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The individual and social protective factors that help break the cycle of violence are examined. Specifically, this study investigates (a) the individual and social protective factors that reduce violent offending among previously victimized children, and (b) whether certain protective factors are more or less important depending on the type and frequency of childhood victimization experienced. Data on young adults from Wave III of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health are used (N = 13,116). Negative binomial regression models are estimated to examine the protective factors that promote resiliency to violent offending among individuals who reported being physically and sexually victimized as children. Results indicate that a number of individual and social protective factors reduce violent offending in young adulthood. With a few exceptions, these factors are specific to the type, frequency, and comorbidity of abuse experienced. The results suggest a number of promising approaches to break the cycle of violence among previously victimized children. Future
Journal of Interpersonal Violence
2019, Vol. 34(6) 1261 –1286
© The Author(s) 2016
Article reuse guidelines:
DOI: 10.1177/0886260516651090
The Cycle of Violence
Revisited: Childhood
Victimization, Resilience,
and Future Violence
Kevin A. Wright,1 Jillian J. Turanovic,2
Eryn N. O’Neal,3 Stephanie J. Morse,1
and Evan T. Booth4
The individual and social protective factors that help break the cycle of
violence are examined. Specifically, this study investigates (a) the individual
and social protective factors that reduce violent offending among previously
victimized children, and (b) whether certain protective factors are more
or less important depending on the type and frequency of childhood
victimization experienced. Data on young adults from Wave III of the
National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health are used (N =
13,116). Negative binomial regression models are estimated to examine
the protective factors that promote resiliency to violent offending among
individuals who reported being physically and sexually victimized as children.
Results indicate that a number of individual and social protective factors
reduce violent offending in young adulthood. With a few exceptions,
these factors are specific to the type, frequency, and comorbidity of abuse
experienced. The results suggest a number of promising approaches to
break the cycle of violence among previously victimized children. Future
1Arizona State University, Phoenix, AZ, USA
2Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, USA
3Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, TX, USA
4University of Denver, CO, USA
Corresponding Author:
Kevin A. Wright, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Arizona State University, 411 N.
Central Ave. Ste. 600, Phoenix, AZ 85004, USA.
651090JIVXXX10.1177/0886260516651090Journal of Interpersonal ViolenceWright et al.
1262 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34(6)
research should move beyond explaining the cycle of violence to examine
how the cycle may be broken.
treatment/intervention, child abuse, physical abuse, sexual abuse,
intergenerational transmission of trauma
Over the last 25 years, the cycle of violence hypothesis (Widom, 1989a;
1989b) has provided a solid foundation for studying the long-term crimino-
genic effects of childhood victimization. Research within this tradition has
established two major components to the thesis. First, victims of child abuse
are at an increased risk of perpetrating violence in adolescence and young
adulthood (Currie & Tekin, 2011; Maxfield & Widom, 1996; Watts &
McNulty, 2013), and second, not all victims of child abuse go on to perpetrate
future violence (DuMont, Widom, & Czaja, 2007; Jaffee, Caspi, Moffitt,
Polo-Tomas, & Taylor, 2007). Comparatively speaking, childhood victims
that engage in violence have received far more scholarly attention than those
who do not. Indeed, the majority of research in this area focuses on identify-
ing risk factors that increase the likelihood of violence among abused chil-
dren—factors such as biased and deficient social-information-processing
patterns (Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1990), endorsement of antisocial attitudes
and associations with deviant peers (Herrenkohl, Huang, Tajima, & Whitney,
2003), and genetic susceptibility to maltreatment-induced changes to neu-
rotransmitter systems (Caspi et al., 2002).
Much less understood, however, are the protective factors that explain
why some abused children can avoid completing the cycle of violence
(McGloin & Widom, 2001). And existing research suggests that most abused
children do avoid completing this cycle. Even in Widom’s widely cited 1989
Science study, only 29% of her abused and neglected sample had an adult
criminal record, and only 11% of that sample had a violent criminal record as
an adult. The relative inattention to the protective factors exhibited by these
resilient individuals is unfortunate given that they may provide valuable
information regarding how the cycle may be broken for those less resilient.
The purpose of the current study is to identify the protective factors that
increase resilience to violent offending among young adults who were previ-
ously abused as children.1 We focus specifically on a subset of young adults
from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add
Wright et al. 1263
Health) who were abused prior to the sixth grade to examine two broad
research questions.
Research Question 1: What factors are associated with reduced violence
among young adults who identify as being previously abused as
In answering this, we focus on determining the individual and social protec-
tive factors that are distinctive to the “negative cases” of the cycle of vio-
lence—those individuals who might be expected to engage in adult violence
given their childhood victimization yet do not.
Research Question 2: Are certain protective factors more or less impor-
tant depending on the type and frequency of abuse experienced?
To answer this question, we examine whether protective factors differ accord-
ing to the type, frequency, and comorbidity of childhood abuse. Our work
comes as part of a more general victimization literature that seeks to explain
variations in behavioral responses among victims (e.g., Boxer & Sloan-
Power, 2013; Grych, Hamby, & Banyard, 2015; Turanovic & Pratt, 2015).
Ultimately, then, our broader objective is to refocus cycle of violence research
on determining the modifiable protective factors that may break the cycle.
Child Abuse and the Cycle of Violence
Research on child abuse has come a long way since Kempe, Silverman,
Steele, Droegemueller, and Silver (1962) wrote of physical abuse in the form
of “parental assault” as part of battered-child syndrome. This body of work
has advanced our understanding of child abuse in significant ways, and yet
reviews of the literature identify a number of important conceptual and meth-
odological issues to address for any study that examines the consequences of
childhood victimization (see especially Malvaso, Delfabbro, & Day, 2018;
Thornberry et al., 2012). Four issues in particular merit special attention for
research that seeks to identify protective factors that may break the cycle of
violence. Two of these are conceptual and relate to how abuse and resilience
are defined, and two are methodological and concern the nature of the sam-
ples most often used in existing research.
First, existing works often overlook the distinctions between type, fre-
quency, and comorbidity of child abuse (Malvaso et al., 2018). The original
cycle of violence research documented that physical abuse was most impor-
tant for the prediction of violence in adulthood (Widom, 1989a; see also
1264 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34(6)
Maxfield & Widom, 1996). Yet the type of abuse experienced by children
may produce different behavioral outcomes, with sexual abuse assuming a
critical importance alongside physical abuse (e.g., Currie & Tekin, 2011; see
also Noll, 2005; Yun, Ball, & Lim, 2011). The frequency with which abuse
occurs is also likely to impact whether a previously abused child engages in
violent behavior as an adult. For example, Heller, Larrieu, D’Imperio, and
Boris (1999) identify the number of instances of abuse as a potentially con-
founding factor that is consistently unaddressed in studies of maltreated
children (see also DuMont et al., 2007; McGloin & Widom, 2001). In addi-
tion, the comorbidity of types of abuse is likely to affect the relationship
between childhood victimization and future adult violence. This becomes
particularly important when acknowledging resilience research that suggests
personal resources (e.g., above-average intelligence) may no longer be suf-
ficient as a protective factor when the child experiences multiple forms of
stress (Jaffee et al., 2007).
Second, existing works often examine static protective factors that cannot
be addressed or altered through intervention programs. In particular, demo-
graphic characteristics are often offered as protective factors, which lead to
perplexing assertions that “being White” or “being older” serve as a buffer
against the deleterious effects of child abuse. Instead, if modifiable protective
factors such as success in school or mentorship from a caring adult can be
identified, then interventions can be tailored toward promoting these factors
within previously abused individuals (Cicchetti, 2004; Haskett, Nears, Ward,
& McPherson, 2006).
Third, existing works often use agency-based samples of abused chil-
dren that may not be representative of the larger abused population of
childhood victims. Differences between victimized children who were
referred to agencies (such as child protective services) and those who were
not may include the severity of abuse and levels of familial or extrafamil-
ial support systems (Heller et al., 1999). Furthermore, data based on
agency samples tend to underreport actual childhood victimization
instances, which could result in conservative estimates of the relationships
between abuse, resilience, and future violence (Topitzes, Mersky, Dezen,
& Reynolds, 2013). Due in part to these concerns, Thornberry and col-
leagues (2012) recommend that cycle of violence studies use a sample that
is representative of a general population, as selected using probability
sampling techniques, with a satisfactory participation rate. A large sample
of this nature would also allow for separate examinations of the protective
factors of different subtypes (e.g., physical abuse only, physical and sexual
abuse; Haskett et al., 2006).
Wright et al. 1265
Finally, existing works within the cycle of violence and resilience litera-
tures often focus on outcomes in childhood or adolescence, and less is known
regarding the protective factors that promote resilience into early adulthood
(McGloin & Widom, 2001; Topitzes et al., 2013; Topitzes, Mersky, &
Reynolds, 2012). Studies have documented that previously abused children
may appear resilient in adolescence, but not in early adulthood (DuMont et
al., 2007); youth who appear resilient in adolescence may not have truly bro-
ken the cycle. We believe that the essence of the cycle of violence is that
adults use violence toward children who then use violence toward others
when they are adults.
The child abuse and resilience literatures address the above issues to vary-
ing degrees—with available reviews suggesting that the bulk of this literature
falls short on conceptual and methodological rigor (Haskett et al., 2006;
Heller et al., 1999; Thornberry et al., 2012). Nevertheless, this work suggests
that studies that examine the factors that can break the cycle of violence
should (a) differentiate between the type, frequency, and comorbidity of child
abuse, (b) focus on dynamic protective factors that can be modified, (c) use a
large and diverse sample, and (d) use self-reported outcomes of violence that
are measured in adulthood.
Current Focus
A key disclaimer of the original cycle of violence hypothesis research is
that future adult violence is far from inevitable. Widom (1989a, p. 169)
suggests, “It is important to understand the potential protective factors that
intervene in the child’s development and to compare the development of
those who succumb and those who are ‘resilient’ and do not.” We take this
advice and begin with a sample of young adults who have reported being
abused as children. According to the cycle of violence, we would expect
most of these individuals to “succumb” and be at an increased risk of engag-
ing in violence. So what sets those who perpetrate violence apart from those
who do not? Based on the existing child abuse and resilience literatures, our
current study has two objectives. First, we identify the protective factors
that reduce violent offending in early adulthood among individuals who
were abused as children. Second, we examine whether certain protective
factors are more or less important depending on the type and frequency of
child abuse experienced. By addressing the above objectives, we identify
the protective factors that contribute to resilience in young adulthood, and
we also hope to encourage future work on how victims of child abuse are
able to break the cycle of violence.
1266 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34(6)
We use data from Add Health, which is an ongoing, nationally representative
study of adolescent health and well-being (Harris, 2009). A sample of 80 high
schools and 52 feeder middle schools and junior high schools was selected
through a disproportionately stratified, school-based, clustered sampling
design. The sample was representative of U.S. schools with respect to region
of the country, urbanicity, school type, school size, and ethnicity (Harris,
2011). At Wave I in 1994 to 1995, in-school surveys were administered to
more than 90,000 students enrolled in grades 7 to 12, from which a random
subsample of 20,745 adolescents was selected to participate in the Wave I,
in-home component of the study. Wave III follow-up interviews with the
Wave I sample were conducted 7 years later during 2001 to 2002. The aver-
age age of participants was 15 years at Wave I (ranging from 11 to 21 years)
and 22 years at Wave III (ranging from 18 to 28 years). Of the original Wave
I respondents, approximately 15,000 participated in the Wave III in-home
interview (N = 14,322 with valid sample weights).2 We focus primarily on the
Wave III survey as it contains information on childhood physical and sexual
abuse that was not captured in previous waves.
As is common with large-scale survey data, information was missing on
some of our key variables due to item nonresponse (10.7% of Wave III
respondents had item-missing data). To address the potential bias produced
by missing data, multiple imputation was used (Allison, 2000). This involved
a procedure in which 10 imputed data sets were generated by a missingness
equation that included all variables in the present study, and which adjusted
estimates according to the clustered surveying of respondents in schools
(using the mi suite in Stata 13). The results from 10 imputed data sets were
combined using pooled parameter estimates to account for the possible
underestimation of standard errors observed in single imputation procedures.3
Cases with missing information on the dependent variable (i.e., violent
offending), and those without information on childhood victimization were
excluded (n = 1,206). As a result, 91.6% of Wave III respondents were
retained (N = 13,116).
Childhood Victimization
During the Wave III interview, Add Health respondents were asked to ret-
rospectively report information on physical and sexual victimization that
occurred during childhood.4 The following two questions were asked: “By
Wright et al. 1267
the time you started 6th grade, how often had your parents or other adult
caregivers slapped, hit, or kicked you?” and “By the time you started 6th
grade, how often had one of your parents or other adult caregivers touched
you in a sexual way, forced you to touch him or her in a sexual way, or
forced you to have sexual relations?” Responses to each question ranged
from 0 (this has never happened) to 5 (more than 10 times), and approxi-
mately 29.9% of respondents reported experiencing at least one instance of
childhood physical or sexual victimization.5 These questions were adminis-
tered using audio computer assisted self-interview (A-CASI), which is
thought to elicit more accurate reporting of sensitive information involving
victimization and sexual encounters (Turner et al., 1998). To improve the
accuracy of lifetime event data, the Wave III interview also used an event
history calendar as a memory aid. Other incidents of physical and sexual
victimization that occurred after respondents reached the sixth grade were
not captured in the Add Health survey. Measures of childhood victimization
in the Add Health were adapted from previous surveys and have been used
frequently in the literature (see, for example, Hussey, Chang, & Kotch,
Consistent with our research objectives, the sample is split into several
groups that reflect different forms and frequencies of childhood victimiza-
tion. For physical abuse, these include respondents who experienced no
physical abuse (70.9%, n = 9,303), a low frequency of physical abuse
(meaning 1-2 times; 14.2%, n = 1,856), and a high frequency of physical
abuse (meaning 3 or more times; 14.9%, n = 1,957). Similarly, for sexual
abuse, we categorize respondents as those who experienced no sexual abuse
(95.4%, n = 12,510), a low frequency of sexual abuse (1-2 times; 2.9%, n =
379), and a high frequency of sexual abuse (3 or more times; 1.7%, n =
227). We also developed categories to examine individuals who experi-
enced both physical and sexual abuse. These include respondents who did
not experience both physical and sexual abuse (96.2%, n = 12,617), those
who reported a low frequency of both physical and sexual abuse (no more
than two instances of each form of abuse; 1.8%, n = 240), and those who
reported a high frequency of both physical and sexual abuse (experiencing
both forms of abuse, at least one of which happened 3 or more times; 2.0%,
n = 259). Individuals who experienced three or more instances of either
physical or sexual abuse scored above the 90th percentile of childhood vic-
timization in the Add Health data. Consistent with prior research on child-
hood exposure to trauma (e.g., van der Wal, de Wit, & Hirasing, 2003), this
percentile was chosen as the cutoff point for the “high frequency” categori-
zations of child abuse. Sample statistics for all groups of childhood victims
are available by contacting the authors.6
1268 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34(6)
Violent Offending
The dependent variable, violent offending, is a four-item variety score that
reflects whether participants committed the following types of violence dur-
ing the year prior to the Wave III interview: “hurt someone badly in a physi-
cal fight,” “used or threatened to use a weapon to get something from
someone,” “used a weapon in a fight,” “and “pulled a knife or gun on some-
one.” All forms of violence were fairly rare in the full sample (5.5%, 2.0%,
1.8%, and 1.3%, respectively), and approximately 7.7% of Wave III respon-
dents reported committing a violent offense at Wave III.7
Individual Protective Factors
To better understand heterogeneity in adult violence among victims of child
abuse, the effects of several individual and social protective factors on violent
offending are assessed. Specifically, we include four individual protective
factors commonly associated with positive life outcomes: self-control, low
depression, self-esteem, and verbal intelligence.
Self-control at Wave III is measured using nine items from the novelty-
seeking dimension of Cloninger’s (1987) Tridimensional Personality
Questionnaire (e.g., “I sometimes get so excited that I lose control of myself,”
“I like it when people can do whatever they want, without strict rules and
regulations”). These nine items are often used to measure self-control in early
adulthood (see, for example, Turanovic, Reisig, & Pratt, 2015). Each item
featured a 5-point response set, ranging from 1 (very true) to 5 (not true). The
scale exhibits a high level of internal consistency (α = .87), and is coded so
that higher scores indicate higher levels of self-control. Principal components
analysis indicated that the self-control scale was unidimensional (λ = 4.34;
factor loadings > .66).
Low depression is measured using nine items from the 20-item Center for
Epidemiologic Studies Depression (CES-D) scale (Radloff, 1977) that are
available in the Add Health data. Participants were asked to report how often
they experienced feelings related to depression in the past 7 days (e.g., “you
were sad” [reverse-scored], “you cried a lot” [reverse-scored], “you enjoyed
life”). Closed ended responses for each item ranged from 0 (never/rarely) to 3
(most of the time/all of the time), and were summed to create a scale where
larger values reflect lower levels of depression (range 0-27; α = .81). Previous
research has shown the 20-item CES-D to cluster into four subfactors—
somatic-retarded activity, depressed affect, positive affect, and interpersonal
relationships (Ensel, 1986)—and all four components are represented in the
nine items used here. The CES-D has been previously validated among
Wright et al. 1269
adolescents and adults (e.g., Radloff, 1991), and principal components analysis
confirmed that the scale was unidimensional (λ = 3.74; factor loadings > .44).
Self-esteem is assessed using four items from Rosenberg’s (1965) Self-
Esteem Scale: “you have many good qualities,” “you like yourself just the
way you are,” “you have a lot to be proud of,” and “you feel like you are
doing everything just about right.” Items ranged from 0 (strongly disagree) to
4 (strongly agree), and were summed so that higher scores indicate higher
levels of self-esteem (range 0-16; α = .78). Prior research has shown the
Rosenberg scale to be highly reliable (e.g., if a person completes the scale on
two occasions, the two scores tend to be similar) and unidimensional (e.g.,
Baumeister, Campbell, Krueger, & Vohs, 2003). Principal components analy-
sis confirmed that the items used here are associated with a single construct
(λ = 2.46; factor loadings > .74).
Verbal intelligence is captured using respondents’ age-normed Add Health
Picture Vocabulary Test (PVT) score. Add Health PVT scores come from a
shorter, computerized version of the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test
(Revised) that was administered to participants at the beginning of the Wave
III interview. During this test, interviewers would read a series of words
aloud, and respondents would select pictures that best fit the words’ mean-
ings. Each word in the PVT corresponded to four simple, black-and-white
illustrations arranged in a multiple-choice format. There were 87 items in the
Add Health PVT, and raw scores were standardized by age.
Social Protective Factors
In addition to the individual factors, five forms of social protective factors
are also assessed at Wave III: marriage, job satisfaction, mentorship, religi-
osity, and educational attainment. These factors are considered protective as
they can provide victimized children with supportive coping resources to
overcome adversity (Agnew, 2006), and they can serve as important sources
of restraint that prevent child victims from engaging in crime and violence
later on.
Marriage reflects whether respondents were currently married at the time
of the Wave III interview (1 = yes, 0 = no). Nearly 17.3% of young adults
reported being married, and this proportion is consistent with estimates from
the 2000 U.S. Census for young adults between the ages of 20 and 24 (Kreider
& Simmons, 2003). Although data limitations prevent assessing the quality
of these marriages (e.g., marital attachment, connectedness to spouse, and
marital satisfaction), it is important to examine marital status in light of the
body of work indicating that married persons are less likely to engage in
crime than their unmarried counterparts (Sampson & Laub, 1993). Still,
1270 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34(6)
because this measure cannot differentiate between people who have healthy
marriages and those who do not, the effects of marriage observed here may
be conservative (see, for example, Kuhl, Warner, & Wilczak, 2012).
Job satisfaction is captured using a single-item indicator for whether
respondents had a job that they were satisfied with (1 = yes, 0 = no).
Approximately 70.0% of young adults reported being employed at Wave III,
and 53.2% of all respondents reported having a satisfying job. While job
satisfaction is more commonly measured using different multi-item indexes
(e.g., Hackman & Oldham, 1975), such scales were not available in the data.
The use of a single global indicator of job satisfaction is consistent with prior
research using the Add Health (e.g., Siennick, 2007).
Mentorship is captured using the following survey question at Wave III:
“Other than your parents or step-parents, has an adult made an important
positive difference in your life at any time since you were 14 years old?”
(1 = yes, 0 = no). The majority of Wave III respondents indicated that an adult
had made a positive difference in their life (75.8%), and, most commonly,
these mentors came in the form of siblings and extended family members
(34.7%), teachers/guidance counselors (19.7%), and friends (17.1%).
Three dichotomous indicators of educational attainment were included.
At Wave III, respondents were asked to identify the number of years of
schooling they had received, as well as the educational degrees they
received. Using this information, the following indicators of highest level
of educational attainment were created: high school graduate (35.4%),
some college (36.8%), and college graduate (18.7%), where no high school
degree serves as the reference category. College attendance included both
2-year and 4-year postsecondary institutions. Approximately 12.5% of par-
ticipants at Wave III had not received a high school diploma or graduate
equivalency degree.
Religiosity is a four-item summated scale composed of the following sur-
vey items at Wave III: “How important is your religious faith to you?” “How
important is your spiritual life to you?” “To what extent are you a spiritual
person?” and “To what extent are you a religious person?” Responses to each
item ranged from 0 (not at all/not important) to 3 (very/more important than
anything else), where higher values indicate greater religiosity (α = .88).
Principal components analysis confirmed that the items used to measure reli-
giosity were unidimensional (λ = 2.95; factor loadings > .83).
Additional Explanatory Variables
Demographic variables and several important correlates of child abuse and
violent offending are also included in the multivariate analyses. Financial
Wright et al. 1271
hardship is a three-item scale at Wave III reflecting whether respondents
or someone in their household did not have enough money in the past year
to: “pay the full amount of rent or mortgage,” “pay the full amount of a
gas, electricity, or oil bill,” or “had services turned off by the gas or elec-
tric company or the oil company wouldn’t deliver because payments were
not made.” Items were dummy-coded and summed to create an index
where higher scores reflect greater financial hardship (range 0-3). Factor
analysis of tetrachoric correlations confirmed that these items are associ-
ated with a single construct (λ= 2.08; factor loadings > .76). A single-item
indicator of childhood neglect available in the data is also included that
reflects how often, before the sixth grade, respondents’ parents or other
adult caregivers “had not taken care of your basic needs, such as keeping
you clean or providing food or clothing.” Closed ended responses to the
childhood neglect item ranged from 0 (never) to 5 (more than 10 times),
and 11.15% of respondents reported at least one instance of neglect.
Finally, variables are included for age (the respondent’s age in years at
Wave III), male (1 = male, 0 = female), and race/ethnicity (including Black,
Hispanic, and Other minority, where non-Hispanic White serves as the
reference category).
Analytic Strategy
The analyses proceed in two stages. First, several diagnostic tests are con-
ducted to rule out the presence of harmful levels of collinearity. Next, a series
of multivariate regression models are estimated to assess whether the indi-
vidual and social protective factors reduce violent offending within each sub-
sample of victims. As descriptive statistics indicate that the distributions for
violent offending are overdispersed within each subsample of victims (e.g.,
M = .18, variance = .31 among those experiencing low frequency physical
abuse), negative binomial regression is used (Long & Freese, 2006). The
negative binomial model is a generalized linear regression model for count
data that is appropriate to use when there is overdispersion in the dependent
variable (i.e., when the conditional variance is greater than the mean; see
Cameron & Trivedi, 2013; Hilbe, 2011).8
In addition, coefficient estimates and standard errors may be biased if fea-
tures of the Add Health sampling design are not taken into account (Chen &
Chantala, 2014). As a result, the multivariate models are estimated using the
Wave III Add Health sampling weights adjusted for subpopulation analyses,
and clustered robust standard errors that account for the school-based sam-
pling design.9 All analyses are conducted using Stata 13 (StataCorp, College
Station, TX).
1272 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34(6)
Before proceeding with the multivariate analyses, a series of model diagnos-
tics were examined. Bivariate correlations between independent variables in
all models did not exceed an absolute value of .40, and variance inflation
factors were under 1.6. Furthermore, the condition index values did not
exceed 28, which puts them beneath the commonly used threshold of 30
(Tabachnick & Fidell, 2012). According to this evidence, the relationships
between independent variables should not result in biased estimates or inef-
ficient standard errors due to multicollinearity.
Tables 1 to 3 display the negative binomial regression models predicting
violent offending among the different groups of childhood victims—physical
abuse victims, sexual abuse victims, and victims of both physical and sexual
abuse. Each model is estimated using all of the individual and social factors
to determine which have more “general” protective effects on violent offend-
ing across groups, and which tend to be more specific to particular types of
childhood victims. For purposes of comparison, each table also includes a
reference group of individuals who did not experience each type of childhood
Childhood Physical Abuse
Table 1 displays the effects of various protective factors on violent offending
according to the amount of physical abuse experienced. As can be seen, sev-
eral key variables are negatively related to violent offending for victims of
low and high frequency physical abuse in Models 2 and 3. In particular, self-
control reduces violent offending across both groups of victims, where inci-
dence rate ratios (IRR) from Models 2 and 3 indicate that a one unit increase
in self-control decreases the rate of violent offending by 7% (IRR = .93) for
those who experienced a low frequency of physical abuse, and by 4% (IRR =
.96) for those who experienced a high frequency of physical abuse.11 In addi-
tion, low depression is negatively related to violent offending for both low
frequency (IRR = .95) and high frequency (IRR = .93) physical abuse vic-
tims. Being married (IRR = .48), attending college (IRR = .53), and graduat-
ing college (IRR = .29) also emerged as protective factors against violence,
but only for individuals who experienced a high frequency of physical abuse
(see Model 3). Thus, while the protective effects of marriage and educational
attainment are specific to victims of high frequency physical abuse, the
effects of self-control and depression appear to be protective for both groups
of physical abuse victims examined in Models 2 and 3. However, upon closer
Wright et al. 1273
examination, differences can be detected.12 More specifically, the protective
effects of self-control on violence are weaker for individuals who experi-
enced a high frequency of physical abuse (z = |3.33|, p < .01). In contrast, the
effects of low depression do not vary by frequency of physical abuse.
Table 1. Negative Binomial Regression Models Predicting Violent Offending by
Frequency of Physical Abuse.
Violent Offending in Early Adulthood
No Physical Abuse in
Low Frequency Physical
High Frequency Physical
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
b (SE)z b (SE)Z b (SE)z
Self-control −0.06 (.01) −6.10** −0.07 (.01) −5.78** −0.04 (.02) −2.06*
−0.04 (.02) −2.52* −0.05 (.02) −2.12* −0.07 (.02) −2.81**
Self-esteem −0.03 (.03) −1.02 −0.03 (.05) −0.66 0.04 (.03) 1.19
−0.04 (.03) −1.44 −0.07 (.04) −1.94 0.07 (.04) 1.83
Marriage −0.52 (.23) −2.29* 0.26 (.33) 0.79 −0.74 (.34) −2.19*
Job satisfaction 0.30 (.24) 1.27 −0.52 (.21) −1.24 0.18 (.26) 0.71
Mentorship −0.02 (.16) −0.16 0.12 (.23) 0.52 −0.11 (.26) −0.44
Religiosity −0.03 (.02) −1.41 −0.01 (.03) −0.18 −0.03 (.04) −0.91
High school
−0.24 (.21) −1.14 0.29 (.30) 0.99 −0.17 (.29) −0.59
Some college −0.87 (.25) −3.44** 0.15 (.31) 0.49 −0.64 (.29) −2.24*
College grad −0.76 (.29) −2.62** 0.04 (.46) 0.08 −1.24 (.46) −2.68**
−0.04 (.11) −0.33 0.03 (.14) 0.18 0.21 (.18) 1.17
0.02 (.08) 0.19 0.06 (.07) 0.77 0.01 (.06) 0.11
Age −0.11 (.04) −2.57* −0.10 (.06) −1.52 −0.14 (.07) −2.13*
Male 1.10 (.22) 4.98** 1.69 (.26) 6.45** 0.89 (.23) 3.84**
Black 0.72 (.20) 3.68** 0.73 (.25) 2.95** 0.87 (.26) 3.35**
Hispanic 0.32 (.21) 1.56 0.38 (.27) 1.37 0.04 (.29) 0.14
Other minority 0.04 (.26) 0.14 0.18 (.46) 0.40 0.09 (.34) 0.25
F test 15.97** 17.68** 9.62**
N9,303 1,856 1,957
Note. Entries are unstandardized partial regression coefficients (b), clustered robust standard errors in
parentheses, and z tests. Coefficients and standard errors for verbal intelligence are multiplied by 10 for
ease of interpretation.
*p < .05. **p < .01 (two-tailed test).
1274 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34(6)
Table 2. Negative Binomial Regression Models Predicting Violent Offending by
Frequency of Sexual Abuse.
Violent Offending in Early Adulthood
No Sexual Abuse in
Low Frequency Sexual
High Frequency Sexual
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
b (SE)z b (SE)z b (SE)Z
Self-control −0.06 (.01) −7.00** −0.04 (.01) −2.76** −0.08 (.04) −2.22**
Low depression −0.05 (.02) −3.42** −0.02 (.03) −0.85 −0.18 (.06) −2.73**
Self-esteem −0.02 (.02) −0.83 −0.06 (.06) −0.91 −0.01 (.03) −0.39
−0.01 (.02) −0.64 −0.06 (.05) −1.07 −0.03 (.02) −1.71
Marriage −0.45 (.18) −2.44* 0.28 (.42) 0.65 −1.16 (1.35) −0.86
Job satisfaction −0.16 (.19) −0.85 −0.67 (.36) −1.86 −0.44 (.42) −1.06
Mentorship 0.05 (.13) 0.37 −0.08 (.29) −0.27 0.70 (.38) 1.87
Religiosity −0.04 (.02) −2.16* 0.05 (.04) 1.19 −0.15 (.08) −1.92
High school grad −0.09 (.18) −0.48 0.13 (.35) 0.37 −1.07 (.56) −1.90
Some college −0.65 (.19) −3.36** 0.51 (.40) 1.27 −0.71 (.57) −1.24
College grad −0.64 (.25) −2.58* −0.06 (.51) −0.11 −5.02 (.83) −6.08**
Financial hardship 0.04 (.10) 0.40 −0.01 (.21) −0.05 1.28 (.68) 1.87
−0.01 (.05) −0.21 −0.01 (.12) −0.03 0.23 (.13) 1.72
Age −0.11 (.04) −3.25** −0.07 (.08) −0.82 −0.11 (.20) −0.55
Male 1.19 (.16) 7.52** 1.49 (.30) 4.71** 2.27 (.72) 3.16**
Black 0.79 (.15) 5.23** 0.52 (.30) 1.75 0.60 (.51) 1.19
Hispanic 0.30 (.18) 1.61 0.26 (.47) 0.56 1.69 (.73) 2.30*
Other minority 0.06 (.22) 0.30 0.95 (.77) 1.22 −0.76 (.47) −1.63
F test 25.90** 4.60** 5.23**
N12,510 379 227
Note. Entries are unstandardized partial regression coefficients (b), clustered robust standard errors in
parentheses, and z tests. Coefficients and standard errors for verbal intelligence are multiplied by 10 for
ease of interpretation.
*p < .05. **p < .01 (two-tailed test).
Childhood Sexual Abuse
Table 2 presents findings with respect to the frequency of sexual abuse vic-
timization during childhood. As seen in Models 2 and 3, several statistically
significant protective effects emerge. Self-control reduces violent offending
among individuals who experienced a low frequency of sexual abuse (IRR =
.96) and a high frequency of sexual abuse (IRR = .92) during childhood.
Having low depression (IRR = .84) and graduating from college (IRR = .01)
Wright et al. 1275
are also negatively related to violence, but only among individuals who expe-
rienced a high frequency of sexual abuse (see Model 3). Similar to the pattern
of findings observed with respect to physical abuse in Table 1, the effects of
self-control on violent offending vary between high frequency and low
Table 3. Negative Binomial Regression Models Predicting Violent Offending by
Frequency of Physical and Sexual Abuse.
Violent Offending in Early adulthood
No Physical and
Sexual Abuse in
Low Frequency
Physical and Sexual
High Frequency
Physical and Sexual
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
b (SE)z b (SE)z b (SE)z
Self-control −0.06 (.01) −6.99** −0.03 (.01) −2.56* −0.05 (.02) −2.44*
−0.05 (.01) −3.43** −0.02 (.03) −0.56 −0.12 (.04) −3.28**
Self-esteem −0.02 (.02) −0.81 −0.04 (.06) −0.68 0.09 (.06) 1.59
−0.01 (.02) −0.62 −0.05 (.06) −0.85 −0.03 (.08) −0.44
Marriage −0.45 (.18) −2.45* −0.58 (.39) 1.50 0.10 (.55) 0.18
Job satisfaction −0.18 (.19) 0.94 −0.23 (.38) −0.61 −0.95 (.42) −2.24*
Mentorship 0.05 (.13) 0.37 0.02 (.27) 0.09 0.10 (.39) 0.26
Religiosity −0.04 (.02) −2.19* 0.09 (.05) 1.84 −0.04 (.05) −0.87
High school
−0.09 (.18) −0.48 0.12 (.36) 0.32 −0.66 (.37) −1.78
Some college −0.66 (.19) −3.40** 0.62 (.33) 1.90 −0.57 (.44) −1.30
College grad −0.65 (.25) −2.60** 0.01 (.51) 0.02 −5.15 (.89) −5.77**
0.04 (.10) 0.42 −0.04 (.23) −0.19 0.32 (.25) 1.24
−0.01 (.08) 0.30 0.08 (.16) 0.50 0.21 (.12) 1.76
Age −0.10 (.05) −0.28 −0.09 (.08) −1.03 0.05 (.09) 0.58
Male 1.20 (.16) 7.58** 1.21 (.31) 3.84** 1.91 (.37) 5.17**
Black 0.79 (.15) 5.33** 0.24 (.33) 0.72 0.31 (.43) 0.73
Hispanic 0.29 (.18) 1.60 0.19 (.43) 0.45 0.35 (.37) 0.97
Other minority 0.07 (.22) 0.30 1.01 (.70) 1.44 −0.04 (.54) −0.09
F test 26.06** 2.57** 4.52**
N12,617 240 259
Note. Entries are unstandardized partial regression coefficients (b), clustered robust standard errors in
parentheses, and z tests. Coefficients and standard errors for verbal intelligence are multiplied by 10 for
ease of interpretation.
*p < .05. **p < .01 (two-tailed test).
1276 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34(6)
frequency abuse victims. Specifically, self-control has a significantly weaker
effect on violent offending among individuals who experienced a high fre-
quency of childhood sexual abuse (z = |2.43|, p < .05).
Childhood Physical and Sexual Abuse
The models presented in Table 3 assess violent offending across groups of
individuals who experienced a combination of both physical and sexual
abuse during childhood. In keeping with the pattern of findings thus far, self-
control reduces violence among individuals who experienced low (IRR =
.97) and high (IRR = .95) frequencies of both physical and sexual abuse (see
Models 2 and 3). In addition, low depression (IRR = .89), job satisfaction
(IRR = .39), and graduating from college (IRR = .01) also emerge as protec-
tive factors against violent offending, but these effects are specific to indi-
viduals who experienced high frequencies of abuse (see Model 3). Although
self-control reduced violence among both groups of victims assessed in Table
3, invariance tests revealed that the effects of self-control on violent offend-
ing are weaker among high frequency abuse victims (z = |2.60|, p < .01).
Additional Analyses
Despite the robustness of the results to listwise deletion and selection effects
(see Notes 3 and 10), a series of supplemental analyses were conducted (not
shown in table form). In particular, models were estimated separately for men
and women to determine whether the findings were sensitive to using a
mixed-gender sample (e.g., Topitzes et al., 2012). Indeed, men are responsi-
ble for perpetrating the majority of violent offenses, and it is possible that the
impact of protective factors vary by gender (e.g., Belknap, 2015). Accordingly,
gender-specific analyses were estimated for subtypes of victims where the
sample sizes were large enough to accommodate all covariates in a stable
way. This excluded groups of victims who experienced high frequencies of
sexual abuse, and those who experienced low and high frequencies of both
physical and sexual abuse.13
These supplemental analyses revealed that findings were generally similar
across men and women. Consistent with the results presented previously,
self-control reduced violent offending across all groups of male and female
victims assessed, and low depression was linked to lower violence among
high frequency victims of physical abuse. Nevertheless, some differences
arose with respect to females who experienced three or more instances of
physical abuse. For such women, going to college and graduating college
were no longer related to violent offending (compare with Table 1, Model 3).
Wright et al. 1277
Despite these differences, the findings remained similar across both male and
female victims of child abuse. Taken altogether, there is a great deal of het-
erogeneity in violent offending among victims of physical and sexual abuse,
and several prosocial individual and social factors can help explain why some
victims of child abuse are more likely to engage in violence in early adult-
hood than others.
The debate over the existence of a cycle of violence has gone on for decades.
Such a reality led Thornberry and colleagues (2012, p. 145) to lament “there
are almost as many review pieces as there are original studies.” One thing
seems clear: Abused children are at an increased risk for perpetrating future
violence as adults. The strength of this relationship can be debated for another
several decades, but doing so misses an opportunity to understand why future
violence among previously victimized children is not an absolute certainty.
Most abused children do not complete the cycle, and we know surprisingly
little about why that is the case—especially when it comes to identifying mal-
leable protective factors. The current study sought to build on the limited
literature by examining the protective factors that reduce violent offending
among young adults who were previously abused in childhood. Our work
here leads to three broad conclusions.
First, a number of protective factors reduced the likelihood of violent
offending among victims of child abuse. The most consistent and strongest of
these factors was the individual protective factor of self-control. This finding
is consistent with the broader criminological literature that documents a
strong relationship between low self-control and criminal behavior (Pratt &
Cullen, 2000), as well as that which links victimization, low self-control, and
future criminal behavior (Turanovic & Pratt, 2013). We add to this literature
by finding that self-control may reduce offending for victims of abuse. Stated
differently, building self-control among abused children may be a way of
breaking the cycle of violence. And although self-control was a consistent
predictor in all models, we note that it was a weaker predictor of violence in
some subsamples (especially among individuals who were abused more fre-
quently). The individual protective factor of low depression and the social
protective factors of job satisfaction, attending college, and graduating from
college emerged as protective factors in one or more of our models. The cycle
of violence is not inevitable, and these protective factors offer ways it may be
Second, certain factors may be protective for some forms and extents of
abuse but not others. Social protective factors were more protective among
1278 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34(6)
those young adults who had been frequently abused as children. Indeed, no
social protective factors were significant in any models examining individu-
als who experienced a low frequency of abuse. This pattern is somewhat at
odds with research that suggests that social factors are more critical for resil-
ience in nonabused children (and perhaps less serious cases of abused chil-
dren) whereas personality characteristics and self-esteem processes are more
important for resilience in abused children (Cicchetti & Rogosch, 1997). Our
results suggest that self-control in particular is less protective among children
who were more frequently abused, and factors such as education and job
satisfaction mattered more for these victims (see also Jaffee et al., 2007). And
even among the social factors, the protective impact varied depending on the
type, frequency, and comorbidity of abuse. Marriage was protective among
victims who had a high frequency of physical abuse but not among other
victims. Job satisfaction was protective among victims who were both physi-
cally and sexually abused at a high frequency but not among victims experi-
encing either type of abuse separately at a high frequency. The broader
implication of this pattern of results is that remaining resilient to the negative
consequences of abuse is not a “one size fits all” endeavor.
Third, the dynamic protective factors in our model suggest specific pro-
gramming implications for those who may be interested in intervening in the
lives of abused children. The pattern of self-control being significant in all of
our models is consistent with research documenting self-regulation as a pro-
tective factor in adaptation by childhood victims (Cicchetti & Rogosch,
1997). Based on this finding, emotion and behavior regulation training may
be beneficial toward reducing the likelihood of future violence perpetration
among victims of child abuse (Haskett et al., 2006; Topitzes et al., 2013;
Topitzes et al., 2012). The self-control criminological literature suggests a
number of promising ways to increase and strengthen self-control (Piquero,
Jennings, & Farrington, 2010). Beyond the self-control finding, our models
suggest additional protective factors that may be promoted based on type and
extent of abuse—a conclusion that affirms that different types of victims may
respond to treatment differently (Cicchetti, 2004). Individual resources alone
may not be enough to promote resilience among young adults who experi-
enced multiple forms and higher frequencies of abuse (Jaffee et al., 2007),
and it is encouraging that our results suggest a number of social protective
factors may break the cycle of violence for those who experienced more
severe forms of abuse.
We believe our findings have an even greater importance when consider-
ing the full extent of child abuse in America. It cannot be assumed that all
abused children will come to the attention of social service agencies and
receive the appropriate programming. Indeed, the very reason we used
Wright et al. 1279
nationally representative, self-report data was to capture these hidden victims
who likely would never be identified as abused. It seems pertinent, then, that
some of the policy implications from our findings are those that can be
emphasized among the general population—with the added benefit being that
they could potentially break the cycle of violence among abused children
specifically. For example, a focus on eliminating truancy and encouraging
high school completion—a necessary step before attaining the additional pro-
tective factors of higher education—may be especially critical for youth who
were previously abused (Johnson, Wright, & Strand, 2012; see Tanaka,
Georgiades, Boyle, & MacMillan, 2015).
While we were able to shed light on the processes that shape whether
victims of abuse can remain resilient, we also hope that our work prompts
additional research that may address some of the things we could not. For
example, although our data allow us to examine abuse that may have gone
undetected and provide a sufficient number of cases to look at specific sub-
types of abuse, a prospective longitudinal study within a community sam-
ple is typically regarded as the gold standard for this type of research
(Thornberry et al., 2012). In addition, we have the same actor report on
both abuse and violence, and retrospective recall bias could introduce addi-
tional threats to the validity of our findings (Heller et al., 1999; Widom,
1989b; see also Note 4). The simple truth is that there are going to be
strengths and weaknesses to any type of approach taken. Both child abuse
and adult violence could be underreported when using official records, and
asking children about their possible abuse presents serious ethical and
logistical issues.
We have also used a relatively limited measure of resilience given our
focus on the cycle of violence. It is possible that these adults are not truly
resilient in other areas such as cognitive and emotional functioning (McGloin
& Widom, 2001). Relatedly, our measure of childhood victimization could
include elements such as exposure to violence (Sousa et al., 2011), our mea-
sure of violence could include elements such as family violence and intimate
partner violence (Tomsich, Jennings, Richards, Gover, & Powers, 2017), and
future studies could also include additional individual, familial, and commu-
nity protective factors identified in the literature (Caspi et al., 2002). Finally,
it is likely that the victimization, protective factors, and resilience linkages
operate differently across race and ethnicity. This is an important avenue for
future research, but that research should not simply consider race or ethnicity
as risk or protective factors. Instead, future work should examine how modi-
fiable risk factors are conditioned by race and ethnicity. This approach may
take us closer toward understanding how to break the cycle of violence
among those children who may be most at risk.
1280 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34(6)
No one can dispute that the effects of child abuse (including future vio-
lence) are substantial, and work moving forward should continue to try to
understand the potential cycle of violence that abuse may set in motion. That
said, rather than simply examining whether that cycle occurs, it is important
that future research also examine how that cycle may be broken. In recent
years, the field of criminology has seen a renewed interest in explaining the
negative cases that do not conform to theoretical expectations (Sullivan,
2011; Wright & Bouffard, 2016). We began our work by stating that we were
going to look at the negative cases in the cycle of violence—those individuals
who could be expected to perpetrate future violence given their previous
abuse, yet do not. The truth is that these are not actually the negative cases as
most abused children do not go on to future violence. These cases deserve
more scholarly attention, and they may be able to teach us about the protec-
tive factors necessary to break the cycle of violence for those less fortunate.
The authors wish to thank Travis Pratt for his helpful comments on a previous draft.
Authors’ Note
This research uses data from Add Health, a program project directed by Kathleen
Mullan Harris and designed by J. Richard Udry, Peter S. Bearman, and Kathleen
Mullan Harris at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and funded by Grant
P01-HD31921 from the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health
and Human Development, with cooperative funding from 23 other federal agencies
and foundations. No direct support was received from Grant P01-HD31921 for this
analysis. Special acknowledgment is due Ronald R. Rindfuss and Barbara Entwisle
for assistance in the original design. Information on how to obtain the Add Health data
files is available on the Add Health website (
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publi-
cation of this article.
1. We conceive of resilience as “successful adaptation or development during or
following adverse conditions” (Masten & Wright, 1998, p. 10). We use the term
Wright et al. 1281
“resilience” within the cycle of violence to connote a successful adaptation in
young adulthood (i.e., being less likely to engage in violence given one’s expo-
sure to childhood victimization) rather than “resiliency,” which suggests a per-
sonality trait (McGloin & Widom, 2001, p. 1022).
2. For more information on the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult
Health (Add Health) sample, research design, survey content, and data quality,
3. To determine the robustness of the findings, supplemental analyses were con-
ducted using listwise deletion to handle missing data. The results closely mir-
rored those observed using multiple imputation, and findings were the same in
terms of sign and significance.
4. It is possible that retrospective accounts of child abuse might result in over- or
underreporting abuse as respondents might “forget” or redefine their experiences
in light of later life circumstances and their current situation. Based on previous
research, we suspect that abuse is underreported in this sample (Widom & Morris,
1997; Widom & Shepard, 1996). Nevertheless, Add Health prevalence estimates
of child physical and sexual abuse are generally consistent with those from other
national surveys (see, for example, Boney-McCoy & Finkelhor, 1995).
5. We focus here on the type and frequency of abuse as no additional information
was captured on the contexts surrounding each instance of childhood victimiza-
tion (i.e., when and where it occurred, who the perpetrator was, and whether
there were injuries) that could tap into dimensions of severity or chronicity.
6. We do not explicitly examine neglect as a form of child victimization. We agree
with other scholars who argue that child neglect is a more general problem of
inadequate parenting (Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1990) and that it reflects an act
of omission rather than commission (Cicchetti & Rogosch, 1997). Indeed, we
examine here the cycle of violence with respect to childhood victimization:
Violence inflicted upon children will result in them inflicting violence on others
in adulthood. Nevertheless, given that neglect represents the most commonly
reported type of child maltreatment, we include it as an important explanatory
variable in all regression models.
7. According to Sweeten (2012, p. 554), variety scores are the preferred way to
measure criminal offending because they “possess high reliability and validity,
and are not compromised by high frequency non-serious items in the scale.”
8. The negative binomial model has the same mean structure as the Poisson model,
but it includes an extra parameter to model overdispersion (see Hilbe, 2011). If
applied to overdispersed data, Poisson regression can result in underestimated
standard errors and spuriously large z values (Long & Freese, 2006). Because
there is overdispersion in violent offending (our dependent variable), the nega-
tive binomial model is a good fit for the data.
9. The Add Health sampling weights are used to address potential bias originat-
ing from differential sampling probabilities and attrition, and to prevent the
underestimation of standard errors. For more detailed guidelines on analyzing
1282 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34(6)
the Add Health data, see
10. Additional models were estimated to rule out issues with sample selection bias.
As individuals within each subsample of victims were not selected by ran-
dom assignment, it is possible that the results could be biased in several ways
(Bushway, Johnson, & Slocum, 2007). Accordingly, models were estimated using
setpoisson in Stata 13 (Miranda, 2012). This involved the estimation of a probit
model with exclusion restrictions for selection into each subsample, which was
estimated simultaneously with a second-stage Poisson regression model predict-
ing violent offending. The setpoisson model forces overdispersion in the depen-
dent variable to guard against the underestimation of standard errors observed in
standard Poisson regression. The findings remained the same in terms of sign and
significance, and likelihood ratio tests of independent equations for these models
indicated that sample selection was not a detectable source of bias.
11. Exponentiating the negative binomial regression coefficient gives us the incident
rate ratio (IRR).
12. Comparisons between models were conducted using the test statistic recom-
mended by Brame, Paternoster, Mazerolle, and Piquero (1998) for maximum-
likelihood regression coefficients, where
ESE=− +()
12 1
13. Specifically, there were 65 males who experienced a high frequency of sexual
abuse, 90 females who experienced low frequencies of both physical and sexual
abuse, and 96 males who experienced a high frequency of both physical and
sexual abuse during childhood. Given that females are overrepresented in the
high frequency sexual abuse groups, additional research with a larger number of
sexual abuse victims could examine whether the protective factors are gendered
for these subgroups.
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Author Biographies
Kevin A. Wright is an associate professor in the School of Criminology and Criminal
Justice at Arizona State University. His primary research interests focus on crimino-
logical theory and correctional policy.
Jillian J. Turanovic is an assistant professor in the College of Criminology and
Criminal Justice at Florida State University. Her research focuses on victimization
and offending over the life course, and the collateral consequences of incarceration.
She received her PhD in 2015 from Arizona State University and is a graduate
research fellow of the National Institute of Justice.
Eryn N. O’Neal is an assistant professor in the College of Criminal Justice at Sam
Houston State University. Her primary research interests include decision making in
sexual assault cases, intimate partner sexual assault, victim decision making, and
qualitative methods.
Stephanie J. Morse is a master’s student in the School of Criminology and Criminal
Justice at Arizona State University. Her research interests include offender rehabilita-
tion and reentry.
Evan T. Booth is a master’s student in the Josef Korbel School of International
Studies at the University of Denver. His research interests include the effects of child-
hood victimization.
... In young people, these include poorer educational outcomes (Fry et al., 2018;Smiley et al., 2021). Across all ages, increased risks of psychiatric symptoms and diagnoses, suicidal behaviours, and further violence have been reported (de Ruiter et al., 2022;Hailes et al., 2019;MacIsaac et al., 2017;Smith et al., 2020;Wright et al., 2019). It also leads to psychological effects on families and carers of victims, healthcare workers, and communityrelated harms. ...
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To address societal harms of violence, many violence prevention interventions have been developed, tested, and implemented in the general population. These have been reported in systematic reviews and meta-analyses, which have typically focused on one type of intervention or outcome. We have conducted an umbrella review of previous meta-analyses using standard approaches, and converted findings on effectiveness into odds ratios. We tested for the underlying quality of the meta-analytic evidence by examining heterogeneity, statistical excess, prediction intervals, and small study effects. We identified 16 meta-analyses, including 9 investigating psychosocial interventions, and 5 legislative and policy changes. Most meta-analyses reported positive effects of tested interventions. The strongest effects were found for sports-based initiatives, and the weakest for general population programmes aimed at early childhood, youth development, and reducing sexual assault perpetration by men. Legislative changes had varying effectiveness. We conclude that simple, scalable, and cost-efficient programmes, such as sport-based initiatives, have the clearest empirical support as population-based approaches to violent prevention.
... Victimization and ETV have many complex sources at the individual, family, peer, and neighborhood levels that can rarely all be considered in a single study. Making things even more challenging, youth who encounter violence are likely to have been subjected to multiple forms of disadvantage, maltreatment, and abuse in their lives [81]. The large gaps of time between waves of Add Health data also mean that dynamic life circumstances and additional experiences with violence can go unmeasured for several years. ...
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Purpose Over the past 25 years, across a wide range of academic disciplines, the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health has facilitated a wealth of research on the sources and consequences of victimization and exposure to violence (ETV). In this review, I reflect broadly on the knowledge gleaned from this impressive data source. Methods The review is situated within an integrated, multilevel framework that (1) emphasizes differential risks for ETV and victimization (at the individual, peer, school, family, and neighborhood levels), (2) allows for the dynamic study of violence exposures, (3) recognizes an overlap between multiple forms of victimization and ETV, (4) allows for the study of moderating factors and mediating mechanisms, and (5) allows for a wide array of developmental consequences to be identified. Results Major correlates and consequences of ETV and victimization in the data are described, along with mediators and moderators that influence the link between violence exposures and negative life outcomes. Discussion Gaps and challenges are discussed. Several directions for future research are put forth, including the need to further uncover the dynamic sources and consequences of victimization and ETV over the life course.
... There are a few reasons why this may occur, such as being affected by depression, anxiety, and other known consequences of trauma exposure (Afifi et al., 2016). Indeed, existing research shows that individuals who are victimized but who have lower levels of depression are more resilient to future negative life outcomes, such as engaging in violence (Wright, Turanovic, O'Neal, Morse, & Booth, 2019). There is reason to believe, then, that this may also be true with respect to self-perceptions of current health highlighting the importance of continued research on resilience in victimological scholarship. ...
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Purpose The negative health consequences of physical and sexual assault are fairly well established, yet factors related to the context of assaults are less recognized. This study examines the role of the age of onset of physical and sexual assault on overall perceptions of health and autonomy over health. Methods Using a follow-up of the original Midlife Development in the United States (MIDUS) study, we use the MIDUS-3 dataset to test hypotheses that earlier age of assault onset is associated with greater negative perceptions of overall health and health autonomy than later onset. Results We find that physical and sexual assault are associated with greater negative perceptions of health but that age of onset only matters for sexual assault. Assault and age of onset do not matter for health autonomy which is influenced primarily by personality characteristics. Conclusion Physical and sexual assault are related to overall perceptions of health and should be considered by medical professionals and social services when working with survivors of violence. Personality characteristics are influential in health outcomes and should be considered when devising violence prevention and intervention strategies.
... It is believed that significant life events suffered in critical periods of life elicit persistent changes in behavior and may lead to the development of psychopathologies in general, and aggressionrelated psychopathologies in particular. Critical periods of life, when stressors lead to the delayed increase of the likelihood of aggression and aggression-related psychopathologies include the fetal period, when the effects of stressors are mediated by the mother (Salatino- Oliveira et al., 2016;Savolainen et al., 2018), early childhood (Wright et al., 2016;McLaughlin et al., 2017), and adolescence (Herrenkohl et al., 2001;Estrada-Martínez et al., 2011). ...
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Neural mechanisms of aggression and violence are often studied in the laboratory by means of animal models. A multitude of such models were developed over the last decades, which, however, were rarely if ever compared systematically from a psychopathological perspective. By overviewing the main models, I show here that the classical ones exploited the natural tendency of animals to defend their territory, to fight for social rank, to defend themselves from imminent dangers and to defend their pups. All these forms of aggression are functional and adaptive; consequently, not necessarily appropriate for modeling non-natural states, e.g., aggression-related psychopathologies. A number of more psychopathology-oriented models were also developed over the last two decades, which were based on the etiological factors of aggression-related mental disorders. When animals were exposed to such factors, their aggressiveness suffered durable changes, which were deviant in the meaning that they broke the evolutionarily conserved rules that minimize the dangers associated with aggression. Changes in aggression were associated with a series of dysfunctions that affected other domains of functioning, like with aggression-related disorders where aggression is just one of the symptoms. The comparative overview of such models suggests that while the approach still suffers from a series of deficits, they hold the important potential of extending our knowledge on aggression control over the pathological domain of this behavior.
... Such factors included victimization, delinquent/antisocial behavior, and child maltreatment. These findings suggest that youth often experience cycles of violence and victimization (Falla et al., 2020;Wright et al., 2019); namely, youth who are at high risk for perpetrating school violence, or who are at risk for being targeted at school, often have histories of acting out or being abused and maltreated. However, as mentioned previously, the domains of antisocial behavior, victimization, and child maltreatment encompassed wide ranges of acts. ...
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The multifaceted construct of “school violence” includes a wide variety of acts, such as physical assault and battery, physical aggression, noncontact aggression (e.g., throwing things), broadly defined externalizing behavior, bullying, fighting, robbery, unwanted sexual contact, weapon possession, and verbal threats. Although school violence is on the decline (Wang et al., 2020), it remains a significant concern for researchers, policymakers, and the general public. The National Institute of Justice (NIJ) commissioned this report, which summarizes the existing evidence on the causes and consequences of school violence, how school violence is conceptualized, and recommendations for future research. The report takes a comprehensive look at the state of the research on school violence and includes additional discussions about research on serious violence and studies that were funded by NIJ’s Comprehensive School Safety Initiative (CSSI). It is based on an empirical review of 341 mean effect sizes from 55 meta-analyses and a supplemental review of the methods and findings of 362 recent research studies. For the purposes of this report, school violence is defined broadly as the threat or use of force with the intention of causing harm, either at school or during school-related activities. This broad definition encompasses various forms of bullying, aggression, fighting, threats, and weapons offenses. It permitted a wide-ranging and comprehensive review of the literature and was made necessary by existing studies’ broad definitions. Some of the most commonly used measures of school violence combined violent and nonviolent acts or experiences into a single index of school offending or victimization, and many studies conceptualized bullying as a form of youth violence.
... Research also reveals that victimized students tend to have weakened school attachments and demonstrate poorer levels of academic performance (Fite et al., 2014;Randa et al., 2019), that they are more likely to be rejected by their peers (Faris & Felmlee, 2014;Turanovic & Young, 2016;Zimmer-Gembeck, 2016), and that they score lower on general indicators of well-being (Varela et al., 2019). These consequences may extend well into the life course, as victimization during childhood and adolescence has been linked to a range of social, health, and emotional problems in adulthood, including criminal offending (Arseneault et al., 2010;Wright et al., 2019). ...
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School violence is a significant social concern. To better understand its sources, a comprehensive meta-analysis of the school violence and victimization literature was undertaken. Across 761 studies, the relative effects of 30 different individual, school, and community level correlates were assessed (8,790 effect size estimates). Violence and victimization were conceptualized broadly to include various forms of aggression and crime at school. The results revealed that the strongest correlates of school violence perpetration were antisocial behavior, deviant peers, antisocial attitudes, victimization, and peer rejection; and that the strongest correlates of school victimization were prior/other victimization, social competence, risk avoidance, antisocial behavior, and peer rejection. Extracurricular activities and school security devices had among the weakest associations in the meta-analysis, and several traditional criminological predictors did not perform well in the school context. We conclude with recommendations for theory, future research, and policy.
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Este trabalho teve como objetivo identificar e discutir os fatores de proteção inscritos na trajetória de vida de autores de agressão sexual contra criança e adolescente (AASCA), e sua relação com os quatro núcleos do Modelo Bioecológico do Desenvolvimento Humano (MBDH). Foi realizado um estudo de caso com cinco AASCA do sexo masculino, que cumpriam pena em uma unidade prisional. Foram aplicados o Questionário para Caracterização dos Autores de Agressão Sexual de Criança e Adolescente e um roteiro de entrevista semiestruturada. Os fatores de proteção encontrados mais frequentemente foram o vínculo materno (Processo), religião (Contexto), grupo de pares (Contexto), brincadeiras e lazer (Contexto), e as metas para o futuro (Tempo). Quanto aos quatro núcleos do MBDH, não foram identificados fatores de proteção semelhantes entre os participantes no núcleo da Pessoa, o que pode sinalizar a heterogeneidade dessa população. Os fatores de proteção ao desenvolvimento identificados em meio aos participantes foram consonantes com o exposto pela literatura, sendo necessária, porém, uma compreensão mais ampla das circunstâncias associadas ao comportamento de agressão sexual a crianças e adolescentes.
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Rising rates of violence underscore the need to better understand how systems that regulate distress and impulse control jointly modulate aggression risk. The goals of the current study were to investigate the unique and interactive effects of emotional dysregulation and inhibitory control on the perpetration of physical aggression. We recruited a high-risk community sample of 206 adults (M/SDage = 33.55/10.89 years old; 47.1% female) who reported a range of physically aggressive behaviors. All participants completed a self-report measure (Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale), neuropsychological testing (Color Word Interference Test), and clinical interviewing (Lifetime History of Aggression Interview), and a subset of individuals (n = 134) underwent a neuroanatomical scan. As expected, the interplay of emotional and inhibitory control explained unique variance in physical aggression above and beyond their main effects. The positive association between emotion dysregulation and aggression strengthened as inhibitory control decreased. Cortical thickness in two right prefrontal clusters, one that peaked in the superior frontal gyrus and one that peaked in the caudal middle frontal gyrus, was also associated with the interactive effects of emotional dysregulation and inhibitory control. Notably, thickness in the superior frontal gyrus mediated the association between emotion dysregulation and physical aggression at low levels of inhibitory control. Using a multilevel and multimethod approach, the present study revealed neuroanatomical correlates of emotion-cognition interactions that have translational relevance to violence perpetration. These findings extend previous work primarily focused on functional-based neural assessments and point to the utility of examining neuroanatomical correlates of emotion-cognition interactions for understanding human aggression.
A growing body of work estimates the prevalence of childhood victimization among incarcerated people. The present study seeks to descriptively and quantitatively summarize this abundant literature by reviewing studies that report childhood victimization prevalence among people incarcerated in the United States. The review includes any study of childhood victimization that uses a sample of incarcerated adults (age eighteen or older) and that reports the proportion of the sample that experienced child abuse and/or neglect. Sixty-seven studies met these criteria and were analyzed, encompassing 1,187,044 incarcerated individuals. The studies vary in sample characteristics, methodological features, and employ an exceedingly wide range of victimization measures. Meta-analyses for pooled prevalence rates revealed that the inter-study heterogeneity was too great to draw conclusive summary estimates of childhood victimization from this literature, even when disaggregating by victimization type. Exploratory t-tests and correlation analyses suggest that a study’s sample size, racial, ethnic, and gender composition, and variation in victimization measurement can influence reported child abuse and neglect, but more research is needed to fully assess how study characteristics influence reported victimization prevalence. Understanding the extensiveness of childhood victimization histories among incarcerated people emphasizes the need for robust screening and treatment for people within correctional facilities, as well as improved community prevention and intervention efforts.
Background: Even though Indigenous peoples are overrepresented in the Canadian justice system, little research has studied potential mechanisms for this overrepresentation. Objective: To address this gap, the current study examined the association between adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) and recidivism. Participants and setting: A Canadian sample comprised 187 justice-involved Indigenous and White female and male adolescents aged 13 to 20. Methods: ACEs, reoffense records, Structured Assessment of Violence Risk in Youth (SAVRY; Borum, Bartel & Forth, 2006) assessments, and demographic data were coded from justice files with a mean follow-up period of 1.50 years (SE = 0.03, IQR = 0.58). Results: Results showed that compared to White adolescents, Indigenous adolescents had significantly higher ACE scores. Indigenous males violently recidivated significantly more than White males and Indigenous females had significantly more any recidivism than White females. ACEs predicted and shortened time to any recidivism, added incremental validity above the SAVRY for any recidivism, and explained the relationship between Indigenous ethnicity and any recidivism. Conclusions: Overall, the current study found that ACEs were especially important for Indigenous adolescents. As such, using collateral information to glean ACEs alongside the SAVRY and including Indigenous specific trauma interventions (e.g., Honoring Children interventions) may reduce recidivism for Indigenous adolescents. Future research should incorporate participatory action approaches and focus on how colonialism plays into justice overrepresentation for Indigenous adolescents.
Two algorithms for producing multiple imputations for missing data are evaluated with simulated data. Software using a propensity score classifier with the approximate Bayesian bootstrap produces badly biased estimates of regression coefficients when data on predictor variables are missing at random or missing completely at random. On the other hand, a regression-based method employing the data augmentation algorithm produces estimates with little or no bias.
Two algorithms for producing multiple imputations for missing data are evaluated with simulated data. Software using a propensity score classifier with the approximate Bayesian bootstrap produces badly biased estimates of regression coefficients when data on predictor variables are missing at random or missing completely at random. On the other hand, a regression-based method employing the data augmentation algorithm produces estimates with little or no bias.
Although the association between childhood maltreatment and the subsequent development of offending behavior is well documented, the association does not necessarily reflect a causal relationship. This paper provides a systematic review of prospective and longitudinal studies using official records of maltreatment to gain insights into the extent to which methodological variations are likely to influence the conclusions drawn about the likely relationship between maltreatment and offending. Sixty- two original studies met the inclusion criteria. These studies were assessed according to a set of seven methodological criteria: (1) inclusion of comparison groups, (2) the use of statistical controls, (3) valid outcome measures, (4) operationalization of maltreatment, (5) proper temporal order of associations, (6) data relating to unsubstantiated maltreatment, and (7) consideration of mediating and moderating factors. The strength of evidence in support of the maltreatment–offending association was influ- enced by a number of methodological factors. Despite the increasing sophistication of studies, there is a need to be mindful of how these factors are taken into account in future research in order to gain a deeper understanding of the adverse consequences of maltreatment and how this might influence outcomes and inform interventions.
The dynamic nature of resilience necessitates that children from high-risk backgrounds who are functioning adaptively despite experiences of adversity must be examined over time. In the current investigation, the adaptation of school-age maltreated and nonmaltreated socioeconomically disadvantaged children was examined over 3 consecutive years. In accord with predictions, a higher percentage of nonmaltreated children than of maltreated children were found to be resilient. Moreover, a higher percentage of maltreated than of nonmaltreated children were shown to exhibit functioning consistently in the low adaptive range. Differential predictors of resilience were found in maltreated and nonmaltreated children. Specifically, for maltreated children, positive self-esteem, ego resilience, and ego overcontrol predicted resilient functioning, whereas relationship features were more influential for nonmaltreated children. These findings are discussed in relation to the unfolding of resilient self-organizational strivings in maltreated and nonmaltreated children.