twin pregnancy seemed to trigger many food proscriptions for the pregnant Temiar women, most of which have been passed on from generation to generation. The findings of this study confirm that beliefs about food restrictions are strong among those Temiar living a traditional lifestyle. However, those who have adopted a more modern lifestyle also preserve them to some extent.
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Jatropha curcas L. (Euphorbiaceae) has acquired a great importance as a renewable source of energy with a number of environmental benefits. Very few attempts were made to understand the extent of genetic diversity and its distribution. This study was aimed to study the diversity and deduce the phylogeography of Jatropha curcas L. which is said to be the most primitive species of the genus Jatropha. Here we studied the intraspecific genetic diversity of the species distributed in different parts of the globe. The study also focused to understand the molecular diversity at reported probable center of origin (Mexico), and to reveal the dispersal route to other regions based on random amplified polymorphic DNA, amplified fragment length polymorphism and nrDNA-ITS sequences data. The overall genetic diversity of J. curcas found in the present study was narrow. The highest genetic diversity was observed in the germplasm collected from Mexico and supports the earlier hypothesis based on morphological data and natural distribution, it is the center for origin of the species. Least genetic diversity found in the Indian germplasm and clustering results revealed that the species was introduced simultaneously by two distinct germplasm and subsequently distributed in different parts of India. The present molecular data further revealed that J. curcas might have spread from the center of the origin to Cape Verde, than to Spain, Portuguese to other neighboring countries and simultaneously to Africa. The molecular evidence supports the Burkill et al. (A dictionary of the economic products of the Malay Peninsula, Governments of Malaysia and Singapore by the Ministry of Agriculture and Co-operatives. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 1966) view of Portuguese might have introduced the species to India. The clustering pattern suggests that the distribution was interfered by human activity.
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Micronutrient deficiencies and imbalanced dietary intake tend to occur during the reproductive period among women in China. In accordance with traditional Chinese culture, pregnant women are commonly advised to follow a specific set of dietary precautions. The purpose of this study was to assess dietary intake data and identify risk factors for nutritional inadequacy in pregnant women from urban and rural areas of Deyang region, Sichuan province of China. Cross-sectional sampling was applied in two urban hospitals and five rural clinics (randomly selected) in Deyang region. Between July and October 2010, a total of 203 pregnant women in the third trimester, aged 19–42 years, were recruited on the basis of informed consent during antenatal clinic sessions. Semi-structured interviews on background information and 24-h dietary recalls were conducted. On the basis of self-reported height and pre-pregnancy weight, 68.7% of the women had a pre-pregnancy body mass index (BMI) within the normal range (18.5 ≤ BMI < 25), 26.3% were found to be underweight with a BMI
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Poor maternal nutrition, especially in rural settings, adversely affects pregnancy and birth outcomes. In many local communities, pregnant women have food taboos with consequent depletion of vital nutrients. To facilitate early identification and prompt counseling, this study aimed at describing pregnant women who are likely to keep food taboos. Data was collected from 405 pregnant women that attended antenatal care at health facilities in Saki East Local Government of Oyo state, Nigeria. Sociodemographic characteristics of the women were described using means and proportions. Using logistic regression analysis, maternal characteristics significantly associated with adherence to food taboos were identified. The data was analysed using SAS 9.2. Factors associated with food taboos were teen age, primigravidity, low body mass index, lack of formal education, and low monthly family income. Health workers should have a high index of suspicion for food taboos among pregnant women with the identified risk factors.
Article
Over a period of six months, 1200 Tamilnad women were interviewed about food avoidances during pregnancy. Practically all types of food were avoided but the most important were those of fruits and grains. The main reason for abstaining from certain foods during pregnancy was fear of abortion caused by heating the body or by inducing uterine hemorrhage. The latter property was most frequently ascribed to foods like pawpaw and sesame grains which were supposed to have a positive as well as a negative stimulating effect on the female organism. High protein foods may be avoided because they were thought to cause exaggerated growth of the baby which would be undesirable for an easy delivery. The author attempted to find psychological explanations for the major avoidances.
Article
Background: Doing the month is a general term to describe traditional beliefs, rituals, and practices in relation to how a postpartum woman should behave immediately after childbirth and continues for a month. It is not clear whether the traditional practices are beneficial for women's health or well-being. Purpose: to describe the postpartum ritual of doing the month and implications for health care. Significance: Better understanding of the different cultural beliefs and practices can help health professionals provide culturally sensitive care to meet postpartum women's physical and psychological needs, as well as avoiding unnecessary conflicts. Methodology: literature review. Findings: The rational underlying doing the month is originated from the traditional Chinese medicine in theories of the somatic balance of Yin and Yang. Women are expected to rest a lot and remain confined to their homes for one month to ensure recovery from pregnancy induced imbalance and prevent future illness. The postpartum women should refrain from eating Yin foods, such as fruits, cold water, ice cream, and salad. Washing hair and bathing, and brushing teeth are prohibited to avoid the invasion of humidity and wind. Conclusions: With the globalization, health professionals have many opportunities caring for clients from diverse backgrounds. To offer better quality care and promote understanding of the beliefs and needs of postpartum women, education curricula should include the concept of traditional postpartum customs. While remaining sensitive to the needs of cultural beliefs and practices, health professionals are obligated to provide accurate medical information to achieve client's optimal health.
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This is a selective annotated bibliography of material on food habits and factors affecting them, published during the period 1928-1972. References are mainly in English, although a few in European languages are included, and represent information primarily from scholarly and professional journals. Entries are organized by subject and author. (LK)