This article uses some of the fundamental conceptualizations of Antonio Gramsci to understand the political process in Senegal. It analyzes how the ruling class responded to the “organic crisis” generated by a dependent type of capitalist underdevelopment. It contends that this response embodied a “passive revolution” whereby potentially revolutionary forces were decapitated through the co-optation of their leading cadres in a reformed framework of political representation. The article suggests also that the contours and substance of the passive revolution reflected the “hegemonic project” elaborated by the “organic intellectuals” of Senegal. These intellectuals sought to establish a new “hegemony” capable of legitimizing the rule of a reinvigorated ruling class. Yet, because this new hegemony was founded on the basis of the passive revolution it never reached the masses and it generated therefore widespread popular scepticism and cynicism.RésuméCet article utilise certaines des importantes conceptions dévelopées par Antonio Gramsci afin d'élucider le processus politique sénégalais. II analyse la manière dont la classe dirigeante sénégalaise confronta la « crise organique » provoquée par le système capitaliste dépendant. II suggère que la classe dirigeante organisa une « révolution passive » qui « décapita » le potentiel révolutionnaire des forces d'opposition par la cooptation de leurs leaders dans de nouvelles structures de représentation libérates. L'article maintient également que la « révolution passive » fut le produit du « projet hégémonique » élaboré par les « intellectuels organiques » sénégalais. Ces intellectuels cherchaient à établir une nouvelle « hégémonie » capable de légitimer le pouvoir de la classe dominante. Mais puisque cette hégémonie était issue de la révolution passive, elle ne put pénétrer les masses et elle produisit par conséquent un scepticisme et un cynisme généralisés.
This paper offers a method for quantifying the global exchange of (natural) space and (labor) time underlying the economic success of the British textile industry in the late 18th and early 19th century. Using historical statistics on inputs of land and labor embodied in cotton and wool production, respectively, estimates are made of the amount of British land and labor that were ‘saved’ by displacing fibre production to North America. By comparing inputs of land and labor in the textile exports of England with those in some commodities imported from its colonial periphery, and juxtaposing these data with exchange rates, estimates are also made of unequal exchange. Using such methods, it is possible to bring together the Marxist concern with unequal exchanges of labor time, on one hand, with the more recent concern with ecological footprints, on the other.