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Comparative Research with Net and Gross Income Data: An Evaluation of Two Netting Down Procedures for the LIS Database

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  • LIS, Cross-National Data Center in Luxembourg

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Researchers seeking to perform country-comparative and trend analyses using income data have to account for the fact that income surveys differ in whether income is measured gross or net of taxes and contributions. We discuss, develop, and evaluate two 'netting down procedures' for data in the LIS Database. Evaluations of these netting down procedures indicate that comparisons across gross and net datasets can be greatly improved when netting down procedures are applied. In several cases, however, substantial amounts of bias remain. © 2016 International Association for Research in Income and Wealth.
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COMPARATIVE RESEARCH WITH NET AND GROSS INCOME DATA:
AN EVALUATION OF TWO NETTING DOWN PROCEDURES FOR THE
LIS DATABASE
by Rense Nieuwenhuis
Swedish Institute for Social Research (SOFI), Stockholm University
Teresa Munzi
LIS
and
Janet C.Gornick
LIS and The Graduate Center, City University of New York
Researchers seeking to perform country-comparative and trend analyses using income data have to
account for the fact that income surveys differ in whether income is measured gross or net of taxes and
contributions. We discuss, develop, and evaluate two `netting down procedures' for data in the LIS
Database. Evaluations of these netting down procedures indicate that comparisons across gross and
net datasets can be greatly improved when netting down procedures are applied. In several cases, how-
ever, substantial amounts of bias remain.
JEL Codes: D3, P5, C8
Keywords: comparative research, data harmonization, income, LIS, netting down
1. Introduction
A common challenge in country-comparative and trend analyses of income
using microdata, is that income surveys differ in whether income is measured
gross or net of taxes and contributions. The issue of comparability between gross
and net datasets is common in comparative datasets on income, including the
data contained in the LIS Database.
LIS acquires existing income surveys, and harmonizes them into a pre-
defined template for comparative analysis. All LIS datasets provide fully compara-
ble measures of disposable household income.
1
However, comparability problems
arise with other income variables, because LIS provides income data that are net
of (income) taxes in some countries or years, while providing gross income data in
others. For users of LIS who seek to perform country-comparative analyses and/
*Correspondence to: Rense Nieuwenhuis, Swedish Institute for Social Research (SOFI),
Stockholm University, SE-106 91 Stockholm, Sweden (rense.nieuwenhuis@sofi.su.se).
1
Disposable household income is the income concept usually adopted for poverty and distribution
analysis. It is also used for calculation of the LIS Key Figures: http://www.lisdatacenter.org/data-
access/key-figures/disposable-household-income/.
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Review of Income and Wealth
Series 00, Number 00, Month 2016
DOI: 10.1111/roiw.12233
bs_bs_banner
or analyses of trends within countries, this results in the challenge that their
selected income variables refer to different (net vs. gross) concepts across datasets
and therefore in most applications should not be compared directly. Of the 262
LIS datasets available at the time of writing, 74 (28 percent) were classified net,
175 (67 percent) as gross, and 13 (5 percent) as `mixed'.
2
Datasets on the U.S. or
the U.K. have always been gross, while Austria has been net. Other countries, such
as Ireland and Luxembourg were covered by both net and gross datasets, at differ-
ent points in time. Mixed datasets are a special case in which income variables are,
for instance, as in France, net of mandatory contributions but gross of income tax.
Such `mixed' datasets are beyond the scope of this paper.
Researchers working with the LIS data have applied at least four different
strategies for comparing gross and net datasets. The first is to include both types
of datasets in the same (comparative) analysis, acknowledging incomparabilities
that could lead to biased results. The second strategy is to restrict all analyses to
either gross or net datasets. This results in accurate findings, but clearly limits the
scope of the research. Third, LIS users sometimes present separate analyses using
gross and net datasets. The limitation of this strategy is that differences in the
results based on gross and net datasets could originate from the different earnings
concepts, or from real differences across countries, or both. The fourth strategy is
to modify the gross income data to approximate net income data. This process is
referred to as netting down, and entails subtracting observed or estimated taxes
from the gross income amounts. Such netting down procedures, however, have
not been evaluated empirically for their capacity to produce measurements of
income that are comparable across datasets.
This technical note presents and evaluates two netting down procedures. We
present background information on the comparison of income in gross and net
LIS datasets.
3
We then present the two procedures for netting down, and evaluate
their performance.
We introduce the rationale of netting down with reference to comparing
income. In the empirical part, however, we focus on netting down the more nar-
row concept of earnings from dependent employment; as we will explain, the chal-
lenges of comparing gross and net data are more apparent with earnings.
Program syntax is available in an online appendix.
2. Comparing Gross And Net Income When Using The Lis Data
Comparing results based on gross versus net income data can be of substan-
tive interest; carrying out research using a mix of the two types of data can also
present challenges with respect to comparability.
The difference between gross and net income is of substantive interest, and
can be assessed directly, when a single dataset contains information on both gross
and net income, when information on taxes is available, and when additional
2
For a continuously updated overview, see: http://www.lisdatacenter.org/our-data/lis-database/
datasets-information/.
3
Although the authors are associated with LIS, the presentation of this method does not represent
official LIS work nor an official LIS recommendation; LIS data users should feel free to utilize the
method presented here or any other.
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information on social transfers is available. This allows LIS users to compare pre-
tax-pre-transfer income to post-tax-post-transfer income, and thereby to answer
a set of research questions about how taxes, and also social transfers, affect
income distributions. This approach has been applied to study the effects of social
welfare policies on poverty rates (see, e.g., Kenworthy, 1999). Other studies have
evaluated how taxes and transfers affect poverty rates among specific subgroups,
such as among children (see, e.g., Gornick and J
antti, 2012), working-age popula-
tions (Gornick and Milanovic, 2015), single parents (Maldonado and Nieuwen-
huis, 2015a,b), and migrant households (Sainsbury and Morissens, 2012). For
such “redistribution studies,” the actual differences between gross and net income
are of substantive interest, and both are compared within a single dataset.
The difference between gross and net income becomes a challenge in compa-
rability, when comparing datasets of which some are gross and others are net.
This is the case in country-comparative analyses and/or in trend analyses. It has
been shown that country-comparative studies based on different earnings con-
cepts across countries can be “seriously misleading” (Atkinson and Brandolini,
2001, p. 777).
The issue of comparability between gross and net datasets in LIS also applies
to the above-mentioned redistribution studies. This is clarified using an example of
a typical redistribution study on the comparison between pre-tax-pre-transfer
income (referred to as “market household income”) to post-tax-post-transfer
income (referred to as “disposable household income”) (Gornick and J
antti,
2012). Market income is reported gross of income taxes and contributions in some
LIS datasets, and net of income taxes and contributions in other LIS datasets.
Without correction, this would have understated the poverty/inequality reduction
in the net datasets, as the comparison between market income and disposable
household income in these datasets only captures the effects of transfers, whereas
in gross datasets this comparison would capture the combined effect of taxes and
transfers. Thus, here too, comparisons of redistributive efforts drawing on a mix of
gross and net datasets can be improved by netting down the gross datasets.
2.1. Netting Down, or Grossing Up?
An alternative to netting down gross income data would be to “gross up” net
income data. With LIS, however, grossing up is not possible, drawing on the
microdata alone, as most net datasets do not contain information on taxes. To
then estimate the gross income would require country-specific details on the tax
system, which is beyond the scope of this technical note. Detailed simulations to
this end are available for European countries through the Euromod project
(Sutherland and Figari, 2013).
3. Netting Down Person-Level Earnings
So far, we have discussed netting down gross income. In this section, we intro-
duce practical complexities involved with netting down one specific type of
income: that is, earnings. Earnings, of course, are typically studied at the level of
individuals rather than households. Hence, we shift our focus to developing and
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evaluating two procedures designed specifically for netting down person-level
earnings.
As noted earlier, when researchers studying redistribution across households
are faced with a mix of gross and net datasets, they sometimes “net down” the
gross income data to enable meaningful comparisons across the two types of data-
sets. In short, by shifting to only net income they restrict their comparisons to the
effects of transfers only (not of transfers combined with taxes).
Likewise, researchers concerned with earnings are often faced with a mix of
gross and net datasets. They could simply mix the two (as some researchers have
done), but that risks arriving at results that are incomparable across datasets. For
example, if one is studying gender gaps in earnings and comparing results in a
country with gross data (e.g., the U.S.) with results in a country with net data
(e.g., Hungary), the results will be problematic. In the U.S., with gross data, the
researcher is capturing gaps in pay levels as set by employers; in countries with
net data, such as Hungary, these same gender pay gaps have been reduced (in
most cases) due to progressive taxation. The researcher thus is working with
“apples and oranges,” and cannot know how much of the difference between the
two countries is “real” versus an artefact of the data. We argue that researchers
ought never mix gross and net earnings data whether they are studying earnings
disparities between groups, or other outcomes related to the distribution of earn-
ings. The techniques laid out in this paper offer researchers one option for avoid-
ing that kind of “mixing”. In short, “netting down” restricts comparisons across
all datasets to after-tax earnings; thus, researchers are comparing “apples to
apples”.
In addition, in some cases, researchers want to assess net earnings. For exam-
ple, some argue that net earnings are more appropriate than gross earnings in
studies of intra-household bargaining. If partners are negotiating (for example,
who does what domestic work) on the grounds of how much money each brings
in, it is arguably net earnings that matter. Our netting down procedure offers
researchers a way to “net down” gross earnings, including in those cases when
researchers prefer to work with net earnings for substantive reasons, and not just
to maximize cross-country comparability.
3.1. Earnings as a Specific Income Source
There are three basic sources of income: labor, capital, and transfers. Netting
down the income from a specific source, such as earnings, is challenging both con-
ceptually and practically. The conceptual problem with net earnings lies in the
fact that countries can apply different tax rates to income from, for instance, labor
and capital. As these tax rates are progressive based on total income, and only the
total amount of paid income taxes is recorded in the data, it must be assumed
that the average tax rate applied equally to all separate sources of income.
The practical problem with net income from separate sources is that as a
result of the above, only information on total taxes is available. Therefore, to cal-
culate the net income from a separate source, given the information available in
the microdata, the assumption that income from each source was taxed at the
same rate is required. This assumption is likely violated as most countries have
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different tax rates for income from labor and capital. However, as few households
pay taxes on capital income, it remains to be seen how much this violated assump-
tion leads to a biased approximation of net earnings.
4
3.2. Earnings as a Person-Level Concept
In order to calculate net earnings at the person level, person-level income
taxes and social contributions must be subtracted from person-level gross earn-
ings. In countries with joint taxation, however, this is conceptually challenging
because the amount of taxes to be paid is determined at the level of the house-
hold. This also means that individual “personal” earnings depend on the earnings
of other household members. Joint taxation often pertains to the head of the
household and her/his spouse, with separate taxation of the income from addi-
tional earners such as older children or relatives living in the household.
5
If no
person-level tax variables are available, netting down person-level earnings
requires the assumption that the taxes paid at the household level were paid by
each household member proportionally to the share of the total household
income received by that member. This assumption is likely violated in joint taxa-
tion regimes, but it remains an empirical question to what extent this leads to a
biased approximation of net earnings.
3.3. Two Netting Down Procedures
We developed two programs that perform netting down procedures, available
for STATA, SPSS, SAS, and R. One procedure uses information on taxes at the
person-level. If these are not available, the other procedure can be used based on
household-level tax information. The LIS website has a table providing informa-
tion on whether datasets are gross or net. Datasets classified as mixed should be
treated with more caution, as the earnings reported in these datasets can be gross
of income taxes but net of contributions, or vice versa. This is reported in detail
in the LIS data documentation per country. All LIS datasets also contain a vari-
able named grossnet, providing information on how earnings (and other
income variables) were reported.
The person-level netting down procedure can only be used when person-level
variables on taxes (LIS variable pmxiti) and (self-paid) social security contribu-
tions (pmxitss) are available. It first calculates the proportion of earnings in the
total taxable income: gross earnings (pmile), self employment (pmils), unem-
ployment compensation benefits (pmitsisun), short-term sickness and work
injury benefits (pmitsissi), family leave benefits (pmitsisma), and pensions
(ppension). Then it calculates net earnings by subtracting from the gross earn-
ings the value of taxes paid, proportional to the amount of total income obtained
from earnings (propearnings). This assumes that the total amount of taxes
4
In the country-samples used in our analyses only 3 percent of individuals lived in a household in
which capital income represented more than 10 percent of gross household income, with 1 percent in
Estonia 2004 and 7 percent in Belgium 1997.
5
In the country-samples used in our analyses approximately 16 percent of individuals, other than
the household-head or spouse, contributed more than 10 percent of total household earnings. This per-
centage ranged from 12 percent in the U.K. 2004 to 25 percent in Ireland 2004.
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was distributed proportionally over all sources of income. As taxable income is
made up of different components across countries, this procedure is based merely
on an approximation of taxable income. The calculation is shown in equation (1).
propearnings5pmile
pmile1pmils1pmitsisun1pmitsissi1pmitsisma1ppension
net5pmile2ðpmxiti1pmxitssÞpropearningsðÞ
(1)
The household-level netting down procedure can be used when tax information is
available only at the household level. It calculates the percentage of the total mon-
etary household income (hmi) that remains after taxes (hmi - hmxit) and multi-
plies gross person-level earnings (pmile) by this percentage. This assumes that
this percentage is equal across all members of the household, and applies equally
to all sources of income. The calculation is shown in equation (2).
net5pmile hmi2hmxit
hmi
(2)
It should be noted that these netting down procedures are deliberately simple, in the
sense that no country-specific rules were applied. The benefit is that these procedures
can be applied to all gross LIS datasets. At the same time, if users wish to modify
these procedures to account for specific countries' tax systems, they can do so.
4. Method And Data
4.1. Method
A select number of LIS datasets has both gross and net earnings variables, as
well as information on taxes and social security contributions on both the person-
level and the household-level. This provides a unique opportunity for evaluating
netting down procedures.
To evaluate a netting down procedure, we applied it to a gross earnings vari-
able, and compared the resulting “netted-down” variable to the original net earn-
ings variable in the LIS dataset. We calculated bias for each percentile in the
earnings distribution:
Biasð%Þ5Xnd 2Xn
Xn
3100%(3)
in which X
nd
represents the earnings in the “netted-down” earnings variable, and
X
n
represents the net earnings reported in the LIS dataset. The resulting bias is
expressed as a percentage of the reported net earnings. So, a bias of 0 percent
means that the results based on the “netted-down” earnings variable are identical
to those reported in the original net earnings variable. If the bias % is larger than
0, this means that the netted-down earnings are higher than those based on the
reported net earnings; a percentage below 0 indicates that the netted-down results
are lower.
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In addition to calculating bias for the earnings levels of different percentiles,
we also calculated bias (again, based on equation (3)) for commonly used measures
of inequality: the ratio of the 75th to the 25th percentile of earnings, the Theil
index, the Coefficient of Variation, the Gini, the low earnings rate (defined as the
percentage of earners with earnings below 2/3 of median earnings), and the gender
gap in earnings (defined as: (male earnings – female earnings)/male earnings).
4.2. Data
The netting down procedures described here can be applied to LIS datasets
harmonized using the “new” (post-2011) template that are classified as gross. The
evaluation of these netting down procedures, however, required the availability of
both gross and net earnings variables in the data, which could only be the case
when using the “old” template (pre-2011). The required earnings variables, as well
as person- and household-level variables on taxes and social contribution were
available in seven datasets: Austria 2004, Belgium 1992, Belgium 1997, Estonia
2004, Ireland 2004, U.K. 1999, and U.K. 2004. We restricted our analyses to those
observations with valid information on both the gross and net earnings variables.
This ensured that our measurement of bias was not affected by the possibility
that gross and net earnings variables were based on different observations.
5. Results
Figure 1 shows bias incidence curves, representing the amount of bias associ-
ated with a netting down procedure for each percentile in the earnings distribution.
The solid lines represent the scenario in which no netting down was applied, i.e., a
direct comparison between gross and net earnings. Of course, the difference
between gross and net does not necessarily indicate bias, as they represent different
earnings concepts. However, the lines represent a reference point to evaluate the
performance of netting down procedures compared to no netting down at all. In all
Austria '04 Belgium '92 Belgium '97 Estonia '04 Ireland '04 UK '04 UK '99
0
40
80
120
0 25 50 75 100 0 25 50 75 100 0 25 50 75 100 0 25 50 75 100 0 25 50 75 100 0 25 50 75 100 0255075100
Percentile
% Bias
procedure No Netting Down Person Level Netting Down Household Level Netting Down
Figure 1. Bias Incidence Curves for Two Netting Down Procedures Compared to no Netting
Down
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countries, the results show that the differences between gross and net earnings
increase at higher percentiles, which of course results from progressive taxation.
The dotted lines represent the bias resulting from the netting down procedure
that used person-level tax information. The results suggest that this procedure
typically underestimates earnings levels at lower percentiles (bias <0) and overes-
timates at higher percentiles (bias >0). Bias levels are substantially smaller than
not correcting at all (the solid line), but reaches levels above 25 percent at higher
percentiles in the Belgium 1997 and both UK datasets. In the other datasets, levels
of bias are close to 0 at all percentiles.
The dashed lines represent the bias resulting from the netting down proce-
dures that used household-level tax information. While the patterns are similar as
described above, the household-level netting down procedure typically performs
less well than the person-level procedure.
These results demonstrate that applying netting down procedures is prefera-
ble over not correcting for the difference between gross and net earnings in com-
parative research, and that preferably the person-level procedure is applied.
Nevertheless, in some datasets substantial amounts of bias remained, particularly
at the higher percentiles. As the net earnings tend to be under-estimated at lower
percentiles and over-estimated at higher percentiles, the bias incidence curves fur-
ther suggest that various estimates of inequality based on netted down earnings
variables would be biased upwards. The extent of this bias, however, is difficult to
assess from these curves. Therefore, Tables 1 and 2 present estimates of bias for
six commonly applied measures of inequality based on the person-level and
household-level netting down procedures, respectively.
The bias of the person-level netting down procedure (in Table 1) typically
was below 10 percent, with the clear exception of the Theil index and the Coeffi-
cient of Variation in the U.K. In that country, the bias incidence curve of the
person-level netting down procedure continued sloping upwards at higher income
percentiles. The bias of the household-level netting down procedure (in Table 2)
was typically higher, with many estimates upwards of 10 percent. Again, the Theil
index and Coefficient of Variation in the U.K. show exceptionally high levels of
bias, up to 51 percent. In some cases the netting down procedures were associated
with a negative bias, indicating that using the netted down earnings variable
resulted in a under-estimate of inequality. An example is the share of low earners
TABLE 1
Quantifying Bias (%) InPerson-Level Netting Down Procedure
Dataset
75p/
25p
Theil
Index
Coefficient
of
Variation GINI
Low
Earnings
Gender
Gap
Austria '04 20.8 20.1 0.2 20.1 20.2 0.0
Belgium '92 0.0 20.8 20.3 20.5 21.3 20.5
Belgium '97 0.4 8.4 4.8 4.3 1.4 2.0
Estonia '04 21.2 21.2 20.8 20.5 22.3 21.3
Ireland '04 20.8 20.5 20.5 20.2 20.4 20.2
U.K. '99 4.2 13.9 17.3 5.0 3.5 2.9
U.K. '04 4.8 30.7 48.7 7.9 4.9 5.0
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in Estonia 2004: the person-level netting down procedure is associated with a bias
of 22 percent. Overall, comparing the results presented in Tables 1 and 2 suggests
that the person-level netting down procedure outperformed the household-level
netting-down procedure.
6. Conclusion
This technical note presented guidelines for comparing gross and net income
datasets, which were tailored to use with the LIS data but which apply to a wider
range of income datasets. Two netting down procedures were introduced that
approximate net earnings from information regarding gross earnings, in conjunc-
tion with data on taxes and social contributions paid by the household. Using
these netting down procedures reduced bias in comparisons of earnings between
gross and net LIS datasets. Generally, this suggests that applying a netting down
procedure is preferable over not netting down. Using the person-level procedure
was desirable over using the procedure based on household-level tax variables.
Data availability will often dictate which of the two netting down procedures
users can apply. It should be noted, however, that it is to be expected that the
household-level netting down procedure performs better in a country with joint-
taxation, relative to countries with separate taxation. Furthermore, in both net-
ting down procedures it is assumed that all sources of income are taxed at the
same rate. From this, the expectation follows that the procedures will perform bet-
ter in countries with a single, rather than a dual tax system in which separate tax
rates exist for capital income and other income.
The netting down procedures performed more poorly in the datasets for Bel-
gium and the U.K., compared to other datasets. The LIS dataset on Belgium in
1997 was based on the Socio-Economic Panel. In this original dataset, the infor-
mation on holiday- and end-of-year bonuses was available net of taxes, and
unavailable gross of taxes. Hence, in calculating the yearly gross earnings when pre-
paring the LIS dataset, the monthly earnings were multiplied by 13,85 (approxi-
mating the average bonuses). For the net yearly earnings the information on
bonuses was available in the original data. Hence, whereas in the harmonized LIS
dataset the net yearly earnings account for person-level variation in bonuses inde-
pendent of other earnings, in the gross yearly earnings the bonuses that affect such
TABLE 2
Quantifying Bias (%) InHousehold-Level Netting Down Procedure
Dataset
75p/
25p
Theil
Index
Coefficient
of
Variation GINI
Low
Earnings
Gender
Gap
Austria '04 5.7 6.2 2.8 3.2 6.0 6.4
Belgium '92 5.9 8.8 3.0 5.5 29.0 8.1
Belgium '97 6.4 12.2 3.6 7.7 20.5 13.2
Estonia '04 1.4 1.9 0.5 1.2 22.5 2.3
Ireland '04 6.6 5.9 1.4 3.4 3.3 2.8
U.K. '99 11.0 21.7 20.8 8.8 9.2 8.2
U.K. '04 10.0 38.0 51.3 11.5 9.6 10.0
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person-level variation were not accounted for. Second, the LIS datasets from the
U.K. (both in 1999 and 2004) were based on the Family Resources Survey. During
the recoding of these datasets to the LIS templates, the gross earnings were speci-
fied to include income from odd jobs, while net earnings could not be specified to
include this source of income. Hence, the difference between gross and net yearly
earnings is an overestimation of the “real difference”. Therefore, the netted down
results may actually be a better representation of persons' true net earnings than
the net earnings reported in the data. It should be noted, that within the scope of
this paper it was not possible to empirically test this statement.
When comparing a large number of gross and net datasets, users may want
to statistically control for the different netting down procedures used. In
regression-based analyses, for instance, this could be done by adding dummy vari-
ables indicating the observations derived from datasets netted down with the
person-level procedure, and another dummy for the observations from datasets
that were netted down using the household-level procedure (with observations
from net datasets as the reference category).
To conclude, country-comparative and trend analyses of earnings based on
both gross and net datasets should be done with caution. The netting down proce-
dures presented here typically improve comparability in studies based on the LIS
data. However, depending on the outcome measure of interest, and especially
when no person-level tax variables are available, netting down procedures based
solely on household income can sometimes result in substantially biased approxi-
mations of net earnings.
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Supporting Information
Additional Supporting Information may be found in the online version of this article at the
publishers web-site:
Appendix A1: Comparative Research with Net and Gross Income Data: An Evaluation of
Two Netting Down Procedures for the LIS Database.
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... LIS microdata confronts us nonetheless with issues of cross-country comparability in gross and net (i.e., after tax) incomes (Nieuwenhuis et al., 2017). This study includes only countries and years for which both gross incomes and taxes are reported in LIS. ...
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Private pensions have expanded in recent decades in many European countries, albeit to different extent. As private pensions historically have been more unequally distributed than public pensions, it is reasonable to expect that pension privatization has increased the dispersion of incomes among the retired. However, few studies have empirically tested this claim. The purpose of this study is to assess how the expansion of private pensions affects developments of income inequality among the retired. Using microdata from the Luxembourg Income Study, decomposition analyses of income inequality by income source are conducted around 1986 and 2018 in nine European countries. To account for cross-country variations in the public–private pension mix, the study distinguishes between mature multi-pillar systems, emergent multi-pillar systems, and dominant public systems. The results highlight an interesting paradox. Higher shares of private pensions in retirement incomes have a substantial inequality-increasing effect; yet, overall income inequality among the retired has not necessarily increased, for 2 reasons. First, more equally distributed public pensions in emergent multi-pillar systems and declining shares of capital income in mature multi-pillar systems either fully or partially compensated for increased inequality due to larger shares of private pensions. Second, private pensions became more equally distributed among the retired in most countries.
... LIS microdata seem to be the best available data for describing how poverty and the redistributive effects of taxes and transfers vary across countries (Nolan & Marx, 2009;Smeeding & Latner, 2015). However, country-comparative and trend analyses of income distribution based on LIS gross/net datasets should be done with caution (Gornick et al., 2013;Nieuwenhuis et al., 2017). LIS provides gross income data for most countries and years while providing income data that are net of (income) taxes in others. ...
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... It follows from the above that to test our hypotheses we require micro-level data on household-level poverty and on the employment status of household members, that are comparable across countries, and that for each country are available for several decades. We used data from the Luxembourg Income Study Database (Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) Database 2016), that harmonises existing survey data to a common template to optimize cross-national and over-time comparability (Nieuwenhuis et al. 2017). We selected 15 OECD countries that were covered in the LIS Database for several decades. ...
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Although employment growth is propagated as being crucial to reduce poverty across EU and OECD countries, the actual impact of employment growth on poverty rates is still unclear. This study presents novel estimates of the association between macro-level trends in women’s employment and trends in poverty, across 15 OECD countries from 1971 to 2013. It does so based on over 2 million household-level observations from the LIS Database, using Kitagawa–Blinder–Oaxaca (KBO) decompositions. The results indicate that an increase of 10% points in women’s employment rate was associated with a reduction of about 1% point of poverty across these countries. In part, this reduction compensated for developments in men’s employment that were associated with higher poverty. However, in the Nordic countries no such poverty association was found, as in these countries women’s employment rates were very high and stable throughout the observation period. In countries that initially showed marked increases in women’s employment, such as the Netherlands, Germany, Spain, Canada, and the United States, the initial increases in women’s employment rates were typically followed by a period in which these trends levelled off. Hence, our findings first and foremost suggest that improving gender equality in employment is associated with lower poverty risks. Yet, the results also suggest that the potential of following an employment strategy to (further) reduce poverty in OECD countries has, to a large extent, been depleted.
... Individual labour and benefit incomes in LIS are reported gross of taxes and social contributions for most countries except Slovenia, Italy and Poland, for which taxes and contributions are insufficiently captured or not captured at all. When comparing income measures across countries, one should take these differences into account, as observed income differences across countries might result from different measurements used ( Nieuwenhuis et al., 2017). 3 Yet, we are interested in differences among couples within the same country, rather than differences between countries; hence, such issues are less of a concern for our analysis. ...
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In analysing heterosexual couples’ work-family arrangements over time and space, the comparative social policy literature has settled on the framework of the ‘male-breadwinner’ versus ‘dual-earner’ family. Yet, in assuming men in couple-families are (full-time) employed, this framework overlooks another work-family arrangement, which is the ‘female-breadwinner’ couple. Including female-breadwinner couples matters because of their growing prevalence and, as our analysis shows, greater economic vulnerability. We perform descriptive and regression analyses of Luxembourg Income Study microdata to compare household incomes for female-breadwinner couples and other couple-types across 20 industrialised countries. We then consider how labour earnings and benefit incomes vary for ‘pure’ breadwinner couples comprising one wage-earner and one inactive/unemployed partner according to the gender of the breadwinner. We find that pure female breadwinners have lower average individual earnings than male breadwinners, even after controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and occupational and working-time differences. Furthermore, welfare systems across most countries are not working hard enough to compensate for the female breadwinner earnings penalty, including in social-democratic countries. Once controls are included in our regression models, it never happens that pure female breadwinners have higher disposable household incomes than pure male breadwinners. Thus, our study adds to a growing body of evidence showing that female-breadwinner families sit at the intersection of multiple disadvantages. In turn, these couples offer comparative scholars of the welfare state an ‘acid test’ case study for how effectively families are protected from social risk. Our results additionally highlight how cross-national differences in the female breadwinner income disadvantage do not fit neatly with established welfare typologies, suggesting other factors – in particular, labour market characteristics and the economic cycle – are also at play.
... The LIS database allows scholars to access the microdata, so that income inequality measures and fiscal redistribution (and the partial effect per social programme) can be derived consistently from the underlying data at the individual and household level. LIS microdata seem to be the best available data for describing how income inequality and the redistributive effects of income taxes and social transfers vary across countries and over time (Nolan and Marx, 2009;Smeeding and Latner, 2015;Nieuwenhuis, Munzi and Gornick, 2016). We apply a cross-national analysis using comparable income surveys for all countries of LIS from 1982-2014. ...
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Intra-household inequality continues to remain a neglected corner despite renewed focus on income and wealth inequality. Using the LIS micro data, we present evidence that this neglect is equivalent to ignoring up to a third of total inequality. For a wide range of countries and over four decades, we show that at least 30 per cent of total inequality is attributable to inequality within the household. Using a simple normative measure of inequality, we comment on the welfare implications of these trends.
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We present trends in intra-household gender inequality for forty five different countries across a four decade period (1973–2016), using global micro-data from 2.85 million households. Intra-household gender inequality has declined by 20% in the four decades that we study. However, current levels are still significant so that any neglect of intra-household gender inequality results in a substantial underestimation of overall earnings inequality. For a sub-sample of countries, we show that the relationship between intra-household gender inequality and household economic status is non-monotonic – that we refer to as the “micro-GKC” (micro Gender Kuznets Curve) relationship. We also develop an empirical framework to measure the aggregate welfare loss from intra-household gender inequality. For a range of plausible inequality aversion assumptions, we report a median welfare loss of over 15% of aggregate earnings.
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Single-parent families and their high poverty rates remain a genuine concern in OECD countries. Much of the research has focused on “redistribution” through income taxes and transfers as an effec- tive strategy to reduce poverty. We adopt this traditional approach, and then push forward a focus on “market” strategies that facilitate single parents’ labor market participation.
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This study examined towhat extent family policies differently affect poverty among single-parent households and two-parent households. We distinguished between reconciliation policies (tested with parental leave and the proportion of unpaid leave) and financial support policies (tested with family allowances). We used data from the Luxembourg Income Study Database, covering 519,825 households in 18 OECD countries from 1978 to 2008, combined with data from the Comparative Family Policy Database. Single parents face higher poverty risks than coupled parents, and single mothers more so than single fathers. We found that employment reduces poverty, particularly for parents in professional occupations and for coupled parents who are dual earners. Longer parental leave, a smaller proportion of unpaid leave, and higher amounts of family allowances were associated with lower poverty among all households with children. Parental leave more effectively facilitated the employment of single mothers, thereby reducing their poverty more than among couples and single fathers. We found some evidence that family allowances reduced poverty most strongly among single fathers. An income decomposition showed that family allowances reduce poverty among two-parent households with up to 3 percentage points, and among single-parent households (mothers and fathers) up to 13 percentage points. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/13668803.2015.1080661
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Most social scientists, policymakers, and citizens who support the welfare state do so in part because they believe social-welfare programs help to reduce the incidence of poverty. Yet a growing number of critics assert that such programs in fact fail to decrease poverty, because too small a share of transfers actually reaches the poor, or because such programs create a welfare/poverty trap, or because they weaken the economy. This study assesses the effects of social-welfare policy extensiveness on poverty rates across fifteen affluent industrialized nations over the period 1960–91, using both absolute and relative measures of poverty. The results strongly support the conventional view that social-welfare programs reduce poverty.
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This paper examines the role of secondary data-sets in empirical economic research, taking the field of income distribution as a case study. We illustrate problems faced by users of "secondary" statistics, showing how both cross-country comparisons and time-series analysis can depend sensitively on the choice of data. After describing the genealogy of secondary data-sets on income inequality, we consider the main methodological issues and discuss their implications for comparisons of income inequality across OECD countries and over time. The lessons to be drawn for the construction and use of secondary data-sets are summarized at the end of the paper.
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This paper draws on the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) microdata to paint a portrait of child poverty across a diverse group of countries, as of 2004–2006. We will first synthesize past LIS-based research on child poverty, focusing on studies that aim to explain cross-national variation in child poverty rates. Our empirical sections will focus on child poverty in 20 high- and middle-income countries — including three Latin American countries, newly added to LIS.We will assess poverty among all households and among those with children, and using multiple poverty measures (relative and absolute, pre- and post-taxes and transfers). We will assess the effects of crucial micro-level factors – family structure, educational attainment, and labor market attachment – considering how the effects of these factors vary across counties. Finally, we will analyze the extent to which cross-national variation in child poverty is explained by families' characteristics and/or by the effects of (or returns to) those characteristics. Those returns encompass both market and state-generated income.
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Welfare States and Immigrant Rights deals with the impact of welfare states on immigrants' social rights, economic well-being and social inclusion, and it offers the first systematic comparison of immigrants' social rights across welfare states. To study immigrants' social rights the author develops an analytical framework that focuses on the interplay between 1) the type of welfare state regime, 2) forms of entry, or entry categories, and 3) the incorporation regime regulating the inclusion or exclusion of immigrants. The book maps out the development of immigrants' social rights from the early postwar period until around 2010 in six countries representing different welfare state regimes: the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Sweden, and Denmark. Part I addresses three major issues. The first is how inclusive or exclusionary welfare state policies are in relation to immigrants, and especially how the type of welfare state and incorporation regime affect their social rights. The second issue concerns changes in immigrant rights and the direction of the change: rights extension versus rights contraction. The third issue is how immigrants' social rights compare to those of citizens. Part II shifts from policies affecting immigrant rights to the politics of the policies. It examines the politics of inclusion and exclusion in the six countries, focusing on social rights extension and contraction and changes in the policy dimensions of the incorporation regime that impinge on immigrant rights. Contributors to this volume - Ann Morissens, University of Twente
Income Inequality in the United States in Cross‐National Perspective: Redistribution Revisited
  • Gornick J. C.
Gornick, J. C. and B. Milanovic, "Income Inequality in the United States in Cross-National Perspective: Redistribution Revisited," LIS Center Research Brief, 1, 2015.
Supporting Information Additional Supporting Information may be found in the online version
  • H Sutherland
  • F Figari
Sutherland, H. and F. Figari, "EUROMOD: the European Union Tax-Benefit Microsimulation Model," International Journal of Microsimulation, 6, 4-26, 2013. Supporting Information Additional Supporting Information may be found in the online version of this article at the publishers web-site: