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British Journal of Guidance & Counselling
ISSN: 0306-9885 (Print) 1469-3534 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cbjg20
Nature and role of traditional forms of counselling
in Zambia: a case of Lusaka province
Hector Chiboola & Sody M. Munsaka
To cite this article: Hector Chiboola & Sody M. Munsaka (2016): Nature and role of traditional
forms of counselling in Zambia: a case of Lusaka province, British Journal of Guidance &
Counselling, DOI: 10.1080/03069885.2016.1187710
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03069885.2016.1187710
Published online: 27 May 2016.
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Nature and role of traditional forms of counselling in Zambia: a
case of Lusaka province
Hector Chiboola
a
and Sody M. Munsaka
a,b
a
Faculty of Social Sciences, Chreso University, Lusaka, Zambia;
b
Department of Biomedical Sciences, School of
Medicine, University of Zambia, Lusaka, Zambia
ABSTRACT
The aim of this study was to determine the nature and role of traditional
forms of counselling and the scope of common problems presented to
traditional counsellors in Lusaka province. It used a qualitative research
methodology and deployed a holistic single-case study design with
multiple embedded units of analysis. The sample consisted of 80 adult
participants and one focus group interview with 8 discussants; and it
was selected based on the purposive sampling method and snowball
technique. Data collection was elicited through structured individual
interviews and semi-structured group interview. The study revealed that
traditional forms of counselling are rooted in traditional systems of
knowledge and sociocultural values, customs, and practices; and they
are essentially community-based and multicultural in nature.
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 30 January 2015
Revised 4 March 2016
Accepted 29 April 2016
KEYWORDS
Traditional counselling;
traditional approaches;
counselling in Zambia
Introduction
This article presents excerpts from a voluminous report of the research work on a case study on the
nature and role of traditional forms of counselling in Zambia. The historical development of tra-
ditional forms of counselling has an origin as ancient as the genesis of humankind, and they have
always been part of the fabric of human cultures and societies worldwide from time immemorial
(World Council of Churches, 1990). Counselling can be viewed from a dichotomous perspective:
modern forms of counselling and traditional forms of counselling. Between these two polar extremes
are found derivative or specialty counselling approaches such as psychosocial counselling, AIDS
counselling, couple counselling, and career counselling that are essentially eclectic in orientation
(Mahalik, 1990). Modern forms of counselling are rooted in Euro-American counselling models, of
which the four broad categorisations are: psychodynamic counselling, cognitive-behavioural coun-
selling, person-centred counselling, and multicultural counselling (Ivey, Ivey, & Simek-Morgan,
1997; Jayasinghe, 2009; Pedersen, 1991). Much has been written about modern forms of counselling,
clearly defining both the theory and practice of the various counselling models as well as the taxon-
omy of generic problems and their diagnosis, treatment, and management.
In the field of counselling psychology there are many worldviews (philosophical, epistemological,
and ontological perspectives) and the two recognised ones to act as reference pointers in this dis-
course are the Eurocentric worldview and the Afrocentric worldview. A worldview refers to a
notion of how people perceive their relationship to and interpret the meaning of the world
(nature, institutions, other people) based on their sociocultural upbringing and life experiences
(Sue, Ivey, & Pedersen, 1996). It is apparent that Africans have a distinct history, culture, intergenera-
tional legacy of family relationship, and group solidarity (Cheatham & Stewart, 1990). Their
© 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
CONTACT Hector Chiboola hectorchiboola@yahoo.com
BRITISH JOURNAL OF GUIDANCE & COUNSELLING, 2016
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philosophical bases and sociocultural norms, customs and practices are different in many respects to
that of Europeans and Asians, including many other cultural settings outside the African description.
The Afrocentric worldview is holistic, interdependent, and oriented to collective survival; and it
emphasises an oral tradition, uses present time orientation, emphasises harmonious blending and
cooperation, and is highly respectful of the role of elderly people in the family and community
(Ampim, 2003). Equally important are issues of relationship, the preservation of cultural heritage, and
inclination on traditional systems of knowledge (Deloria, 1993). In contrast, the Eurocentric worldview
tends to divide the world into discrete knowledge parts, focuses on self-actualisation as a goal of life,
emphasises the clarity and precision of the written word, stresses individuation and difference rather
than collaboration, and is oriented towards a linear doing view of time (Ivey et al., 1997).
From an African perspective, traditional counselling involves indigenous approaches used by the
local people to assist those experiencing various problem situations (Egan, 1994), or those that wish
to take a life commitment such as initiation at puberty and marriage (Haworth, Chiboola, & Kwapa,
2008), or are aggrieved through loss of a beloved one due to physical illness or/and lifestyle disease
(Schneiderman, Antoni, Saab, & Ironson, 2001). It involves the application of interventions aimed at
sharing information and experiences; advice and guidance on sociocultural issues; and providing
instruction and mentorship. Traditional counselling is dynamic and unique in the sense that its
theory and practice is based on traditional systems of knowledge and sociocultural values, customs,
and practices. This is a very important dimension to understanding the concept of traditional counsel-
ling and its context of application from an African perspective.
From a historical perspective, traditional counselling was mainly offered by elderly people. The
collective wisdom of Africans generally is that elderly people are regarded as a valuable resource in
the community. They are the repositories of traditional knowledge, the embodiment of wisdom, the
experts in social skills and competences, and the cherished models for emulation. This view is on
the one hand, supported by Ampim (2003) who posits that an elder is someone who is given the
highest status in African culture because she has lived a life of purpose and she is a living model for
emulation in the society. And on the other hand, disputed by practical reality on the ground
whereby the more elderly or successful people become in authority or social standing, the greater
the chances of them being labelled witch or garnering fortunes through black magic (Colson, 2000).
Multiculturalism is a concept that broadly acknowledges the importance of demographic variables
(i.e. gender, age, place of residence), ethnographical status (i.e. nationality, ethnicity, and language),
social status (i.e. occupation, education, and economic), and cultural affiliations (i.e. family, religion,
political, and institutional) of the people in any human society (Pedersen, 1991). Multiculturalism
can be viewed as an umbrella term which incorporates within it a variety of shades of meanings,
beliefs, and values; and it is subject to different interpretations and applications (Laungani, 2005).
The concept of multiculturalism includes not only the factor of ethnicity or colour, but also factors
of class, religion, sexual orientation, gender, and disability (Murphy & Dillon, 2003). It recognises
that all helping relationships ultimately exist within a cultural context (Ivey et al., 1997) and that all
counselling is multicultural in nature (Speight, Myers, Cox, & Highlen, 1991; Sue et al., 1996). Based
on this understanding, it is apparent that the Afrocentric worldview has a lot to offer and learn
from the Eurocentric worldview and that a blending of both can greatly contribute to the assimilation
of traditional counselling theory towards universalism.
From time immemorial, people in all human societies have experienced psychological, emotional,
behavioural, social, familial, and physical problems and in each culture there have been well-estab-
lished indigenous ways of helping people to deal with these difficulties (Alloy, Riskind, & Manos, 2005;
McLeod, 2003). It can be inferred that indigenous ways aptly connotes traditional ways of doing
things based on sociocultural values, customs, and practices. The word traditional is used in the
context of the original experience of the sacred, cultivated by the African people and the concrete
expression of that experience within the different ecological and sociohistorical settings (Ejizu,
2013). Being traditional does not mean static or unchangeable, but rather in keeping with the original
sense of the term it implies that the living experience, expression or practice are handed down from
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one successive generation to another in perpetuity. This is the sense in which the term indigenous is
applied in the context of this study.
In a broader sense, the connotation of indigenous approaches has global application: many
people worldwide practice some forms of traditional counselling based on their sociocultural
context and the nature of presenting problems (McLeod, 2003). Unlike in the European world, the
African traditional ways of doing things is based extensively on oral tradition, that is, traditional
systems of knowledge and social competences pertaining to some critical issues, custom, or practice
are handed down from one successive generation to another orally (Giles-Vernick, 2006). The greatest
setback of oral history is the lack of documentation which has created a vacuum of available scholarly
material on traditional forms of counselling not only in Zambia, but in many other African countries as
well (Matthews, 1974). Many reasons contribute to this state of affairs yet it is difficult to avoid specu-
lating that prejudice towards and the lack of classical literary texts on traditional forms of counselling
are important factors (Hexham, 1991).
From the Zambian context, not much is documented on traditional counselling approaches, pro-
cedures, and processes. This has created knowledge gaps between what is known and what is prac-
tised. The rarity or unavailability of information on traditional forms of counselling motivated this
study because it was unique and typical (Abramson, 1992; Yin, 2009); and it was likely to yield funda-
mental insight into a rare but important process that offered no obvious point of comparison
(Schrank, 2006). Therefore, the primary research question for this study was: What is the nature
and role of traditional forms of counselling in Zambia? The aim of this study was to determine the
nature and role of traditional forms of counselling and the scope of common problems presented
to traditional counsellors in Lusaka province.
In the context of this study, the term nature refers to essential qualities of or character related to
the phenomena under study; the term role refers to the function of a subject matter or its part con-
tribution to the whole phenomena under study; the term traditional counselling refers to indigenous
forms or approaches of counselling offered by traditional counsellors; and the term traditional coun-
sellor refers to various categories of people involved in offering traditional counselling based on their
knowledge, social competences and skills. The term traditional leader includes chiefs and village
headmen; traditional healer includes diviners, herbalists and spiritualists; and religious leader
refers to clergymen/women with leadership roles in the church.
Methods
Study design
The study used a qualitative research methodology and deployed a holistic single-case study design
with multiple embedded units of analysis (Creswell, 2003; Holloway & Wheeler, 2002; Yin, 2009). The
case study research design helps to develop a broader knowledge-base about the case in its contem-
poraneous and natural, real-life context; and it allows a coherent exploration to enhance understand-
ing of complex socio-behavioural issues about the case (Siggelkow, 2007). The choice for this study
design was motivated by a richness and depth of information it offers in comparison to other
research designs (Hanson, Creswell, Clark, Petska, & Creswell, 2005). The methods of choice were pur-
posive sample and snowball technique (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000; Ghosh, 2011). Given that traditional
counsellors were a hard-to-reach social group (Daly & Lumley, 2002), the purposive sampling method
and snowball technique were the only suitable methodological approach to achieve the desired
sample for this study (Giddens, 2009).
Participants
The sample consisted of 80 adult participants and one focus group interview with 8 discussants. The 8
discussants were all traditional healers; and they were not part of the 80 adult participants. Of the 80
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participants, 49 (61.2%) were male and 31 (38.8%) were female; while of the 8 discussants, 6 were
male and 2 were female. The sample was divided into three groups that constituted the multiple
embedded units of analysis: traditional leader (30 participants), religious leader (30 participants),
and traditional healer (20 participants). The selection of participants was based on the assumption
that the most can be learned from them as practitioner traditional counsellors (Boeije, 2009). One
focus group interview was deemed sufficient as it was not the main source of primary data
(Hancock, Ockleford, & Windridge, 2007), it was merely an additional source to aid data triangulation
(Thurmond, 2001). The adult participants were contacted through strategic informants in the study
sites (Merriam, 2002); while participants for focus group interview were initially contacted through
the Traditional Health Practitioners Association of Zambia and subsequently written to requesting
their participation in the study.
Study instruments
Two sets of data collection instruments were developed by the researchers to collate information
according to the embedded units of analysis: the traditional counsellor-category and the focus
group-category. The rationale for using the interview schedule in this study was to assure objectivity,
reliability, and uniformity of the information collected from participants as well as to reduce bias and
subjectivity in data collection, analysis, and interpretation (Stake, 1995). The interview schedule for
the traditional counsellor-category contained 36 questions, while the focus group interview guide
contained seven semi-structured questions. The five key questions presented herein were extracted
from the interview schedule. The first question sought to define traditional counselling; the second
aimed to establish the participants’knowledge about traditional forms of counselling; the third was
intended to generate understanding about traditional forms of counselling being practised; and the
fourth explored the traditional counsellors’duration of practice. The last question was intended to
generate understanding about common problems in the sphere of traditional counselling. It was
the authors’view that the selected questions would yield fundamental insight and illuminate the
case study (Heppner, Kivlighan, & Wampold, 1992).
Procedure
The data collection instruments were pre-tested on a small sample by the researchers and approved
by the appropriate university research ethics committee prior to their use in full-scale fieldwork
(Kumar, 2005). The researchers collected primary data through face-to-face individual interviews
using a structured interview schedule (Ayres, 2008a; Rowley, 2002); while corroborative data were col-
lected through focus group interview (Cameron, 2005; Liamputtong, 2010). The focus group interview
preceded the face-to-face individual interviews. Written informed consent was obtained from all the
participants prior to face-to-face individual interviews (Tolich, 2010). The identity of participants was
anonymous and the study was conducted based on fundamental ethical principles of autonomy,
beneficence, non-maleficence, justice, fidelity, and protection from disclosure (Beauchamp &
Childress, 1994); and confidentiality was preserved in the collection of data and its storage.
Data collection and analysis
Data collection was concurrent with data analysis (Bazeley, 2009; Savenye & Robinson, 2001). For all
qualitative data sets, participants’responses were written verbatim on the interview schedule while
the group interview was tape-recorded and a narrative transcription developed; and the data were
coded and a database developed on computer. The data were analysed at multiple levels that
included thematic analysis, content analysis, comparative analysis, and interpretive analysis (Ayres,
2008b; Cascio & Aguinis, 2008). This approach was deemed to have met the criteria of sufficiency
for qualitative data analysis postulated by Richards (2005) that place emphasis on the need for
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completeness, robustness, and sensibleness, as well as to add rigour to the study design (Baxter &
Jack, 2008).
Results
The research findings presented in this article are restricted to: (1) the understanding of traditional
counselling; (2) the forms of traditional counselling being practised in Zambia; and (3) the scope
of common problems presented in the sphere of traditional counselling. The focus is on results of
some key research questions intended to yield fundamental illumination of the case study.
What is traditional counselling?
According to the responses from participants, traditional counselling involves a broad perspective
that enhances learning for transformation and social integration of traditional values, customs, and
practices that are peculiar to each human society; and it involves the help given to people who
are experiencing problems or are in need of help or are in bereavement using methods that are fam-
iliar to them and which they understand better, especially based on their traditional values, beliefs,
and norms. It involves advice and guidance given on some problem situations or social issues so that
the person counselled gains knowledge on how to maintain the marriage, live peacefully, overcome
any problem or conditionality or eventuality; the application of interventions aimed at sharing
information and experiences, providing instruction, guidance and mentorship; and achieving life
goals.
Some inferences to be drawn from the broad description of traditional counselling in the preced-
ing paragraph are: first, it is necessary to acknowledge the significance of indigenous perspectives on
counselling psychology in theory, research, and practice (Grayshield, 2010); second, the indigenous
ways of knowing and doing things is a cultural heritage (Deloria, 1993); and third, the historical con-
tinuity of a culture endemic to a particular human society underlies the interconnectedness of all
things that define its traditional values, customs, and practices (Storey, 2009). Traditional counselling,
quoting one discussant from the focus group interview,
is the counselling that is done not by those who have gone to class to learn about it but those that have learnt it
from others, especially elderly people who have gone through a lot of things …these people have enough
experience and they are able to give guidance to others.
What forms of traditional counselling do you know?
The most frequently mentioned forms of traditional counselling known by participants were (Table 1):
marriage counselling (54), pastoral counselling (34), initiation counselling (32), bereavement counsel-
ling (16), adherence counselling (16), psychosocial counselling (15), child counselling (11), and con-
flict resolution (9). The others were: advice and guidance (5), AIDS counselling (5), couple counselling
(3), and family counselling (3). The data in Table 1 also show that the traditional leader group and
religious leader group had basic understanding of some forms of traditional counselling while the
traditional healer group was least knowledgeable about the same. The only reason to explain this
knowledge disparity was that the religious leader group and traditional leader group were more edu-
cationally exposed than the traditional healer group. It is manifest from these data that the partici-
pants mentioned derivative approaches of psychosocial counselling, child counselling, and couple
counselling in the context of traditional forms of counselling. This is indicative of a misunderstanding
about the difference between the two schools of counselling. In the same vein, conflict resolution,
and advice and guidance are aptly interventions rather than approaches or forms of traditional coun-
selling (Bailey, 1993; Egan, 1994).
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What forms of traditional counselling do you practise?
The most frequently mentioned forms of traditional counselling practised by participants were
(Table 2): marriage counselling (38), pastoral counselling (31), adherence counselling (16), and psy-
chosocial counselling (9). The others were: bereavement counselling (4), initiation counselling (3),
advice and guidance (3), conflict resolution (3), child counselling (2), couple counselling (2), family
counselling (2), and career counselling (1).
Arising from the data in Table 2,Table 3 shows that marriage counselling was practised by the
three groups, pastoral counselling was predominantly practised by the religious leader group, and
adherence counselling was solely practised by the traditional healer group. These data show that:
first, the commonly practised forms of traditional counselling were marriage counselling, pastoral
counselling, and adherence counselling; second, the least practised forms of traditional counselling
were bereavement counselling, initiation counselling and family counselling; and third, some tra-
ditional counsellors practised derivative approaches of psychosocial counselling, child counselling,
couple counselling, and career counselling.
How long have you been practising those forms of traditional counselling?
Slightly more than half in each of the three groups were practising traditional counselling for more
than 10 years (Table 4). The shortest period range of practice for the traditional healer group was 4–6
years, while that for the other two groups was 1–3 years. These data show that a majority of
Table 1. Forms of traditional counselling known by participants (n= 80).
Traditional counsellor-category
Form/Approach TL RL TH Total
(1) Marriage counselling 26 23 05 54
(2) Pastoral counselling 03 30 01 34
(3) Initiation counselling 16 12 04 32
(4) Bereavement counselling 09 07 –16
(5) Adherence counselling ––16 16
(6) Psychosocial counselling 13 02 –15
(7) Child counselling 08 03 –11
(8) Conflict resolution 05 04 –09
(9) Advice and guidance 03 01 01 05
(10) AIDS counselling 01 02 02 05
(11) Couple counselling 01 01 01 03
(12) Family counselling 01 01 01 03
Note: TL = Traditional leader group; RL = Religious leader group; TH = Traditional healer group.
Table 2. Forms of traditional counselling practised by participants (n= 80).
Traditional counsellor-category
Form/Approach TL RL TH Total
(1) Marriage counselling 19 16 03 38
(2) Pastoral counselling –30 01 31
(3) Adherence counselling ––16 16
(4) Psychosocial counselling 08 01 –09
(5) Bereavement counselling 02 02 –04
(6) Initiation counselling 02 –01 03
(7) Advice and guidance 02 –01 03
(8) Conflict resolution 03 ––03
(9) Couple counselling 01 01 –02
(10) Child counselling 02 ––02
(11) Family counselling 01 –01 02
(12) Career counselling –01 –01
Note: TL = Traditional leader group; RL = Religious leader group; TH = Traditional healer group.
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traditional counsellors were in practice for periods exceeding 10 years as at the time of execution of
this study.
What are some of the common problems that people present to you for counselling?
The most frequently mentioned common problems according to the participants were (Table 5):
marital disputes (41), physical illness (34), relationships (32), financial related (28), witchcraft (24),
Table 3. Typology of counselling approaches practised by traditional counsellors.
Forms of counselling
Traditional counsellor-category
TL RL TH
A. Traditional
(1) Marriage counselling ✓✓✓
(2) Pastoral counselling ✓
(3) Adherence counselling ✓
(4) Initiation counselling ✓
(5) Bereavement counselling ✓✓
(6) Family counselling ✓✓
B. Derivative
(7) Psychosocial counselling ✓✓
(8) Couple counselling ✓✓
(9) Child counselling ✓
(10) Career counselling ✓
Note: TL = Traditional leader group; RL = Religious leader group; TH = Traditional healer group.
Table 4. Duration of counselling practice by occupation (n= 80).
Occupation
How long have you been practising
Total1–3 years 4–6 years 7–9 years 10–12 years >13 years
Traditional leader 04 05 03 02 16 30
Religious leader 02 05 02 07 14 30
Traditional healer –03 –01 16 20
Total 06 13 05 10 46 80
Table 5. Common problems presented to traditional counsellors (n= 80).
Traditional counsellor-category
Problem situation TL RL TH Total
(1) Marital disputes 17 21 03 41
(2) Physical illness 06 08 20 34
(3) Relationships 13 15 04 32
(4) Financial related 13 15 –28
(5) Witchcraft 03 06 15 24
(6) Misunderstandings 12 10 –22
(7) Infidelity 13 04 02 19
(8) Demon possessed –10 09 19
(9) Role conflict 05 12 –17
(10) Infertility –02 15 17
(11) HIV/AIDS 02 04 07 13
(12) Sexual dysfunction 01 –09 10
(13) Poverty 07 02 –09
(14) Peer pressure 03 06 –09
(15) Alcohol abuse 03 05 –08
(16) Career 01 04 –05
(17) Gender-based violence 04 –– 04
(18) Bereavement 02 01 –03
(19) Family discord 01 02 –03
(20) Children fighting 03 –– 03
(21) Theft 02 –01 03
Note: TL = Traditional leader group; RL = Religious leader group; TH = Traditional healer group.
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misunderstandings (22), infidelity (19), demon possessed (19), role conflict (17), infertility (17), HIV/
AIDS (13), and sexual dysfunction (10). The others were: poverty (9), peer pressure (9), alcohol
abuse (8), career (5), gender-based violence (4), bereavement (3), family discord (3), children fighting
(3), and theft (3). The data in Table 5 also show that the traditional leader group mentioned physical
illness, witchcraft, infertility, demon possessed and sexual dysfunction much more than the other two
groups primarily because these problem situations were part of their agenda in the provision of
primary health care at community level. It is in the context of this role that they offered adherence
counselling. A remarkable finding of this data is that witchcraft was ranked highly as causation of
human problems, which is consistent with the available literature about the prominence of witchcraft
despite the proliferation of Christian churches in Zambia (Crehan, 1997; Udelhoven, 2008). It can be
deduced that the list of 21 problem situations mentioned by the participants was not exhaustive, it
provides a foundation upon which further additions can be integrated in the future.
Discussion
The conceptualisation of traditional forms of counselling is that they are complex and multifaceted.
When viewed from the perspective that indigenous knowledge has cultural implications (Deloria,
1993; Yali & Revenson, 2004) and that all counselling is multicultural in nature (Speight et al., 1991;
Sue et al., 1996), this study shows that traditional forms of counselling are rooted in traditional
systems of knowledge and sociocultural values, customs, and practices; they are essentially commu-
nity-based and multicultural in nature; and they are routinely offered in the local environment by the
local people. These are very important dimensions to understanding the concept of traditional coun-
selling and its context of application. The sociocultural context is the base with inherent avenues of
what constitutes traditional knowledge, how traditional knowledge is acquired and applied. Cultural
values, customs, and practices are part of the traditional systems of knowledge; and they are unique
to a particular human society and bears subjective interpretation and application (Colson, 2006;
Taylor, 2006). Traditional knowledge is applied for the common good of society through avenues
such as traditional ceremonies, initiation ceremonies, marriage ceremonies, ritual ceremonies, and
religious ceremonies. These avenues are important for sustainable social integration and the perpetu-
ation of cultural identity.
It is plausible to argue that traditional forms of counselling are readily available, easily accessible,
and practically affordable at community level. Traditional counselling is not only dependent on clear
communication, but also on effective communication from the counsellor to the client. This entails
that the traditional counsellor must be proactive and interactive during the counselling process
(Conte, 2009) which is in sharp contrast to the professional counsellor role of reactivity and passivity
required in classical psychodynamic counselling orientations (Brown & Pedder, 1993; Jacobs, 1993).
The orientation of traditional counselling is essentially prescriptive (solutions are predetermined for
specific problems), directive (do this, do that), and didactic (authoritarian) in nature (Haworth et al.,
2008). It uses interventions such as advice, guidance, information-sharing, role model, mentorship,
and apprenticeship. Elderly people are usually at the centre of providing traditional counselling
based on their wisdom, past experience, social skills, and competences.
Propositions
Based on the findings of this study the researchers advance two propositions that can inform future
debate in the field of traditional counselling. First, a typology of five categories of common problems
presentable in the sphere of traditional counselling (Table 6): psychosocial, interpersonal relationship,
extrasensory phenomenal, physical illness, and physical violence concerns. These are broad cat-
egories to which specific problems, actions or experiences (e.g. alcohol/drug abuse, defilement,
gender-based violence, and bewitchment) can be assigned.
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Second, the four elements that are cardinal to explaining the traditional counselling process
(Figure 1). Depending on the nature of the problem situation and its representation, traditional
forms of counselling promote active involvement of the family and community in problem identifi-
cation and resolution. The emphasis is on collectivism (over individualism) and relationships between
the individual, family, and community. This collective approach ensures that the desired behavioural
change not only benefit the affected individual or couple or family, but also the community as a
whole. From an African perspective, this collectivist orientation builds stronger social bonds, pro-
motes more cohesive avenues to problem resolution, and enhances desirable socio-behaviour for
a common good of the affected individual, couple or family (Jigau, 2007).
Conclusion
The major contribution of this study is its delineation of the main forms of traditional counselling
practised, common problems in the sphere of traditional counselling, and the traditional counselling
process and its nature of orientation. The findings of this study have implications for policy develop-
ment: traditional forms of counselling represent an integral component of the social services offered
Table 6. Typology of common problems in traditional counselling.
Category of concern Problem situation
(1) Psychosocial Marital dispute, family discord, parent-child dispute, bereavement, step-children, poverty,
abandonment, financial, alcohol abuse, child marriage, initiation, parenting, separation, and divorce.
(2) Interpersonal
relationship
Infidelity, role conflict, disrespect, bedroom issues (shave, dance, romance, sexual satisfaction, denied
sex), misunderstandings, penis enlargement, failed relationship, defaulting church service,
diminishing/weak in faith, and land issues.
(3) Extrasensory
phenomenal
Witchcraft, demon possessed, haunted by spirits, no erection outside marriage, richness enhancement,
madness, bad luck, misfortune, faith healing, redemption/deliverance, spirituality, and born again.
(4) Physical illness Sexually transmitted infections (syphilis, gonorrhoea), HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, measles, pneumonia,
and sexual dysfunction (impotence, frigidity, infertility).
(5) Physical violence Gender-based violence, wife/husband battering, property grabbing, fighting, child sexual abuse, rape,
defilement, incest, and abortion.
Figure 1. Four elements of the traditional counselling process.
BRITISH JOURNAL OF GUIDANCE & COUNSELLING 9
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to people at community level. They must be promoted and adequately documented from an African
perspective; and they have potential of contributing to enhanced competences of traditional coun-
sellors, professional counsellors, and counselling psychologists. Further research is required to gen-
erate insight on the process outcome of traditional forms of counselling and the efficacy of
marriage counselling and its interface with gender-based violence.
Limitations
At the time of execution of this study there was no other study known to the researchers that had
investigated a similar topic. Thus, this study was developed as a loose case and it suffered a
paucity of scholarly literature related to the topic under investigation (Hakim, 1987). It is worthy con-
ducting another study, preferably involving a smaller sample and geographical location, so as to
extend and consolidate the findings of the current study. The results of this study are not conclusive
and should be interpreted within the sphere of limitations and applications of case study research.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Prof. Nickson Banda, Dr Helmut Reutter and Mr Lawrence Mwelwa for guidance, moral
and spiritual support.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Funding information
The research project was implemented under the auspices of Chreso University and it was partially funded by the Zambia
Counselling Council under a non-contract administrative arrangement.
Notes on contributors
Hector Chiboola, PhD, is a researcher and director of postgraduate studies at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Chreso
University.
Sody Munsaka, M., PhD, is a lecturer and researcher at the Department of Biomedical Sciences, School of Medicine, Uni-
versity of Zambia and at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Chreso University.
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