No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Blurred Lines: Public Service Media and the State
Abstract
The institution of public service broadcasting (PSB) and more recently public service media (PSM), offering new multiplatform services that go beyond radio and television, has always been connected with the constructed concept of nation (Williams, 1975; Gellner, 1983). This is particularly the case in its European heartland where PSB was initiated by the nation-state. As a policy project influenced as much by political and ideological interests as social imperatives, state intervention at a national level was justified by technological limitations, which in the early days of broadcasting underpinned powerful national PSB institutions, which mostly operated as monopolies. PSB then was a key policy instrument for nation-states. The nation-state used PSB as a positive intervention to achieve certain policy goals including the production of information, educational and entertainment content that was meant to contribute both to social cohesion and national identity.
... National broadcast sectorshistorically the most reliable commissioner of storytelling for the nationhave been challenged by industrial adjustments, particularly by the creation of new advertising tools such as search and social media that have offered advertisers alternatives to spending on television. In many countries, public service broadcasters have struggled due to declining funding and expanded expectations (Steemers 2016;Raats and Jensen 2020). This article 1) uses the Australian context to explore the consequences of a hegemony of thinking shared by policymakers, producers, and often scholars that has largely accepted country of production and/or nationality of creatives as adequate determinants of cultural specificity to warrant access to public funds; 2) explores how this hegemony has allowed the prioritisation of productions likely to sell into other markets and discouraged local dramas with cultural specificity, and 3) identifies how the heightened internationalisation of the industry, driven substantially by digital distribution, has reduced the effectiveness of previous policy settings and requires more strategic approaches if cultural objectives are to be attained. ...
... Television has grown steadily more international as a business in recent decades (author 2021b), and its commercial success depends on achieving vast economies of scale derived from using a narrow range of content to attract audiences around the globe (Steemers 2016). As Hilmes, Pearson, and Hills (2019) explain, audiences increasingly consume 'programs designed not for their own information, education, and entertainment but for the rest of the world, as producers come under pressure to produce less locally specific content in favor of content that travels well' (9). ...
... In some small nations or regions, foreign distribution has not been a consideration in PSB drama production (Raats and Jensen 2020). Others have more recently been compelled to goals of economic development and drama export as a tool of soft power or revenue (Steemers 2016;Ward 2005). It has often been enough for PSBs to offer domestically produced series that counter the flow of imports without much consideration of how the stories those dramas tell are of the nation and may rely largely on banal national signifiers. ...
This article uses Australia to illustrate the need for more ambitious cultural policy measures in response to industrial reconfiguration wrought by digital distribution and other industry change. In many countries, cultural policy is challenged by industrial shifts that have further escalated the internationalisation of the television industry in ways that directly challenge policy mechanisms designed to ensure the achievement of cultural objectives. In Australia, cultural policy has also been diminished by politically popular industry-sector supports that have subordinated cultural policy to economic objectives such as job creation. With increased market pressure to produce ‘stories that travel’, criteria such as creative talents’ citizenship and location of production do little to guarantee the achievement of television that reflects the ‘identity, character and cultural diversity’ of the country. The article identifies how contemporary market conditions require more extensive criteria – such as a culture test – to meet the aims of 21st-century cultural policy.
... NPO's aim for 2022-2026 is to "reach and connect as many Dutch people as possible by attending to personal and social value" (NPO, 2021, p. 3), whereas RTÉ should "enrich Irish life with content that challenges, educates and entertains" (RTÉ, 2017, p. 2). PSMs have long served to foster national identity (see Steemers, 2016), and NPO, VRT, and RTÉ's remits consider bolstering connections with and among the domestic audience writ large their primary concern. PSMs must "stimulate national culture" and "promote national consciousness" in an "increasingly global media environment" (VRT, 2020, p. 5). ...
... Prioritizing schedules popular with most citizens is rooted in Western European PSMs' historical trajectory (see Donders, 2021;Steemers, 2016). However, "universal" constructions of the target audience also reflect challenges such organizations face today-not just from the growing competition by international SVOD platforms (Raats & Evens, 2021), but from pressures much closer to home too. ...
In research on LGBTQ+ representations in Western European mediascapes, public service media (PSMs) have been identified as key actors in instigating and shaping domestic depictions of sexual and gender differences. However, while public expectations of PSMs-stipulated in remits-are often referred to in studies, their implications for LGBTQ+ representation have not been systematically explored. With a critical discourse analysis of the former and present remits (N = 6) of the PSMs of Flanders (VRT), the Netherlands (NPO), and Ireland (RTÉ), this study demonstrates how these documents discourage producing queer-themed (fiction) content in favor of programming with "universal appeal." Simultaneously, it highlights how their pluralism delegitimizes "harmful" portrayals and requires PSMs to actively engage with changing representational norms. This is further entrenched by the expectation for PSMs to consult "relevant stakeholders" when representing minoritized groups. Hence, this article critically maps the "metarepresentational discourses" that LGBTQ+ portrayals in PSM programming emerge from.
... RTVE is one of Europe's five biggest media markets. It fits the polarized pluralistic model, with strong state intervention and politized public television, where the party which holds the power controls major managerial and editorial appointments (Steemers, 2016). Instrumentalization of the media by the government is common as it has successively understood "that public media ownership is more in the hands of the political establishment than in those of the citizenry" (García-de-Madariaga, Navarro, and Olmo, 2020, p. 342). ...
In the post-broadcast era, public service media (PSM) organizations have to innovate, stay up-to-date with new ways of consuming content, and experiment with the manifold opportunities that interactivity offers for audience engagement. At the same time, they are still obligated to achieve their public service remit and guarantee that services comply with values such as universality, diversity, creativity, and innovation. This article analyzes the innovation policies and strategies of PSM to understand if these are shifting from a technology-centric to a user-centric approach. It evaluates what areas of innovation are prioritized by both policy-makers and public broadcasters and whether these areas correspond with the innovation goals entrusted to PSM organizations by scholars. To this end, we adopted a multi-case study approach. The focus is on three public broadcasters of varying size and situated in different political, cultural, and economic backgrounds: RTVE (Spain), RTÉ (Ireland), and VRT (Belgium). Based on a qualitative document analysis, we conclude that innovation remains largely technology-centric. Strategies are oriented to the implementation of new technologies, the digital distribution of the content, and the collaboration with external partners. However, these public broadcasters have not yet promoted concrete actions to encourage the participation of their audiences.
... The public debates surrounding the relevance of PSM in the online or digital spaces have focused on a few important areas. Seemingly, PSM in digital mediascapes has been supported through arguments that note it should provide new multiplatform services beyond television and radio (Steemers, 2016), it is a tool for online citizenship and civic engagement (Debrett, 2015), or even as a locale for 'distinctive' media system innovation (Cunningham, 2015). These arguments build upon the recent scholarly contributions that bolster the value of PSM beyond the market failure argument (Edelvold, Lowe and Lund, 2014), debunk the so-called 'digital argument' (Donders and Bulck, 2014), or as a facilitator of user co-creation (Hutchinson, 2013). ...
Media and communication systems have globally shifted beyond a mass media arrangement to promote increased user practices associated with social media. Social media activities, particularly in the public service media arena, have historically focussed on the potential of increased citizen participation. A body of work has also emerged to suggest social media and its associated user-generated content practice is merely tokenistic participation. However, contemporary innovative public service media (PSM) practice now engages algorithm culture through social media for user participation, bringing with it new research questions. Algorithm culture is the design of automated computational systems that incorporates large data sets based on user behaviour to inform collaborative cultural production practices. A salient question for policy makers and PSM leaders is how do they approach algorithm culture to address the remit of PSM in contemporary digital mediascapes. This chapter provides insights of cultural intermediaries as key co-creative agents of PSM algorithms and highlights the significance of influential social media users to promote maximalist participation.
... In the case of Hollywood film and television industry, the perceived desire to entertain mass audiences by avoiding overt political messaging is a part of the global appeal of such content, even if one finds considerable links between the big US entertainment conglomerates and government agencies such as the US State Department and the US Department of Commerce if one digs not far below the surface (Miller, Govil, McMurria, Maxwell, & Wang, 2005). With the BBC, another globally admired flagship of soft power through international broadcasting, the hard-won structural independence of the BBC from the UK government has earned it a strong reputation as an exemplar of public service media and a beacon of independent journalism, even if, again, closer observers of the BBC in practice would detect constant political influences swirling around its strategic orientation and its day-today strategies (Steemers, 2016). ...
The concept of soft power has been highly influential in recent years, both as a concept to inform understanding of the cultural dimensions of international relations and as providing a practical guide to state investment in the international expansion of both news and entertainment media. One of the places where it has been most influential has been China, where is has been used to support the international expansion of China Central Television and the growth of Chinese entertainment media conglomerates. It is argued in this article, however, that the concept rests upon a weak understanding of the cultural dimensions of power and upon the transmission model of communication. As a result, there has tended to be a distributional bias in investing in cultural diplomacy and relatively little attention has been given to how audiences actually engage with international media content. Applied to the Chinese case, it is argued that support for entertainment media is more likely to support the aspirations of the Chinese government than news media, although news is likely to be prioritized for political reasons. At a more conceptual level, discussion of national soft power strategies and their relation to global media points to the need for new approaches in global media and communication studies, that could be termed post-globalization, that can address strengths and weaknesses in both critical political economy and media globalization approaches, and recognize the continuing centrality of nation states to the structuring of global media flows across territorial boundaries.
This introductory chapter intends to provide background information on this study and its position within a wide range of academic investigation of public broadcasting/media systems. It also presents the research questions and significance of this book for academics, policymakers, and pro-public media advocates. In this chapter, readers can find the arguments of the study as well as the highlights of the study method (strategies of data collection, fieldworks, and analysis). At the end, the structure of this book is discussed.
Shifts in audio-visual production, distribution and consumption have increased pressure on broadcasters as main financiers of domestic content in Europe. However, within the context of internationalisation and digitalisation, there are also new opportunities for the export of European content. By taking a close look at the evolution and increasing popularity of Flemish TV drama, this article identifies key explanatory factors for the export of content produced in a small media market. The analysis also discusses the extent to which the rise in exports may contribute to the increased sustainability of a small and fragile, yet vibrant audio-visual industry.
‘Soft power’ has been a concept that has generated great political and scholarly interest in China, as it raises the question of how to achieve cultural standing commensurate with the nation’s growing economic significance. But from the perspectives of communication and cultural studies, we can identify limits with both ‘soft power’ as a concept and how it understands culture and communication, and the assumptions made about the capacities of state cultural promotion through media to appeal to global audiences. Drawing upon case studies of the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia, India, Japan and South Korea, this article identified challenges and opportunities for China in growing its international cultural soft power in a ‘post-globalisation’ era.
An in-depth account of EU policies in the area of public service broadcasting, focusing mainly on the application of the European State aid rules. The book discusses when, how and with what impact the European Commission deals with public service broadcasting.
Greek broadcasting underwent spectacular change in the late 1980s. From a broadcasting environment with two state TV channels and four state radio stations in the mid-1990s, it now comprises 135 private TV channels and 890 private radio stations, 23 national and 135 local newspapers as well as 800 magazines. However, all private national and local TV stations technically speaking operate without an official licence to broadcast since the state has not yet awarded licences in an official manner.
READ FREE ON THE WEB: dx.doi.org/10.3998/nmw.12367206.0001.001
The Media Welfare State: Nordic Media in the Digital Era comprehensively addresses the central dynamics of the digitalization of the media industry in the Nordic countries—Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland, and Iceland—and the ways media organizations there are transforming to address the new digital environment. Taking a comparative approach, the authors provide an overview of media institutions, content, use, and policy throughout the region, focusing on the impact of information and communication technology/internet and digitalization on the Nordic media sector. Illustrating the shifting media landscape the authors draw on a wide range of cases, including developments in the press, television, the public service media institutions, and telecommunication.
New information technologies, liberalizing policies and rapidly changing societies – from mono- to multicultural – entail serious consequences for the prospects of European public service broadcasters in a network society. The European concept of PSB as a comprehensive and universal service is challenged by both EU and national authorities at three levels: 1) mission and program task (comprehensive or complementary programming?), 2) organization (central organization or ‘distributed public service’?) and 3) financing (license fee, advertising or ‘state aid’?). There are pressures towards a more ‘pure’ model of public service broadcasting and/or towards de-institutionalization of PSB and ‘distributed public service’. Recent pleadings for (e.g., in the Netherlands) and practices (e.g., in New Zealand) of new PSB policy directions will be evaluated. The paper deals with the question whether the European full-fledged PSB model is still realistic or a more small-scale public service a la the American PBS would be a more viable prospect.
Drawing on comparisons with historical shake-ups in the film industry, Screen Distribution Post-Hollywood offers a timely account of the changes brought about in global online distribution of film and television by major new players such as Google/YouTube, Apple, Amazon, Yahoo!, Facebook, Netflix and Hulu.
Building on a survey of media institutions in eighteen West European and North American democracies, Hallin and Mancini identify the principal dimensions of variation in media systems and the political variables which have shaped their evolution. They go on to identify three major models of media system development (the Polarized Pluralist, Democratic Corporatist and Liberal models) to explain why the media have played a different role in politics in each of these systems, and to explore the forces of change that are currently transforming them. It provides a key theoretical statement about the relation between media and political systems, a key statement about the methodology of comparative analysis in political communication and a clear overview of the variety of media institutions that have developed in the West, understood within their political and historical context.
The history of European Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) has so far encompassed two main periods: the time up until the 1980s, before it faced commercial competition (PSB 1.0) and the period of great upheavals and change since then (PSB 2.0). PSB also needed to find its bearings in a multi-channel broadcasting landscape, leading to ‘a significant level of commercialisation, where differences with commercial television are, in general, relatively small’ (León, 2007: 98). Now is the time for PSB 3.0 — the twenty-first-century version that we would probably invent if we were to create PSB today, necessarily very different from the one we have inherited.
There are many reasons to study in-depth the system of Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) in Poland, not least because the Polish broadcasting market is the largest among the new European Union (EU) member states. While market size has not ‘protected’ PSBs from the typical (for this region) difficulties, that is, pressure exerted by the main political forces and ineffectiveness of the funding mechanism, Polish PSBs enjoy a fairly strong position, which makes this system unique among other Central-Eastern European countries. Both PSB organisations Polish Television (TVP) and Polish Radio (PR) still maintain a high audience share — a combined share of 46.8 per cent for TVP and 25.2 per cent for PR in 2007 (KRRiT, 2008a: 107–12). But the licence fee collection system appears inadequate and is characterised by one of the highest evasion rates in the EU.
In the French media landscape the values associated with the mission of public service are most strongly embedded in the public broadcasting companies. This does not mean that elements of public service are wholly absent in other media sectors and outlets. In the press, for instance, it could be argued that in the breadth and quality of its news coverage a high quality newspaper title such as Le Monde aspires to perform a public service information function for its readers. More recently, in the online sector one can find websites, such as those of central and local government, that provide essential non-partisan public information to citizens on a range of issues from social welfare to cultural activities.
On 21 January 2009 the Office of Communications (Ofcom), the UK regulator for broadcasting and telecommunications, published its final statement of a long-running Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) review, titled ‘Putting Viewers First’, setting out recommendations for the future of PSB. Ofcom is required to undertake such a review at least every five years under the UK’s Communications Act 2003, and the 2009 document follows several phases and reviews of PSB, all starting with the 2004 review (Is Television Special?) which had opened up the debate on whether the existing UK PSBs (the BBC channels, Channel 3/ITV, Channel 4 and S4C in Wales and Five) are delivering the range and breadth of programming and audience needs that constitute PSB, and how it is to be delivered in the future.
After World War Two, Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) in West Germany was re-established after the model of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). However, the German system developed its own peculiarities from the beginning: PSB was set up in a federal structure, following the political structure of West Germany. The federal states (‘Länder’) have sole responsibility for culture and the media. The German federal constitution guarantees freedom of speech, freedom of broadcasting, and non-interference of the state in broadcasting (Grundgesetz, 1949, Art. 5). The Federal Constitutional Court was instrumental in strengthening and developing this system. The principal legal foundation of broadcasting lies in the broadcasting laws of each of the sixteen German federal states. In addition, the Länder join together in inter-state treaties, which establish a quasi-national structure in broadcasting regulation (Rundfunkstaatsvertrag, 2007).
Introduction: the formation of the Hungarian system of public service broadcasting The role and the status of public service media in Hungary cannot be fully understood unless we delve into its history. Until 1989–90 the term ‘public service’ stood exclusively for state broadcasting and for broadcasting itself. The term Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) gained real meaning only after the transition from the former communist regime to democracy.
Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) has a long tradition in Western Europe. In general, West European countries considered broadcasting a public service, not a competitive industry, and entrusted it to state-owned national institutions. PSB became a feature of the post-war Keynesian welfare order where the interventionist state assumed an extensive role in socio-economic life by directly producing and supplying goods and services.
Scholars and concerned policymakers have discussed an emerging crisis in public service broadcasting [PSB] for more than two decades. Much of this discussion has focused on the adaptations and transformations that established PSB companies in Western Europe should make in responding to increasing competition, technological changes and reduced protections in consequence to the drive to create an increasingly stronger European Common Market. The continuing economic crisis is a pressurising concern as PSB operators across Europe face cuts, budget caps and losses in advertising revenue. Another cause for concern is related to the increasingly interventionist approach of the European Commission [EC] in competition rules about State Aid policy (Harcourt, 2005; Humphreys, 2009). PSB companies are mandated to redefine and often to limit their remits as various commercial interests challenge their ventures into new media. The combination of financial insecurity, policy intervention pointedly seeking to limit the drive to become public service media [PSM] companies, and the potential of public uncertainty about its position and remit has created a condition that amounts to a crisis for PSB in much of Europe.
Europe's Digital Revolution assesses the impact of digital broadcasting on regulatory practices in Europe. The current roles and responsibilities of nation states and the EU will have to respond to rapid technological and market developments. Levy considers how these responsibilities are likely to be divided in the future, and which are the emerging issues and problems.
In the face of globalization and new media technologies, can policy makers and regulators withstand deregulatory pressures on the ‘cultural policy toolkit’ for television? This comparative study provides an interdisciplinary investigation of trends in audiovisual regulation, with the focus on television and new media. It considers pressures for deregulation and for policy in this field to prioritise market development and economic goals rather than traditional cultural and democratic objectives, notably public service content, the promotion of national and local culture, media pluralism and diversity. The book explores regulatory policy in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom and Europe. The book focuses on a range of instruments designed for promoting pluralism and cultural diversity, particularly the role of public service broadcasting and the range of measures available for promoting cultural policy goals, such as subsidies, scheduling and investment quotas, as well as (particularly national) media ownership rules. The book draws on findings of two research projects funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council and is written in an accessible style by leading scholars of media law and policy, who bring to bear insights from their respective disciplines of law and political science. © 2012 Thomas Gibbons and Peter Humphreys. All rights reserved.
This paper considers the debate in the U.K. and Germany about the continued justification for publicly funded public service broadcasting in an apparently converging media and communications environment. It examines the public broadcasters' responses, which increasingly encompass a broad range of expansionary and commercial strategies. These strategies bring them into conflict with commercial players and policymakers who would like to see a more restricted form of publicly funded provision. In both countries the questioning of public service broadcasting's distinctive publicly funded role is growing as commercial media become both more dominant and confident, and this questioning is reinforced by the difficulties in defining the public service remit and securing sufficient funding for its fulfilment. Résumé: Cet article considère le débat en Grande-Bretagne et en Allemagne sur le besoin de continuer à subventionner la radiodiffusion du service public dans un environnement où médias et communications sont apparemment en train de converger. L'article examine comment les radiodiffuseurs publics réagissent devant cette convergence. Leurs réactions englobent de plus en plus un large éventail de stratégies expansionnistes et commerciales qui mènent à des conflits avec le secteur privé et le législateur. Ceux-ci d'ailleurs préfèreraient que le gouvernement subventionne un éventail d'activités plus restreint. Ainsi, de plus en plus dans les deux pays, à mesure que les radiodiffuseurs privés deviennent plus dominants et confiants, on met en question le rôle des radiodiffuseurs du service public subventionnés par le gouvernement. En outre, certaines difficultés viennent renforcer cette mise en question : celle de définir quelles sont les fonctions actuelles du service public et celle d'obtenir des fonds suffisants pour l'aider à remplir ces fonctions.
Facing a digital media system, European public service broadcasters have encountered increasing scrutiny from both competitors and regulators. As these institutions have ventured onto media platforms very unlike traditional broadcast radio and television, discussions about the scope of their activities have flourished. The case of the internet clearly illustrates the emerging challenges. How have public service broadcasters approached the internet? How do regulatory frameworks relate to the wider remits? Is it public service media online? This article presents a comparative study of three Western European mainly publicly funded broadcasters' activities on the internet, their arguments in support of them, the role of competitors, and actual regulatory frameworks they relate to. It scrutinizes how different forms of regulations affect the developments. Based on the findings, the article outlines remaining problematic issues for national regulation of public broadcasters' online services and suggests how researches might get a better grasp of public service media online.
The question of whether public broadcasting should be sustained and protected is at the heart of current media policy debates in Europe. The main issue is whether traditional forms of regulation, including regulation protecting public communication and the media's social and cultural functions, are still relevant in the emerging digital media system. In this article, the situation of public television is discussed with reference to the Norwegian experience and the media policies emanating from the European Union. In the article, it is argued that the momentous changes associated with convergence, globalization, and privatization have produced a new set of challenges to public broadcasters and policy makers. Although the range of possible responses is curtailed by an ideological climate that favors market regulation over more traditional forms of cultural policy, it is argued that the situation also creates space for new policies destined to protect and defend public broadcasting.
Television: Technology and Cultural Form was first published in 1974, long before the dawn of multi-channel TV, or the reality and celebrity shows that now pack the schedules. Yet Williams' analysis of television's history, its institutions, programmes and practices, and its future prospects, remains remarkably prescient. Williams stresses the importance of technology in shaping the cultural form of television, while always resisting the determinism of McLuhan's dictum that 'the medium is the message'. If the medium really is the message, Williams asks, what is left for us to do or say? Williams argues that, on the contrary, we as viewers have the power to disturb, disrupt and to distract the otherwise cold logic of history and technology - not just because television is part of the fabric of our daily lives, but because new technologies continue to offer opportunities, momentarily outside the sway of transnational corporations or the grasp of media moguls, for new forms of self and political expression.
The authors examine the future of public service broadcasting in the context of current debates about, and commercial pressures on, the BBC. They describe the European Community constraints on public service broadcasting and the need for a clearer definition of such broadcasting, noting that such a definition is not currently provided in UK law. The BBC is also under increasing pressure from fair trading rules derived from competition law, some of which may weaken its ability to deliver its public service mission. Original research undertaken within the BBC suggests that external and internal pressures have undermined the conditions for a distinctive public service output, although there remains the basis for such an output within the culture of programme-making. The authors develop theoretical bases for a redefinition of public service broadcasting centred on the principles of citizenship, universality and quality in relation to services and output, and examine the implications for the structure of channels in the digital era. Finally, the authors discuss the legal and regulatory implications of their analysis in the context of the Government’s Communications White Paper, arguing that the social and cultural purposes of public service broadcasting must not be made subordinate to competition-based concerns.
Public Cultural Service. New Paradigms in Broadcasting Policy and Reform in the People’s Republic of China
- Chan Chin
- M Johnson
- Y Chan Chin
Blockbusters and Trade Wars
- P Grant
- C Wood
Breaking Free From the Public Service Ethos: BBC Worldwide Strategies to Conquer the World’s Media Markets
- K Donders
- H Van Den
- Bulck
How to Fund Public Service Content in the Digital Age
- D Elstein
Audiovisual Regulation Under Pressure
- T Gibbons
- P Humphreys
The Legacy of Nationalism in Public Service Media: Time for an Internationalist Rethink?
- P Goodwin
Director-General Tony Hall Unveils His Vision for the BBC
- T Hall
Above Us the Sky: The New Battle for Borders in Spectrum Allocation
- S Harvey
European Public Service Broadcasting Online — Services and Regulation
- J Hildén
PSB Policymaking in Comparative Perspective. The BBC and France Télévisions
- D Levy
PBS: Behind the Screens
- L Jarvik
Renewing the Public Service Media Remit
- B Thomass
- H Moe
- L Haenens
Speech at the “Future of the Licence Fee” Seminar
- T Hall
Speech Given by Tony Hall, BBC Director-General at the Voice of the Listener and Viewer Conference
- T Hall
“Getting Back to What We Do Best,” Speech Given at the BBC Radio Theatre
- T Hall