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Abstract

This paper develops an analysis of two opaque interactions in Campidanian Sardinian that involve metaphony and two other processes, vowel merger in the suffixal domain and word-final vowel epenthesis. The analysis is developed within the formalism of Turbidity Theory, a model assuming containment, combined with privative features, maximal economy in the representation of segments and relativized scope. The basic idea is that metaphony is computed synchronically as a non-local licensing condition of a feature {high} only if it is underlyingly present. We discuss, on the one hand, cases of non-application of metaphony induced by a subset of high vowel inflectional suffixes. We show that underapplication of metaphony in Campidanian Sardinian is due to insertion of a feature {high} in this set of non-low suffixes lacking {high} underlyingly, which does not need to be licensed as it is not lexical. On the other hand, metaphony also underapplies in the presence of epenthesized high vowels, because their feature {high} is again inserted since these vowels have no correspondent in the input. This paper presents an account that allows the implementation of the interacting processes such as metaphony, vowel merger and word-final vowel epenthesis into one parallel OT computation. With the help of work on inventory structure, the opaquely interacting processes can be modeled without relying on rule ordering.
Nat Lang Linguist Theory (2017) 35:549–576
DOI 10.1007/s11049-016-9341-0
Opacity in Campidanian Sardinian metaphony
Francesc Torres-Tamarit1·Kathrin Linke2·
Maria del Mar Vanrell3
Received: 10 July 2014 / Accepted: 21 April 2016 / Published online: 14 June 2016
© Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2016
Abstract This paper develops an analysis of two opaque interactions in Campida-
nian Sardinian that involve metaphony and two other processes, vowel merger in the
suffixal domain and word-final vowel epenthesis. The analysis is developed within
the formalism of Turbidity Theory, a model assuming containment, combined with
privative features, maximal economy in the representation of segments and relativized
scope. The basic idea is that metaphony is computed synchronically as a non-local
licensing condition of a feature {high} only if it is underlyingly present. We discuss,
on the one hand, cases of non-application of metaphony induced by a subset of high
vowel inflectional suffixes. We show that underapplication of metaphony in Campi-
danian Sardinian is due to insertion of a feature {high} in this set of non-low suffixes
lacking {high} underlyingly, which does not need to be licensed as it is not lexical.
On the other hand, metaphony also underapplies in the presence of epenthesized high
vowels, because their feature {high} is again inserted since these vowels have no
correspondent in the input. This paper presents an account that allows the implemen-
tation of the interacting processes such as metaphony, vowel merger and word-final
vowel epenthesis into one parallel OT computation. With the help of work on inven-
tory structure, the opaquely interacting processes can be modeled without relying on
rule ordering.
BF. Torres-Tamarit
francescjosep.torres@gmail.com
K. Linke
kathrin.linke@univie.ac.at
M. del Mar Vanrell
mariadelmar.vanrell@fu-berlin.de
1Structures Formelles du Langage (UMR 7023), CNRS/Paris 8, 59/61, rue Pouchet, 75017 Paris,
France
2Institut für Germanistik, Universität Wien, Universitätsring 1, 1010 Wien, Austria
3Institut für Romanische Philologie, Freie Universität Berlin, Habelschwerdter Allee 45,
14195 Berlin, Germany
Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved.
... However, Martínez-Gil also states that "sentential prominence in Galician falls on the last word bearing primary stress" and that "epenthesis is heavily favoured[…] whenever a word bears phrasal prominence" (p. 288), suggesting a correlation between vowel insertion and intonation.Similarly, in Sardinian, there is word-final vowel insertion which has been described as repairing illicit structures defined by either having a final consonant or final word stress.According to a recent survey in Torres-Tamarit,Linke, and Vanrell (2017), the insertion of an epenthetic vowel does not always take place. Epenthesis is robust in phrase-final position, which is the locus of certain complex tonal movements associated with questions (Vanrell, Ballone, Schirru, & Prieto, 2015), but it is variable in phrase-medial position. ...
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