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ISSN: 0972-4923
Conservation
& Society
Conservation & Society
Volume 14 Number 1 2016
www.conservationandsociety.org
Volume 14 Number 1 2016
Conservation and Society 14(1): 57-70, 2016
INTRODUCTION
Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) encompasses the
accumulated environmental knowledge, resource management
practices, related social institutions and worldview of local
and indigenous people (Berkes 2012). TEK is a vital human
resource as it can provide locally specic environmental data,
guide adaptive management, and shape human-environment
interactions (Berkes et al. 2000; Ross et al. 2011). In turn, TEK
is a central component of social-ecological systems worldwide,
and has been widely recognised as playing a critical role in
conservation planning (e.g., Moller et al. 2004; Drew and
Henne 2006; Brook and McLachlan 2008). TEK also acts as
an adaptive system, adjusting to the dynamic nature of the
social and ecological conditions in which the knowledge is
embedded. In recent decades an increasing number of case
studies from across the planet have provided evidence of rapid
TEK degradation (Tang 2013). Due to TEK’s role in shaping
natural resource management strategies, degradation of TEK
can have substantial implications for the status of biodiversity
(e.g., Alcorn and Toledo 2000; Berkes et al. 2000; Maf and
Woodley 2010).
What is driving TEK degradation? Previous studies have
identified a wide variety of mechanisms contributing to
TEK degradation, but have largely been based on individual
Report
A Classication of Threats to Traditional Ecological Knowledge and
Conservation Responses
Ruifei Tanga,b,# and Michael C. Gavinc
aCurrent afliation: Commission on Environmental, Economic and Social Policy, International Union for Conservation of Nature
bResearch conducted at: School of Geography, Environment and Earth Sciences, Victoria University of Wellington,
Wellington, New Zealand
cDepartment of Human Dimensions of Natural Resources, Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO, USA
#Corresponding author. E-mail: trf615@gmail.com
Abstract
Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) shapes human-environment interactions across much of the globe.
Numerous case studies have provided evidence of TEK degradation, with substantial implications for the status of
biodiversity. Previous studies draw on diverse academic disciplines, each with a unique set of theoretical constructs
and discipline-specic jargon. The lack of a standard lexicon for TEK threats and conservation actions impedes
the comparative work needed to understand broad patterns of TEK degradation and implications for biodiversity
conservation planning. Based on a literature review (n=152 sources), questionnaires (n=137 respondents), and
semi-structured interviews (n=63 interviewees), we developed a classication system for both, threats to TEK
and corresponding conservation actions. We nd TEK degradation to be widespread (89% of cases in literature
and 87% of cases from questionnaire) and typically driven by a complex web of threats acting at different spatial
and temporal scales. Conservation responses can best address this interconnectivity through the involvement of
multiple actors across different institutional and spatial levels. We also demonstrate the utility of the classication
system by applying it to an examination of TEK threats in Inner Mongolia, China.
Keywords: Traditional ecological knowledge, direct threat, underlying threat, TEK conservation, classication,
social-ecological systems
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58 / Tang and Gavin
case studies (e.g., Lizarralde 2001; Zarger and Stepp 2004;
Ellen 2007). These studies have originated from a diverse
set of academic disciplines—e.g., anthropology, geography,
ethnobiology, conservation biology—each with a unique set
of theoretical constructs and discipline-specic jargon. In turn,
synthesis of ndings into a global-scale assessment of TEK
status and comparative analysis across case studies has not
occurred. The comparative work needed to understand drivers
of TEK degradation and the implications for biodiversity
conservation across multiple scales has been hampered by the
lack of a standard lexicon for TEK threats.
Similarly, responding to TEK degradation may incorporate
a wide variety of different conservation actions. In our view,
TEK conservation actions should recognise and accommodate
the dynamic nature of TEK, and aim to empower TEK holders
to use and manage TEK as an adaptive system over time. Even
though a number of international agreements have advocated
for the protection of indigenous rights and TEK conservation
(e.g., The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples, Convention on Biological Diversity
article 8j), potential TEK conservation actions have been less
studied than TEK threats. For example, only 23% of previous
studies of specic TEK threats (n=152) recommend specic
actions for TEK conservation, and of these, only 17 (11%)
provide examples of TEK conservation actions that have been
undertaken in the eld (Tang 2013). However, even within this
limited set of studies, comparing best practices across different
locations is difcult in absence of a standard vocabulary to
describe key terms for TEK conservation.
Recent work in biodiversity conservation (Salafsky et al.
2008) has demonstrated that a standard classication system
for threats and conservation actions provides both a common
language to compare situations and share lessons learned
across sites, and can also serve as a diagnostic tool to ensure a
more comprehensive identication of all possible threats and
conservation responses for a given location. We use literature
review, a survey of key stakeholders, and semi-structured
interviews with TEK experts to develop a standard
classication system for TEK threats and corresponding
TEK conservation actions. We also emphasize that our
intention is not to prescribe particular TEK conservation
actions or panaceas to the widespread threats TEK faces. As
is the case with biodiversity conservation actions (Ostrom
2007), we believe any one TEK conservation action cannot
be used to address threats to TEK in all contexts. Rather, we
argue that any actions taken in response to threats to TEK
must reect the specic context. Likewise, by producing this
classication system, we do not imply that TEK itself can be
standardised in any way. TEK varies widely from one cultural
group to another, within cultural groups, and across space
and time (Berkes 2012). Rather, our goal here is to develop a
common lexicon that can be used to compare cases and share
knowledge in the pursuit of social learning that will improve
the long-term effectiveness of TEK conservation actions
(Berkes 2009). We also provide an in-depth example from
Inner Mongolia, China to demonstrate how a classication
system of threats to TEK can be used in real world case
analysis.
Inspired by the International Union for Conservation of
Nature-Conservation Measures Partnership (IUCN-CMP)
classications of threats and actions for biodiversity (Salafsky
et al. 2008, 2009), we suggest the following key concepts to
illustrate the general components of any eld situation in TEK
research and conservation:
1) TEK degradation involves the loss of TEK components
(e.g., knowledge of plant names, social institutions that
guide resource management). TEK is inherently dynamic,
reflecting changing social and ecological conditions.
Therefore, alongside degradation, a TEK system may
also experience learning and gain new sets of knowledge
and practices. TEK degradation may also represent a key
threshold within a social-ecological system (cf. Liu et al.
2007), in which knowledge and management of natural
resources does not return to the former state that existed
prior to degradation.
2) Direct threats are the human activities that directly cause
the degradation of TEK.
3) Underlying threats are the causal factors that contribute to
the direct agents of TEK degradation, which usually include
cultural, economic, political and institutional factors.
4) Conservation actions are the actions undertaken by TEK
holders and/or practitioners to conserve or revitalise
TEK, and to empower TEK holders (e.g., community
cultural camps, customary schools, TEK documentation).
TEK conservation actions are a direct response to TEK
degradation, where actions may be either reactive or
proactive. Conservation actions can be employed to
underlying threats, direct threats, or both, or directly to
the target TEK system.
METHODS
We used a mixed qualitative and quantitative approach
comprised of literature review (n=152 sources), questionnaires
(n=137 respondents), and semi-structured interviews
(n=63 interviewees). The research started with a comprehensive
review of academic literature and literature from government
agencies and non-governmental organisations (NGOs).
We searched three academic sources, Web of Knowledge,
Science Direct and Google Scholar, for three key phrases:
traditional ecological knowledge, indigenous knowledge and
traditional knowledge. In addition, we targeted organisations’
websites, including the United Nations, International Union
for Conservation of Nature, The World Bank, and the
International Institute of Environment and Development. We
included literature and the content from organisations’ websites
available in English and Chinese. The review identied key
gaps in the TEK literature and provided a framework for the
questionnaire design.
The questionnaire was developed in three versions designed
for different target groups: 1) community members (TEK
holders); 2) TEK-focused researchers; and 3) TEK-focused
Threats to and conservation of traditional ecological knowledge / 59
organisations. We asked respondents to identify where they
worked (for researchers and organisations) or lived (in the case
of community members), and the name of the cultural group.
Respondents assessed patterns of TEK change (e.g., loss, gain,
etc.) at the location over the past 50 years, and recorded their
perceptions of the main drivers of TEK change. They were also
asked what had been done to conserve TEK, which aspects of
TEK had been targeted, and their opinion of how successful
conservation actions had been.
Questionnaires were distributed at several international fora
(e.g., the 12th International Congress of Ethnobiology, the
23rd International Congress of Conservation Biology), and
through listserves and an online survey tool (i.e., Qualtrics)
between 2010 and 2012. The survey generated 216 responses,
of which, 137 completed the minimum effective questions.
These effective responses covered 48 countries and regions
(24% from Asia, 19% from Africa, 17% from North America,
15% from Oceania, 14% from Europe, and 11% are from South
America). In addition, we conducted follow-up interviews
with 46 of the survey participants to gather more detailed
information about research questions.
To create the classications of threats and conservation
actions using these diverse sources of information, we
applied the three-step coding procedure of grounded theory
(Strauss and Corbin 1997): 1) open coding to synthesise and
conceptualise original data into categories; 2) axial coding to
reassemble data and identify connections between categories;
and 3) selective coding to produce the nal classications.
Once the draft classication systems were developed, we
incorporated feedback from 17 interviewees, including eight
community members and nine TEK researchers.
ARGUMENT
Classication of direct threats to TEK
We classied direct threats into six categories (Table 1). The
classication was comprehensive, including all possible threats
noted by respondents to the questionnaire and in the literature.
1. Loss of pathways of TEK transmission
Cultural transmission is defined as “the process of
acquisition of behaviours, attitudes, or technologies
through imprinting, conditioning, imitation, active teaching
and learning, or combinations of these” (Cavalli-Sforza
et al. 1982:19). TEK is often conveyed via indigenous
languages, and the loss of language diversity directly
affects loss of knowledge diversity (Maf 2001, 2005;
Zent and Maf 2009). For example, a community leader
from Cibecue (Dishchii bikoh) in Arizona, USA stated:
Our language and traditional practices are closely
tied to the land, in many ways it is used in describing
objects, teaching moral lessons, and expressing our
purpose on this land. Since the loss of our traditional
language…our traditional ecological knowledge has
become more and more threatened.
Many published studies, and 42% of survey respondents,
claim that introduction and implementation (often forced)
of outside education systems negatively inuences TEK
acquisition (e.g., Voeks and Leony 2004; Cruz García
2006; Quinlan and Quinlan 2007). For example, one
survey respondent from New Zealand noted that “formal
schooling does not include TEK or a Māori world
view, so it tends to displace TEK. Meanwhile, younger
people are not being taught the tikanga (tikanga=lore)
and mātauranga (mātauranga=TEK) by older family
members.” The absence of young indigenous people from
communities, often due to school or work opportunities,
can also undermine their chances of learning and
practising traditional knowledge and skills, and impede
the development of pride in traditional knowledge and
cultural identity. In addition, contact with and inuence
from dominant cultures may reduce indigenous youth’s
interest in learning traditional practices (Lizarralde, 2001;
Case et al., 2005; Reyes-Garcia et al., 2007; Zent and
Maf 2009).
2. Change of traditional livelihood practices
TEK change can also be driven by a reduced reliance
on traditional livelihood practices. Market integration
may catalyse changes in livelihoods through exposure
to alternative commodities or shifts to wage labour or
commercial production, which over time may result
in changes to ecological knowledge and management
of natural resources (e.g., Godoy et al. 1998; Reyes-
Garcia 2007). Fifty-nine percent of respondents to
our survey noted that increased reliance on external
(i.e., non-indigenous) products and technologies had
changed livelihood practices. As one respondent noted,
“[people nowadays have] more reliance on processed
foods and hunter-gathering in supermarkets. Fishing is
more a recreation than a staple food gathering need.”
3. Change of traditional religion and beliefs
Beliefs and world view serve as the foundational elements
shaping all other aspects of traditional ecological knowledge
(Berkes 2012). The conversion from or abandonment of
indigenous religious beliefs has been widely recorded,
especially in regions with a history of colonisation, (e.g.,
Wavey 1993; Ellen 2007). Many survey respondents
echoed these concerns. For example, a community elder
in Qinghai-Tibetan Plataea of China noted:
In my parents’ generation and my generation,
everyone followed Tibetan Buddhism, which
believes in the equity of all life forms, and respect to
the nature. From my son’s generation, they believe
more in communism instead of Buddhism. And to
my grandchildren’ generation, they believe no more
in communism, but in western stars.
4. Change of environment and natural resources
Environmental degradation can drive changes in TEK
(e.g., Rocha Silva and Andrade 2006; Harrison 2007a,
2007b; Zent and Maf 2009). Environmental change can
60 / Tang and Gavin
be driven by overuse, population growth, or pressures
originating from resource use by recent immigrants into
indigenous lands (Rocha Silva and Andrade 2006). In
addition, changes in the environmental basis of TEK
may also result from forced or voluntary relocation of
indigenous communities (e.g., Tang and Gavin 2010).
5. Loss of traditional rights
The complete or partial loss of access to traditional
lands and resources invariably has profound effects on
TEK. Unfortunately, in many locations biodiversity
conservation has included the eviction of communities
for protected area establishment, leading to the loss of
Table 1
Classication of direct threats to traditional ecological knowledge
Threats by categories Denitions for each category and examples for each sub-category
Loss of pathways of TEK transmission Complete or partial loss of the TEK transmission processes between individuals
and generations, within a community and/or across communities
Loss of traditional language (e.g., decline of speakers,
decline of the abundance of traditional vocabulary)
Enforced use of coloniser’s language;
Elders passing away without transmitting the indigenous language to younger
generations
Inuence induced by formal educational system Suppression of traditional cultural expression in formal schools;
Devaluation and exclusion of TEK in curriculum;
Children learn knowledge from school in abstract, but not “learning by doing” from
their own community
Younger generations’ absence from the traditional
community
Younger generations resident in town for jobs or education and disconnected from their
own communities
Inuence induced by dominant societies and reduced
incentive and interest in TEK
Increased amount of information and knowledge gained from TV;
Younger generations are more interested in the skills that enable them to nd a job in
town
Change of traditional livelihood practices Reduced needs and practices of, or abandonment of traditional livelihood, which
often involves a transition from traditional subsistence livelihood to non-traditional
livelihood activities, such as engaging with industrial and trading activities
Reduced land-based/sea-based activities Engaging with trading activities to earn cash rather than traditional crop plantation;
Working for factories instead of shing
Reliance on modern products and/or technologies Prefer or need to buy processed food from stores rather than hunting or shing for
food;
Rely on compass during shing trips instead of traditional navigationskills
Use of westernised primary production systems Western style agricultural system—cattle ranching and privatised land;
Replace traditional crops with introduced high yielding crops
Change of traditional religion and beliefs Loss or change of traditional religion and beliefs in the importance of nature and
local environment
Conversion to other dominant religions Conversion to Christianity or Islam
Loss of traditional beliefs Younger generations do not believe in Holy Mountains any more
Change of environment and natural resources Change of physical environment due to relocation, and/or degradation or depletion
of natural resources
Shift of physical location and environment Enforced relocation of indigenous groups;
Indigenous people emigrate to urban areas
Resource degradation Desertication, grassland and forest degradation;
Loss of key species which carry cultural identity
Loss of traditional rights Complete or partial loss of traditional land, loss of resource or resource rights,
and loss of traditional access to natural resources
Loss of traditional land and/or land tenure Enforced removal of indigenous people from their traditional land by coloniser;
State government claims the ownership over indigenous land
Loss of traditional land use Urban expansion occupies indigenous farm land
Loss of access to traditional resources Reserve set aside inside of indigenous land, and banning of the traditional use of bush
meat
Loss of traditional institutions Complete or partial loss, or change in traditional social organisations, customary
norms and traditional rules of resource use and management
Replacement of traditional resource governance The government-appointed community leaders replace traditional community institutions
Loss of other aspects of traditional institutions Loss of the traditional way of resolving conict regarding resource use and sharing;
Loss of traditional nancial institutions, e.g., the use of national or regional currency
leads to the loss of the traditional mechanisms of exchange across communities;
Loss of traditional rituals, ceremonies and other cultural and spiritual practices
Threats to and conservation of traditional ecological knowledge / 61
access to natural resources that form the foundation of
indigenous livelihoods (Agrawal and Ostrom 2001). For
example, a community member from Aberdare National
Park in Kenya noted that, “Since the national park was
established in the 1950s, our traditional hunting activities
have been banned. We hardly have any other sources
of living. The park is under the management of the
Kenya Wildlife Service, in which no local is community
involved.”
Migration and urbanisation can also impede on traditional
rights to land and resources. For example, an indigenous
community member from Maryland, USA described how:
“The access to our traditional resource is decreasing as
people from outside of the area are moving in and buying
properties. They are making the land no longer available
to locals for harvesting.” Suppression of indigenous
populations has taken place for centuries, and only
recently has the international community recognised
indigenous rights (inter alia) (e.g., via International
Labour Organisation Convention No.170 1985; Agenda
21 1992; The Rio Declaration 1992; Convention on
Biological Diversity 1993). However, many national-level
government policies and laws still reect exclusionary
models of conservation and development (Colchester and
Erni 1999).
6. Change of traditional institutions
A limited number of studies in the literature (4%) and
respondents to our survey (6%) noted the threat caused
by loss or change in traditional social organisations,
customary norms, and traditional rules of resource use
and management. In many locations, state structures have
replaced or subordinated indigenous social institutions,
leaving little power or inuence to traditional leaders
(Kipuri 2009). As one survey respondent explained,
in reference to southern Ethiopia, “The indigenous
institutions that enabled indigenous pastoralists to
operate in resource-scarce region of Borana zone for
centuries have been eroded by modern innovations and
governmental policies, including privatisation, settlement,
and cultivation land annexation.”
Classication of underlying threats to TEK
We identied ten distinct categories of underlying threats to
TEK (Table 2):
1. Government policy and legislation
Policy and legislation that devalues or suppresses
indigenous groups and their cultures contributes to
multiple direct threats to TEK, including the loss of
pathways of TEK transmission, change of traditional
livelihood practices, loss of traditional rights and loss
of traditional institutions. For example, as claimed by
many survey respondents, government bans on the use of
indigenous languages in public schools has detrimentally
impacted traditional languages and the TEK transmitted
via these languages. Government policies in many
locations have also undermined indigenous rights to
self-organisation and access to resources and land (e.g.,
Tang and Gavin 2010). One respondent summarised the
impact of government policies on Athabascan villages in
Alaska, USA: “[There are many] oppressive non-Native
policies, such as control of wildlife management, and the
division of land into state and federal. These policies have
largely led to the land and resources are more available
to non-Native users rather than to the local tribes.”
2. Contact with other cultural groups
Contact with other cultural groups can be caused
deliberately by non-indigenous groups or voluntarily by
indigenous groups, and can interrupt TEK transmission
pathways, and drive changes in livelihood practices,
beliefs, and traditional institutions. For example, survey
respondents commonly noted the increased inuence of
television and other digital media affecting indigenous
youth incentives and interests in learning about traditional
lifestyles and culture. The most frequently cited means
of deliberate cultural contact was Christian missionaries.
Missionary practices may impose or promote a change
from traditional beliefs to Christianity, and have often
discredited the authority and prestige of indigenous
spiritual leaders (e.g., Minol 2000).
3. Inuence of outside market
Increased links to national and regional markets may
ultimately drive changes in TEK transmission pathways
and livelihood practices. For example, markets increase
availability of processed foods, which, in some cases,
decreases incentives for transmission of traditional food
production knowledge (e.g., Godoy et al. 1998; Reyes-
Garcia 2007). Market-driven demands can also spur shifts
in production towards commercially valuable goods at the
expense of traditionally harvested species and varieties
(e.g., Soemarwoto 2007).
4. Colonisation
Colonisation, especially the establishment, maintenance,
acquisition, and expansion of colonial territories, may
cause ve out of the total six direct threats to TEK: 1)
loss of pathways of TEK transmission; 2) change of
traditional livelihood practices; 3) loss of traditional
religion and beliefs; 4) loss of traditional rights; and
5) loss of traditional institutions. Colonial territorial
expansion has often included expulsion of indigenous
communities from traditional lands, and denial of access
to resources (Kastrup 1997; Colchester 2000). Colonial
and postcolonial policies have often also included
compulsory education systems that impede cultural
transmission mechanisms (e.g., Cruz García 2006;
Quinlan and Quinlan 2007).
5. Relocation
Forced or voluntary relocation may lead indigenous
communities to occupy new environments and necessitate
changes in livelihood practices. The United Nations’ State
of World’s Indigenous Peoples report (WGIP 2006: 225)
recognised this grave threat to indigenous lifeways and
62 / Tang and Gavin
culture: “…it is clear that one of the most signicant
threats faced by indigenous peoples arises from their
displacement, eviction and separation from their lands,
territories and resources. These issues are expanding and
represent signicant challenges to the security, health
and survival of indigenous peoples and their cultures.”
6. Marginalisation by dominant societies
Social, economic and political marginalisation may not only
undermine indigenous inuence on government policies,
but also may negatively impact the value youth place on
indigenous culture. For example, in the Western Ghats of
India many indigenous families expressed shame at being
Table 2
Classication of underlying threats to traditional ecological knowledge
Underlying Threats
Direct Threats inuenced by
the underlying threat Examples
Government policy and legislation (policy
and legislation that devalue and/or suppress
indigenous groups and their cultures)
Loss of pathways of TEK
transmission
State government banning the use of native language in
public schools causing the loss of traditional language and
TEK carried by that language
Change of traditional livelihood
practices
A forced settlement policy changes nomadic herders’
traditional livelihood practices
Loss of traditional rights Government claims state ownership of indigenous lands
Loss of traditional institutions Government appointed leadership replaced traditional social
hierarchy and leadership
Contact with other cultural groups (can be
caused deliberately by non-indigenous groups
or voluntarily by indigenous groups)
Loss of pathways of TEK
transmission
Western TV programmes decrease young indigenous people’
incentives and interests in traditional knowledge and culture
Loss of traditional religion and
beliefs
Christian missionaries impose or promote a change from
traditional beliefs to Christianity
Inuence of outside market (including the
availability of modern goods, access to market
and the possibility of engaging with trading
activities)
Loss of pathways of TEK
transmission
The availability of processed foods decreases incentives of
learning and of using traditional knowledge to make own
foods
Change of traditional livelihood
practices
Market demand facilitates the shift from planting traditional
crops (e.g., taro) to producing cash crops (e.g., potato)
Colonisation (the establishment, maintenance,
acquisition and expansion of HYPERLINK
“http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colony”colonies
in one territory by people from another
territory)
Loss of pathways of TEK
transmission
Enforced Western education system causes reduced TEK
transmission
Change of traditional livelihood
practices
Enforced industrialisation processes
Loss of traditional religion and
beliefs
Enforced or voluntarily change from traditional belief to
coloniser’s religion, such as Christianity
Loss of traditional rights Loss of traditional land ownership
Loss of traditional institutions Natural resource governance is controlled by the colonisers
Relocation (enforced or voluntarily) Change of traditional livelihood
practices
Agro-forestry groups are relocated from mountain areas to
agricultural areas, and have to practice agricultural activities
Loss of traditional rights Indigenous people are removed from their land for mining
activities
Change of environment and
natural resources
Pastoral groups move to agricultural areas as ecological
refugees, and have to learn about a new environment and its
resource use
Marginalisation by dominant societies
(including social, economic and political
marginalisation, which often leads to reduced
self-esteem of indigenous population)
Loss of pathways of TEK
transmission
Under social racism, young indigenous people feel ashamed
about their indigenous identity, and therefore make more
effort to learn mainstream culture and skills instead of TEK
War and military occupation Loss of traditional rights Military occupation of indigenous lands
Indigenous population decline (including
natural demographic decline or human made
incidents, such as genocide)
Loss of pathways of TEK
transmission
Elders pass away without transmitting their knowledge to
younger generations
Migration (including indigenous emigration
and non-indigenous immigration)
Loss of pathways of TEK
transmission
Indigenous youngsters who move to urban areas for jobs have
decreased incentives and interest in learning TEK
Change in traditional livelihood
practices
Indigenous people who move out from their traditional lands
have to adapt their living to the new environment
Change in traditional religions Immigrants bring new religion into indigenous populations
Loss of traditional rights An increased number of outsider immigrants occupy the
traditional land-base of indigenous populations
Economic development pressure (sustained and
concerted actions that promote the standard
of living and economic health of a specic
area, usually driven by the dominant market
economy)
Change of traditional livelihood
practices
Urbanisation changes traditional farmland into city, and
converts traditional farmers into urban labourers
Threats to and conservation of traditional ecological knowledge / 63
seen collecting wild food plants, even though they recognise
these foods to be healthy and nutritious; and as a result
knowledge and use of wild food plants is declining (Cruz
García 2006).
7. War, military occupation and population decline
In nearly every region of the world, violence or militarism
has severely impacted indigenous peoples (Trask 2009),
by expropriating control over natural resources without
restitutions or compensation (WGIP 2006). War and
military occupation may also contribute to indigenous
population decline, and in turn, disrupt TEK transmission
pathways.
8. Migration
Voluntary or forced indigenous emigration and non-
indigenous immigration can underlie changes in TEK
transmission pathways, livelihood practices, and beliefs.
For example, the movement of indigenous youth to
urban centres for education or job prospects may affect
incentives, interest, and mechanisms for learning TEK
(Lizarralde 2001; Reyes-Garcia et al. 2007). As one survey
respondent, referring to the Korup region of Cameroon,
noted, “Younger people are staying in towns for education
and coming to villages just occasionally. As a result, they
are missing the skills to speak their dialect and to learn
what elders can do!” In other cases, indigenous people
have been forced to leave traditional lands and adapt
to new environments (Tang and Gavin 2010). Outside
immigrants occupying traditional indigenous lands also
bring exposure to alternative cultural practices (e.g., Case
et al. 2005; Zent and Maf 2009).
9. Economic development pressure
Many government policies and actions, driven by
dominant market economies, have promoted increases
in the standard of living and economic wealth of
specic regions. These pressures have increased rates of
urbanisation and farmland conversion in many cases; and
the rights and welfare of indigenous communities have
often been compromised or ignored by decision makers
in favour of development agendas (DESA 2009).
Classication of TEK conservation actions
The comprehensive classication of TEK conservation actions
includes ve categories (Table 3):
1. Action one–indigenous capacity building
Many indigenous communities are actively building
and improving their collective resources and skills to
conserve or revitalise traditional culture and lifestyles.
The success of increasingly widespread decentralisation
policies depends upon local capacity for collective actions
(Agrawal and Ostrom 2001). Institutional development
includes the strengthening of indigenous social cohesion
and social organisation, and the conservation or re-
establishment of traditional norms and rules regarding
resource use and management. Indigenous institutional
development has also been considered a key component
of steps towards self-determination, including self-
government and self-organisation (Stavenhagen 2005).
Capacity building processes benefit from external
institutional linkages that promote social learning,
including alliances among indigenous communities
facing similar threats to TEK, and partnerships with
governmental agencies, research institutions or other
external organisations that share the common target of
conserving traditional culture and practices (Berkes
2007). These linkages may also be vital for increasing
community fundraising capacity, which can be critical
for funding TEK conservation actions.
2. Action two–community-based TEK conservation
activities
Many practitioners and scholars argue that TEK conservation
is most effective in situ, with local indigenous control
(e.g., Berkes 2002, 2007; Gavin et al. 2007). Traditional
lifeway programmes aim to revitalise and promote
traditional lifestyles by increasing inter-generational TEK
transmission and instilling cultural pride in indigenous
youth. One survey respondent detailed programmes in
Pikangikum, Ontario, Canada, in which First Nations
celebrate “culture days” that permit indigenous children
to be absent from schools in order to participate in hunting
and other seasonal livelihood activities.
Community-based conservation approaches often draw on
TEK as the foundation for natural resource management
planning (Agrawal and Gibson 1999), and may, in turn,
reinforce communities’ traditional rights over land
and resources (Lemos and Agrawal 2006). Our survey
results and literature review highlighted two types of
indigenous environmental conservation activities:
1) community-initiated environmental conservation
programmes; and 2) ‘external’ environmental conservation
programmes tend to be initiated and led by external
organisations while incorporating indigenous community
participation, including the use of local knowledge in
conservation management.
Through commoditisation, TEK may gain appreciation from
both insiders and outsiders of an indigenous community,
bolster TEK transmission, as well as provide nancial
benets for the community. Our review identied two distinct
approaches to TEK commoditisation: 1) ethno-tourism or
eco-cultural tourism refers to tourism oriented towards
indigenous culture, local landscapes/seascapes, or local
species; and 2) trade of indigenous products, such as
handicrafts, traditional tools, etc.
3. Action three – education and awareness
Education programmes and public awareness campaigns
may have direct impacts on transmission pathways and
inuence attitudes towards TEK. Survey respondents
noted the presence of programmes that integrate
indigenous language and culture into public schools and
universities in many countries, including Australia, Benin,
Canada, China, Italy, New Zealand, Peru, South Africa,
Tanzania, Vanuatu, Vietnam, Uganda and the USA. In
64 / Tang and Gavin
Table 3
Classication of TEK conservation actions
Category Denition/explanation Example
1. Indigenous capacity building A long-term, on-going process in which indigenous communities
build or improve their collective resources and skills to maintain
and/or revitalise their traditional culture and lifestyles
1.1 Institutional development The strengthening of indigenous social cohesion and social
organisation, the conservation or re-establishment of traditional
norms and rules about resource use and management
1.1.1 Self- government The establishment and development of autonomous governance
which is organised and led by the indigenous groups
Political independence and
self-governance achieved in Cook Islands,
Fiji and Vanuatu between the 1960s and
the 1980s
1.1.2 Self-organisation The establishment and development of organisations organised by
indigenous groups with a focus on promoting traditional practices,
traditional culture and indigenous empowerment
An organisation formed in southwest
Yukon Territory, Canada with an aim to
promote the use of traditional medicine,
organic agriculture, general conservation
techniques, and defend indigenous land
rights
1.2 Alliance and partnership
development
The formation and development of a network in which one
or multiple indigenous communities and/or external parties
participate, in order to advance participating parties’ common
goals and common interests in TEK
1.2.1 Community alliance Networks formed among indigenous communities with a target of
conserving TEK and traditional culture
The International Alliance of the
Indigenous-Tribal Peoples of the Tropical
Forests
1.2.2 Partnership with external
parties
A partnership that developed between indigenous community/
ies and governmental agencies, research institutions and/or other
external organisations with a target of conserving TEK and
traditional culture
Co-management between Inuit
communities and regional government in
Nunavut Territory, Canada;
Participatory research relationship
between local Maori iwi and research
institute in New Zealand
1.3 Indigenous nancing Advancing the ability of fundraising and fund management
by indigenous communities regarding TEK conservation and
indigenous empowerment. The funding sources may include
governmental agencies, private foundations and international
agencies
2. Community-based TEK
conservation activities
Conservation actions undertaken in indigenous sites, usually with
the participation of indigenous people with a target of conserving
and revitalising TEK
2.1 Traditional lifeway
programmes
Indigenous community-based programmes that aim to revitalise or
promote traditional lifestyles
Elder camps and youth challenge in
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada
2.2 Environmental
conservation activities
Indigenous community-based projects that aim to conserve
biodiversity and natural resources, in which TEK is protected and
TEK holders are involved
2.2.1 Community-initiated
environmental conservation
programmes
Conservation programmes initiated and led by indigenous
communities
Heritage seed programme in Cherokee,
North Carolina, USA;
Saxoul tree conservation project initiated
and managed by local community in
Alashan region, Inner Mongolia, China
2.2.2 Participation in ‘external’
environmental conservation
management
Conservation programmes initiated and led by governmental
agencies or external organisations with indigenous community
participation
Indigenous people are hired as rangers or
guards of protected areas in Mbirikani,
Kajiado, Kenya;
Indigenous people participate in the forest
management in Mashteuiatsh, Quebec,
Canada
2.3 TEK commoditisation The transformation of aspects of TEK, which are not normally
regarded as having monetary value, into commodities
2.3.1 Ethno- tourism or
eco-cultural tourism
Tourism oriented towards indigenous culture, local landscapes/
seascapes, or local species
Ethno-tourism enterprises showcasing
traditional song, dance and costume
in Shuar territory, Morona-Santiago
Province, Ecuador
Contd...
Threats to and conservation of traditional ecological knowledge / 65
addition, customary education programmes have been
initiated and managed by indigenous communities with
the aim of transmitting TEK and promoting traditional
knowledge, culture and lifestyles. For example,
one survey respondent highlighted programmes in
Whakatane, New Zealand, where a Māori indigenous
university—Te Whare Wānanga o Awanuiārangi—was
established in 1992 to provide a wide range of majors
Table 3
Contd...
Category Denition/explanation Example
2.3.2 Indigenous products
trading
Small scale trading activities of indigenous products that earns
cash for the community and facilitates TEK transmission
Revival of aspects of traditional back
strap loom weaving using natural dyes by
women with new coop marketing outlets
in Tenejapa, Chiapas, Mexico
3. Education and awareness
building
Conserving and promoting TEK through educational systems and
public awareness raising
3.1 Include TEK in formal
education
To advance TEK transmission through encompassing TEK and
indigenous languages in formal education system
3.1.1 Teach indigenous
languages in formal education
system
To teach indigenous language in formal schools in order to
enhance students’ interests in, and familiarity with indigenous
language and culture
Schools invite native American Indian
speakers as instructors in cultural and
language classes in Pikangikum, Ontario
of Canada
3.1.2 Include TEK in school
curricula
To teach the contents of TEK in order to enhance students’
knowledge of and interests in TEK and indigenous culture
Guidebook of local plants and animals
is included in school curriculum in
Pikangikum, Ontario, Canada
3.2 Customary education Educational systems initiated and managed by indigenous
communities with aims of transmitting TEK and promoting
traditional knowledge, culture and lifestyle
Maori universities that focuses on
promoting indigenous language and tribal
identities in New Zealand
(http://www.wananga.ac.nz)
3.3 Indigenous media and
informal learning
Raising awareness of TEK and its values amongst indigenous
communities and general public, through communication
strategies and informal learning processes
3.3.1 Indigenous media Raising awareness and recognition of TEK and other indigenous
traditions by applying communication tools, such as newsletter,
radio station and website
Community newsletter in New Zealand;
Community radio programmes in
Pikangikum, Ontario, Canada, organised
by the local First Nation
3.3.2 Informal learning Raising awareness of TEK and promoting TEK transmission
through non-formal learning means, such as botanical garden,
indigenous museum and exhibition, and workshop
Omora Ethnobotanical Park in Puerto
Williams on the north coast of Isla
Navarino (http://www.omora.org/english/
welcome.htm);
Indigenous museum and indigenous plants
nursery in Chitwan National Park, Nepal
4. Policy and legislative
support
The establishment and implementation of policy and legislation
that protect indigenous rights, support and encourage traditional
culture and practices
Convention on Biological Diversity
8(j) (http://www.cbd.int/convention/text/)
Traditional herbalists are appointed
as public health ofcials. Traditional
herbal medicine is generally accepted
and encouraged in hospital systems in
Huamachuco and surrounding villages,
La Libertad, Peru
5. Research and documentation
of TEK
Studying and recording TEK by TEK holders, outside
institutions, or their joint efforts
5.1 TEK research and
documentation
The studies of TEK and/or TEK conservation that carried out by
indigenous TEK holders, external research institutions, or joint
efforts
5.2 TEK databases The organised collection of data regarding indigenous knowledge,
traditional practices and the cases of TEK conservation with an
aim of conserving TEK
Database of best practices on indigenous
knowledge created by UNESCO
(http://www.unesco.org/most/bpindi.htm)
Australian indigenous knowledge
management system database
(http://www.environment.gov.
au/indigenous/publications/pubs/
knowledge-management-guide.pdf)
66 / Tang and Gavin
and courses with a signicant emphasis on Maori history,
traditions, identities, and tribal development. This form
of customary education allows community members to
become self-oriented participants in the creation of the
learning environment, shaping their future through their
own educational system (Carson 1999; May 1999).
Indigenous media outlets, including radio and television,
newsletter and websites, may reach a wider public to
raise awareness of TEK and other indigenous issues.
For example, one survey respondent detailed the work
of an indigenous radio show in Chihuahua, Mexico
that highlights the cultural practices and indigenous
language of the Rarámuri people. Similarly, non-formal
learning settings, such as botanical gardens, as well
as indigenous museums and exhibitions, may raise
awareness of indigenous issues and build cultural pride
within indigenous communities. For example, one survey
respondent noted the importance of the community-run
Ese’eja ethno-botanical garden as a learning centre for
local and international visitors in the Peruvian Amazon.
4. Action four – policy and legislative support
Supportive policy and legislation is needed at multiple
scales to ensure the rights of indigenous communities.
Numerous international agreements emphasise the
protection of indigenous rights. For example, the
United Nation’s Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples stipulates rights to self-determination, collective
action, cultural and intellectual property, and obligates
signatory states to observe treaties (Mead 2005).
However, international agreements will not be inuential
without supporting national and local level policies
and legislation. The literature and survey respondents
outlined many examples of national policies supporting
TEK conservation. For example, as one survey
respondent noted, in Huamachuco and surrounding
villages in Peru, “the top herbalists …have been
appointed as public health ofcials by the ministry of
health, and medicinal plant use seems to be generally
accepted and encouraged…”
More debate exists regarding the most effective means
of protecting the intellectual property inherent in
TEK. Several scholars recommend the use of existing
intellectual property rights mechanisms, such as patents,
trademarks, and copyrights (e.g., Mugabe 2000; Mathur
2003). The Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual
Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge
and Folklore (the IGC) of the World Intellectual Property
Organisation (WIPO) has produced comprehensive
reviews of existing intellectual property tools for
protecting TEK and traditional cultural expressions
against misappropriation and misuse (WIPO 2011).
However, other scholars suggest alternative strategies,
such as Sui generis (Sui generis=of its own kind), which
can be designed according to the distinct attributes of
traditional knowledge and innovation processes, such as
holistic character, free sharing and exchange of resources,
collective custodianship and spiritual beliefs (Mead 2005;
IIED 2006; Swiderska 2006, 2009).
5. Action ve – research and documentation
According to the survey and literature review results,
efforts by TEK holders and outside institutions to study
and document TEK is the most frequently used mechanism
of TEK conservation to date. The early development of
TEK databases was carried out mostly by international
organisations, and more recently community-initiated and
community-managed databases have emerged (DEWHA
2009). However, as some scholars and survey respondents
point out, research and documentation tend to be passive
conservation mechanisms compared with the active use
of TEK.
The overall trend of TEK change
TEK degradation is widespread. Our review of the literature
and our questionnaire found that TEK degradation was by
far the most common trend noted (89% of cases in literature;
87% of questionnaire respondents). Only 2% of studies or
questionnaire respondents noted that TEK remained unchanged
over recent time periods, whereas between 3% (questionnaire
respondents) and 7% (literature reviewed) found some increase
in TEK levels.
The application of the TEK threat classication
We used the classication system we developed for direct and
underlying threats to examine global trends in TEK threats. We
were able to classify all the threats noted in each of the cases
in the literature and from our questionnaire results. The most
commonly noted drivers of TEK degradation were the loss of
transmission pathways and changes in traditional livelihood
practices, which together accounted for approximately 40%
of all direct threats (Figure 1a). All the underlying threats to
TEK, except indigenous population decline (noted just once),
were recorded at least a dozen times. The most commonly
cited underlying threat was the inuence of markets, which
accounted for 24% of indirect threats listed (Figure 1b).
Our analysis of the literature and questionnaire data also
highlights three critical trends in TEK degradation: 1) TEK
degradation is typically driven by a complex web of underlying
and direct threats; 2) threats to TEK are at multiple scales;
and 3) the threats vary across time. TEK degradation is rarely
caused by individual threats alone. The cases we reviewed
demonstrated that multiple threats tend to occur simultaneously,
and as a result of historical and cumulative processes. Usually
one direct threat is caused by several underlying threats. The
interconnectivity and causal relationships among TEK threats
illustrates that TEK and its holders are affected by various
political, social, economic and cultural forces. TEK is also
facing multiple threats across a range of institutional levels,
from local and regional, to national and international. Direct
threats occurring at the local level are usually inuenced by
regional, national, or international factors. TEK threats are
Threats to and conservation of traditional ecological knowledge / 67
also acting at different temporal scales; some involving rapid
transitions, while other changes may be slower.
Below, we use one of the case studies we reviewed from
eastern Inner Mongolia, China to demonstrate how the TEK
threat classication can be used for scenario analysis.
Case study background
Prior to the 1960s, herders in much of the region had retained
their traditional nomadic life over millennia (Ao 2005;
Da and Si 2006). The government introduced the grand
commune reforms into the region in the 1960s, at which time
all land and resources previously owned by Mongolian herders
were claimed as state assets (Da and Zheng 2010), which
represents a loss of traditional rights. Government-appointed
committees, generally comprised of young, educated Han
Chinese, replaced traditional Mongolian elder leadership
models (Da and Zheng 2010; Tang and Gavin 2010), which
led to a loss of traditional institutions. In the late 1970s and
early 1980s the government established central services
(e.g., medical centres, schools, veterinary clinics), and
proceeded with a settlement policy that encouraged herders
to give up traditional nomadic lifestyles, and to migrate
away from traditional lands and settle in townships (Wang
2009). Economic growth has been one of the most important
underlying drivers of all these Chinese government policies
since the 1980s, and annual 8% growth in GDP has been a
stated goal since the 1990s (Wang 2009).
These government policies have had multiple, largely
negative, effects on traditional Mongolian herding
practices. Government actions have dissolved the traditional
institutions used to manage natural resources. The sedentary
lifestyle that resulted from the government policies has also
led to a reduction in the traditional practice of rotational
grazing; and more intensive grazing has caused degradation
in grassland habitat in many parts of Inner Mongolia (Ao
2005; Tang and Gavin 2010; Tang 2013). Government
policies have also led to major changes in education that
affect TEK in the region. For example, a government policy
enacted in 2002 led to the combining of townships and the
shifting of key social services, including schools, to city
centres in the region (e.g., Xiwu Qi Autonomous Region
People’s Congress 2006). This shift in government services
has required children to move away from extended families
and herding land to participate in compulsory education,
which has increased barriers to the transmission of herding
knowledge across generations. In addition, as Mongolian
children spend at least nine years in cities for education,
they interact extensively with other cultural groups and are
exposed to alternative, and increasingly western, lifestyles.
As a result many Mongolian youth have turned away
from traditional herding practices in favour of city-based
livelihoods (Tang 2013).
TEK threat analysis
The factors driving TEK change in Inner Mongolia form a
complex web of interacting direct and underlying threats,
both national- (e.g., government policies on education, land
ownership, and leadership in natural resource management)
and local-level (e.g., resource degradation via intensication
of use) processes shape TEK degradation in the region. In
addition, these changes are occurring at different temporal
scales. Some of the changes, such as mandates regarding
leadership of natural resource committees, had instant impact
on TEK, whereas others, such as education reform, were
instigated at different times and have had more long-term
inuence on TEK. The complexity of factors driving TEK
change, including the variability of threats in space and time,
has important implications for planning conservation actions.
Figure 1
Number of survey respondents and studies in the literature that note different (a) direct threats and (b) underlying to traditional ecological knowledge.
See text and table 1 and 2 for denition of the direct and underlying threat categories. Note that respondents and literature studies may have listed more
than one direct threat or underlying threat each
b
a
68 / Tang and Gavin
The application of the TEK conservation action
classication
We found that each of the TEK conservation categories had
been used by at least 10% of the case studies we examined
(literature review and questionnaires) (Figure 2). The most
widely cited conservation actions were focused on research
and documentation (54% of cases), which likely reects
the fact that the data are drawn from the research-oriented
academic literature, and that the majority of respondents to the
questionnaire were academic researchers. Despite numerous
international agreements that recognise the importance of
TEK (e.g., Agenda 21 1992; the Convention on Biological
Diversity 1993; the United Nations Declaration on the Rights
of Indigenous People 2007), only 12% of cases included
any reference to the use of policy or legislation in TEK
conservation efforts.
However, implementation of conservation efforts does
not guarantee success. Only 24% of respondents to our
questionnaire claimed that conservation efforts had been
denitively successful. Another 58% noted limited success,
whereas 18% felt either that no success had been attained
or that it was currently too early or too difcult to assess.
Respondents to our questionnaire and interviews highlighted
three factors that contribute to the success or failure of TEK
conservation efforts. For one, approximately one-third of
respondents noted that projects that were community-based
and engaged a large portion of the community tended to be
more successful. Non-TEK focused projects introduced by
outside agencies often left little time or resources available
for TEK conservation efforts. Secondly, the degree to which
governments ofcially recognised and provided nancial and
technical support to TEK conservation projects was another
key determinant of TEK project outcomes. Finally, the most
common barrier to success was the competing interests and
cultural distractions from the outside world. These external
cultural inuences often derive from migration to towns and
the subsequent increased interest, especially among younger
generations, in outside employment and town-based lifestyles.
These results reect that TEK faces a complex web of threats
generated at different spatial and temporal scales. Therefore,
as is the case with biodiversity conservation efforts, success
of TEK conservation will depend on collaboration across a
range of institutional levels from local to international (Berkes
2010). This collaboration is vital to ensure that capacity and
resources are available to tackle threats at the appropriate
times and places. Successful cooperation across organisations
and communities will require meaningful sharing of power
and resources among the institutions involved (Colfer and
Capistrano 2005).
CONCLUSION
Overall, the use of the classication systems we developed has
allowed us to examine trends in TEK threats and conservation
actions based on the evidence currently available in the
literature and via our questionnaire. Most of the current
TEK research concentrates on specic locations and specic
communities (Tang 2013). The lack of comparable data
and common databases has been a major obstacle to TEK
research addressed by many researchers (e.g., Reyes-Garcia
et al. 2005). The classication systems presented here can
help facilitate cross-project and cross-region communication
regarding common threats and effective conservation actions.
It, therefore, may also help to identify and highlight ubiquitous
patterns, processes, challenges, and opportunities to TEK
conservation. At the community level, use of the classication
systems can assist in ensuring that all relevant TEK threats are
identied as an initial step in addressing TEK degradation.
A comprehensive understanding of the drivers of TEK
change and conservation options is lacking in most locations.
The research we present here should be considered as an
initial assessment of TEK threats and conservation on the
global scale. We hope this study will inspire further and more
comprehensive examination of TEK threats and conservation
actions across the globe.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We thank all survey participants and interviewees for generously
sharing their knowledge and experiences. We are also grateful for
research funding provided by Victoria University of Wellington and
the Royal Society of New Zealand.
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Received: March 2014; Accepted: September 2015
