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135
S. Radhakrishna et al. (eds.), The Macaque Connection: Cooperation and Conflict
between Humans and Macaques, Developments in Primatology: Progress and Prospects 43,
DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-3967-7_9, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2013
9.1 Introduction
In spite of Sri Lanka’s relatively small size (64,740 km
2
), the island supports a high
level of biodiversity and endemism (Gunathilleke and Gunathilleke 1983 ; Erdelen
1988 ) . Part of the reason for this high degree of biodiversity is the variety of habi-
tats found between sea level and the highest peak, 2,524 m asl in the central high-
lands. The habitat types include mangrove forest, grassland, semiarid thorn forest
and shrub land, tropical evergreen rain forests, dry mix evergreen, intermediate
moist evergreen, highland evergreen, and temperate forests (Erdelen 1988 ) . There
are fi ve primate species in Sri Lanka, the toque macaque ( Macaca sinica ), the
gray-handed crested langur ( Semnopithecus priam thersites ), the purple-faced leaf
langur ( Trachypithecus vetulus ), and the two nocturnal lorises ( L. tardigradus and
L. lydekkerianus ). With the exception of S. priam and L. lydekkerianus , all are
endemic and classi fi ed as endangered or critically endangered (Dela 2007 ; Rudran
2007 ; Nahallage and Huffman 2008 ) .
Sri Lanka is primarily an agricultural country, and over the last few decades, due
to agricultural, irrigational, and industrial projects and an increase in the human
population and urban expansion, natural forested areas have declined rapidly
(Erdelen 1988 ; Wickramagamage 1998 ) . Owing to fragmentation of forests in the
wet and dry zones, primates are increasingly frequenting farms and agricultural
plots in search of alternative food resources (Nahallage and Huffman
2008 ) . This is
the main cause for primate–human con fl ict today.
C. A. D. Nahallage (*)
Department of Sociology and Anthropology , University of Sri Jayewardenepura ,
Gangodawila, Nugegoda, Colombo , Sri Lanka
e-mail: charmalie2@hotmail.com
M. A. Huffman
Department of Social Systems Evolution, Primate Research Institute ,
Kyoto University , 41-2 Kanrin , Inuyama, Aichi 484-8506 , Japan
Chapter 9
Macaque–Human Interactions in Past
and Present-Day Sri Lanka
Charmalie A. D. Nahallage and Michael A. Huffman
136
C.A.D. Nahallage and M.A. Huffman
However, in Sri Lanka, the peoples’ religious beliefs and cultural practices
play an important role in de fi ning the terms of primate–human interactions and
re fl ect the past, present, and potential future of their coexistence. An important
feature of this country is the presence of monkeys at Buddhist and Hindu temples.
For example, the North Central Province city of Anuradhapura, formerly the
ancient capital of the country from the fourth century BC to the eleventh century
AD, has been protected as a holy site. Named as a UNESCO World Heritage Site,
Anuradhapura is visited daily by a large number of local and international tourists
alike (Fig. 9.1 ). The expansive area of woodland surrounding this religious site,
protected from development due to its cultural and religious signi fi cance, is home
to a large population of primates that forage on the natural vegetation. The mon-
keys are habituated to humans and freely range in and around the sacred sites
undisturbed by tolerant monks and tourists. The constant supply of food offerings
given to them by religious followers and tourists keep macaques and langurs
around the temple grounds. Like Anuradhapura, there are many large and small
Buddhist and Hindu temples across the country where primates are protected by
the peoples’ religious and cultural beliefs, i.e., Kandy, Sigiriya, Dambulla (Central
Province), Kelaniya, Kalutara (Western Province), Rumassala, Sella Kataragama,
Fig. 9.1 People and primates coexist harmoniously in religious temple grounds. Religious devotees
pray and provide food for monkeys as religious offering at the Ruwanwelisaya Stupa ( upper left ,
right , lower left ). A priest resting on the steps with gray langurs grooming nearby in the Kataragama
temple grounds ( lower right ) (Photos by M. A. Huffman)
137
9 Macaque–Human Interactions in Past and Present-Day Sri Lanka
Kataragama, Sithulpawwa, and Vadasitykanda (Southern Province). These are
places where primate–human interactions are relatively harmonious (Fig. 9.1 ).
Among the fi ve primate species inhabiting Sri Lanka, more is known about the
behavioral ecology of the toque macaque than the other primate species. An
impressive longitudinal study begun in the 1970s investigated various aspects,
such as the social behavior, demography, ecology, disease etiology, and conserva-
tion of the toque macaque population in Polonnaruwa (another protected reli-
gious-historical site in the North Central Province). The results from this long-term
project (e.g., Dittus
1977, 1986, 1998, 2004 ; Hoelzer et al. 1994 ; Ekanayake et al.
2007 ) form the majority of detailed published information about this endemic
macaque species today.
One area of research that has received little attention in Sri Lanka is the growing
fi eld of ethnoprimatology, the multidisciplinary investigation of humans and nonhu-
man primate interactions (e.g., Loudon et al. 2006 ; Paterson and Wallis 2005 ; Wolfe
and Fuentes 2007 ; Fuentes and Hawkins 2010 ; Hill and Webber 2010 ). In this chap-
ter, we present results from questionnaires and fi eld surveys investigating how Sri
Lankans view primates, their cultural practices, beliefs, and the state of primate–
human interactions in a rapidly developing and changing country. It is not the goal
of this chapter to provide a picture of the conservation status of primates in the
country but rather to describe the relationship humans have had with macaques and
other primate species in general, from both a historical and contemporary perspec-
tive. We address such questions as: What place does the toque macaque occupy in
Sri Lankan folklore and literature? How do people relate to the toque macaque vis-
à-vis the langurs in Sri Lanka? What are the major causes of con fl ict between toque
macaques and humans in Sri Lanka?
9.2 Methods
The study was conducted by direct observation and through formal interviews using
a standardized questionnaire. Informed consent was obtained before each interview.
The study abided by all laws of Sri Lanka, and the protocol and permission to con-
duct the study was approved by the Department of Wildlife Conservation. A total of
307 formal interviews were conducted (129 women, 178 men) with participants
ranging in age from 18 to 85 years. A breakdown of the respondents by status is
listed in Table 9.1 . The data presented here were collected during our fi eld visits
(5–20 February, 2007; 23 February–3 March, 2009, N = 127) and by trained under-
graduate students from the University of Sri Jayewardenepura and the University of
Uva during the period 2007–2009 ( N = 180).
Administratively, Sri Lanka is divided into 9 provinces and 25 districts (Fig.
9.2 ).
Students were selected based on their province and area of origin to obtain data
from as many different districts as possible. In total, 23 districts from these 9
provinces are represented in this database. A breakdown of the questionnaires by
province is given in Table
9.2 . The unbalanced representation of the provinces is
138
C.A.D. Nahallage and M.A. Huffman
due to the war in the Northern and Eastern Provinces during the above study peri-
ods, which made it dif fi cult to visit or to fi nd students originating from these areas
to conduct interviews.
Respondents were shown close-up, full-body pictures of each primate species
with their common names in Sinhalese, Tamil, and English to minimize confusion
and increase accuracy. The questionnaire included 28 questions on topics including
primates species seen in the area, the approximate number of groups and their group
size, (whether they damage crops) their preferred food items, the measures taken by
the people to prevent primates damaging the crops, whether they were aware of
hunting of primates for food in their respective areas, use of primate body parts for
medicinal and ritual purposes, and primate myths and folklore known of or heard
about by the respondents.
9.3 Results
9.3.1 The Perceived Trends of Local Primate Population
Size and Damage to Crops
When asked about the current number of primates in their area compared to earlier
times, 51% of all respondents believed that they had increased in recent years. (It
was not our intention to use this response as a measure of population size but rather
as a means of estimating any relative change in the frequency of contact between
people and primates in recent times.) In some provinces, the majority of respon-
dents said that contact with primates was increasing (Central, 92%; North Central,
75%; Uva, 71%; North Western, 68%; Southern, 53%), while in other provinces, the
majority thought their numbers were declining (Western, 41%; Eastern, 64%;
Sabaragamuwa, 59%). Eighty-nine percent of respondents said that primates raid
Table 9.1 Breakdown of the
status of respondents
Respondent status Frequency
Farmer 48
Small-scale vegetable and fruit vendor 26
Student 84
People in national parks 26
Housewife 19
Retired government of fi cer 14
Teacher 7
Laborer 6
Buddhist priest 6
Private business owner 4
Traditional doctor 2
Security guard 2
Not speci fi ed 25
139
9 Macaque–Human Interactions in Past and Present-Day Sri Lanka
Fig. 9.2 Administrative province and district map of Sri Lanka (Source: Produced by Dr. Janet
Nackoney)
140
C.A.D. Nahallage and M.A. Huffman
crops, and 60% considered them as pests. Forty-eight percent thought that primates
were afraid of people, while 45% said they were not, and some (7%) had no opinion
one way or the other.
People used various techniques to protect their crops from monkeys (Table 9.3 ).
Respondents on average reported 2.5 (SD 1.38, range 1–6) different methods; the
Table 9.3 Prevention methods used against crop-raiding monkeys ( N = 307)
Method Percentage usage
Firecrackers 31
Making loud sounds 22
Shooting 10
Using traps 9
Throwing stones 7
Catapulting/sling-shooting stones 5
Scarecrow 3
Using dogs 2
Poisoning 2
Hanging dead monkeys in the trees 1
Placing cut trees and branches around garden 1
Covering crops with nets 1
Other methods 6
Using mirrors 0.8
Guarding 0.8
Hanging polythene strips, bags 0.6
Applying cow dung 0.6
Hanging red fl ags and umbrellas 0.6
Hanging shiny objects 0.5
Using nets 0.3
Sprinkling gun powder 0.3
Dynamite 0.2
Applying black oil to fruit tree trunks 0.2
Table 9.2 Province-wise
distribution of questionnaires
Province Percentage respondents
Western 26
Southern 24
Sabaragamuwa 15
North Western 10
Uva 7
North Central 7
Central 5
Eastern 5
Northern 3
141
9 Macaque–Human Interactions in Past and Present-Day Sri Lanka
most common was the use of fi recrackers (31%) or making other loud sounds (22%).
Trapping or shooting monkeys (19%) was practiced most frequently in the Southern,
Sabaragamuwa, and North Western Provinces.
9.3.2 Use of Nonhuman Primates as Pets and Performers
Most people said they preferred toque macaques as pets because they believed that
macaques resemble humans more closely than langurs and adapt better to captivity.
In North Central, North Western, and Sabaragamuwa Provinces, toque macaques
are used as performers for pro fi t (Fig. 9.3 ). Trained macaques are taken to urban
neighborhoods, villages, and to public places such as parks and temple grounds to
entertain the crowds. The most common performances were scenes such as visiting
parents-in-law during the New Year, carrying a box of gifts on the head while walk-
ing upright on hind legs, or being punished by the police for stealing. Toque indi-
viduals are usually dressed in a pair of trousers and a shirt and constrained by a
leash. Typically, the cost is equivalent to one US dollar per performance.
Fig. 9.3 Agriculture pests, temple guardians, or entertainers, macaques are regarded in many
different ways across the country. Small-scale farmers selling their produce at roadside stands near
their homes ( upper left ), commercial farmers ( upper right ), and roadside food vendors ( lower left )
are often the target of crop-raiding monkeys (Photos by M. A. Huffman). A toque macaque per-
forming in front of a private home in a suburb near Colombo ( lower right ). (Photo by C. A. D.
Nahallage)
142
C.A.D. Nahallage and M.A. Huffman
9.3.3 Primates as Food, Medicine, and Ritual Objects
With the exception of Northern Province, primates are hunted for food everywhere
but at a very low frequency and in secret. Forty-seven percent noted that people in
their respective areas hunted primates for food, while 42% said hunting did not
occur, and 11% said they were not sure.
Primates are also hunted for body parts to be used as medicine (Table 9.4 ) and
for ritual activities; this occurred very infrequently and only in rural areas. There are
marked province-wise similarities and differences in this belief system, suggesting
that it was historically practiced throughout the country. In Central Province, for
“apala” (ritual practiced against unfavorable positions of the planets in one’s horo-
scope), the intestine of a macaque is wrapped around the neck of an affected person
at dawn, and he/she is not allowed to speak during the treatment. In North Western
Province, loris tears mixed with other ingredients are ritually smeared on a plate to
see into the future. In Sabaragamuwa Province, the heart of the purple-faced langur
is given to pregnant women, and the skull, skin, and penis are used in “thovil,”
another traditional healing ritual. Also, the meat and bones are used for “huniyam”
(a practice akin to black magic or voodoo). In Uva Province, langur heart, when
Table 9.4 Use of primate body parts for medicinal purposes
Species/part Ailment C N NC NW E Sb S U W
Langur meat Asthma
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Meat Poor eyesight ○ ○ ○
Meat Leprosy ○
Meat Malnutrition, piles ○
Meat Malnutrition ○ ○
Meat Heartburn, kidney and
lung diseases
○ ○
Meat Boils, TB ○
Meat Heart and lung diseases ○ ○
Liver Malnutrition ○ ○
Heart Malnutrition ○
Hands, tail Cracks in hands and feet ○
Stomach contents Malnutrition ○
Oil Burns ○
Macaque meat Piles ○
Meat Asthma ○
Meat Whooping cough, piles ○
Meat stomach content Malnutrition ○
Feces Whooping cough ○
Oil Fractures ○ ○
Urine Snake bites ○
Loris tears Not speci fi ed ○
Province: C Central, N Northern, NC North Central, NW North Western, E
Eastern, Sb
Sabaragamuwa, S Southern, U Uva, W Western
143
9 Macaque–Human Interactions in Past and Present-Day Sri Lanka
consumed, is believed to increase one’s intelligence. In Western Province, both
toque macaque and purple-faced langur skins are used to make drums.
9.3.4 Primates in Folklore, Myth, and Other Narrations
Folklore and myths regarding primates are abundant in Sri Lanka. The majority of
the population practice Buddhism, introduced approximately 2,500 years ago, and
many related folklore regarding primates can be found. The Jataka stories, originat-
ing from India, revolve around the 550 rebirths of the bodhisattva before attaining
buddhahood. In 22 of these stories, the bodhisattva was born as a monkey, and these
stories highlight the kindness, forgiveness, helpfulness, intelligence, and patience of
bodhisattva through the behavior of monkeys in different situations (e.g., Nalapana
Jataka, Kapi Jataka, Vanarinda Jataka, and Tayodhamma Jataka). Other primate
folklore in Sri Lanka also highlight their intelligence and curiosity. For example, the
monkey that lost its tail by being too curious or the one that injured its face by trying
to imitate a person shaving his beard. One that appears in many cultures is about the
hat seller who got his hats back from a troop of thieving monkeys by getting the
troop to imitate his actions, taking off his own hat, and throwing it to the ground.
A famous Hindu epic poem, the Ramayana , is also very popular in Sri Lanka with
both the Hindus and the Buddhists. A central character, Hanuman (the monkey god
worshipped by Hindus), is the brave leader of an army of monkeys, who fl ies to Sri
Lanka in search of Sita, kidnapped by the Sri Lankan king, Ravana (Fig. 9.2 ).
Myths and beliefs about primates differ across the country. For example, some
communities in the Northern and Western Provinces believe that it is good luck to
see monkeys when they leave the house, whereas some communities in North
Western, North Central, Southern, and Western Provinces believe that if a monkey
calls out just before someone leaves the house for work in the morning, it will bring
bad luck and the person will not be able to carry out their work as planned. In
Southern, Uva, and Western Provinces, people believe that the right side of a langur’s
body is made of human fl esh, so they refrain from eating them altogether or do not
use any part of the right side of the animal’s body. In Sabaragamuwa Province, peo-
ple believe that if a monkey enters into the house through the kitchen door, some-
body in the house will fall seriously ill. It is also believed that macaques were created
by the demon “Wasawarthi Mara” to cause trouble for villagers. Another animal cre-
ated by him is thought to be the wild pig, another source of damage to garden plots.
9.4 Discussion
Like other “weed species” in the genus Macaca, in our survey, toque macaques
were frequently found in close proximity to human habitations (Guatier and Biquand
1994 ; Lee and Priston 2005 ; Richard et al. 1989 ) . The gray langur and purple-faced
144
C.A.D. Nahallage and M.A. Huffman
langur can also be classi fi able as a kind of “weed species,” given their ability to live
close to human habitations. Though their diets are less omnivorous than macaques,
their food habits do overlap, and they forage in crop fi elds and kitchen gardens in
villages, towns, and cities across the country. Not surprisingly, this close proximity
to humans has long been a source of con fl ict, which is mirrored by similar situations
throughout the distribution of other macaque species and langurs across Asia (e.g.,
Fuentes et al.
2005 ; Fuentes and Hawkins 2010 ; Riley 2007 ; Sha et al. 2009 ;
Southwick et al. 1961 ; Sponsel et al. 2002 ; Watanabe and Muroyama 2005 ) .
Long-term analysis of trends showing an increase in contact and con fl ict between
humans and macaques was documented in Japan by Watanabe and Muroyama
( 2005 ) . They attributed this increase in the visibility of previously timid macaques
to species range expansion caused by deforestation and a resultant decrease in
natural food resources, increased acculturation to human environments, and a less
fearful attitude towards humans due to the aging population of farmers living in the
countryside. Respondents to our questionnaire in some parts of Sri Lanka believed
that primate populations had increased in the last several years. In the absence of
reliable studies on regional primate densities, it is not possible to af fi rm or refute
these claims. In the absence of reliable primate population estimates for the country,
we can only interpret our results as indicative of an increase in contact with primates,
possibly due to some of the same factors identi fi ed by Watanabe and Muroyama
( 2005 ) , e.g., forest fragmentation and habitat loss due to an increase in development
activities. Interestingly, many people opined that toque macaques and langurs were
forced to come closer to human settlements in search of food resulting in increased
contact with people. Respondents in Galle District, Southern Province, stated that
earlier, purple-faced langurs were seen only in the forests and hardly came to the
village, but with the reduction of local forests, they are now frequent visitors. In the
more urbanized and industrialized Western Province, respondents said that the purple-
faced langur population had decreased because they saw fewer of them in recent
years. Rudran ( 2007 ) states that only a few forest patches remain at the edge of the
province and that most langur populations are restricted to these patches and to the
surrounding areas.
Toque macaques and langur species are not distributed equally throughout Sri
Lanka (Nahallage and Huffman 2008 ) ; as a result, the damage caused by them dif-
fers with location. For example, in places where all three species can be found
(Matale District and Nuwaraeliya District, Central Province, Badulla and Monaragala
Districts, Uva Province), toque macaques are considered the most serious crop raid-
ers. Also in Central and North Western provinces, where toque macaque numbers
are said to be larger, they are considered as more serious pests than langurs. Purple-
faced langurs are the most prominent species found in Western and some parts of
Southern Province (Galle District). They cause more crop damage and are consid-
ered greater pests in these areas than toque macaques. In some parts of the Southern
(Hambanthota District) and North Central Provinces, gray langurs cause greater
crop damage than purple-faced langurs or toque macaques.
The methods used to prevent crop raiding differed from place to place and was largely
dependent on the socioeconomic status of the area (Nahallage and Huffman 2008 ) .
145
9 Macaque–Human Interactions in Past and Present-Day Sri Lanka
In Western Province, the most common methods used to prevent crop raiding were
fi recrackers, throwing stones, and making loud sounds. These methods were quite
effective in chasing purple-faced langurs away and are harmless. Here, purple-faced
langurs were mainly seen in home gardens eating food grown for household con-
sumption. For this reason, they were considered more of a nuisance than a serious
pest. For the most part, people in this region tolerated them. In Central, North
Central, North Western, Southern, and Sabaragamuwa Provinces, areas of large-
scale commercial farming, macaques caused more serious economic damage
(Fig.
9.3 ) and were less favorably looked at. In these cases, people had harsher
opinions and used stronger methods to prevent macaques from raiding crops, such
as shooting and trapping.
Among the indigenous people of lowland South America, primates are viewed as
both symbols of power and as food. In a review by Cormier ( 2006 ) , a general ten-
dency was noted for larger bodied primates to be hunted for food; however, they
were also more likely to be associated with taboos and not eaten by individuals of
certain ritual (age, sex, reproductive state) or social status or revered as having come
from former human beings or created by a divine being. Some of the indigenous
communities avoid certain primate species as food because of their close resem-
blance to humans (Cormier 2006 ) . In our survey, some respondents said that pri-
mates were hunted for food, but that it was not a common practice. The main reason
for this low frequency is religious as Buddhism and Hinduism eschew killing ani-
mals (Nahallage and Huffman 2008 ; Rudran 2007 ) . When hunted, however, the
langur species were reportedly preferred over toque macaques because of their
larger body size. In many areas, people believed that langur meat is especially good for
treating certain diseases, such as asthma, leprosy, malnutrition, and piles. As langurs
are leaf-eating primates, the respondents reasoned that many of the leaves eaten by
the langurs are of high medicinal and nutritional value; therefore, the meat should
be good for use as medicine. Furthermore, it is interesting to note that most people
in the rural villages believed that primate organs, especially heart and lungs, can be
transplanted to humans. This belief likely originates from the close similarity they
perceive between primates and themselves, not only in anatomy but in social behav-
ior as well. Another important feature of human–primate interaction in Sri Lanka
is the presence of a large number of primates in and around the Buddhist and
Hindu temples. There are many famous temples throughout the country visited
daily by large numbers of pilgrims. These places play an important role in conserv-
ing endangered primates. Other examples from different countries include Lopburi
in Thailand; Chamundi Hills in Mysore, India; and Ubud Monkey Forest in Bali
(Fuentes et al. 2005 ; Loudon et al. 2006 ; Watanabe et al. 2007 ; Wheatley 1999 ;
Wolfe and Fuentes 2007 ; authors’ personal observations).
In habitat-source countries, primates are intricately enmeshed into the daily lives
through folktales and myths (i.e., Ashliman 2011 ; Cormier 2006 ; Loudon et al.
2006 ; Riley and Priston 2010 ; Shahar 1992 ) . People have likely incorporated mon-
keys so easily into these stories because of the close similarity between the two
species. People in the rural areas of Sri Lanka still strongly believe these myths
about primates, and the fear of retribution prevents the majority of people from
146
C.A.D. Nahallage and M.A. Huffman
harming monkeys. The major threat for their survival is the loss of habitat and
con fl ict with farmers, which is more pronounced in some provinces than others.
Although farmers believe that primates cause more damage to their crops than other
animals, studies elsewhere have shown that damage cause by primates is actually far
less than what the farmers believe it to be (Riley
2007 ; Siex and Struhsaker 1999 ) .
The large body size and group size of the primates magnify the actual extent of
damage caused (Nahallage and Huffman 2008 ) . Therefore, it is necessary to sys-
tematically quantify the damage caused by primates and to communicate these
fi ndings to farmers.
Peoples’ religious beliefs and cultural practices play an important role in
de fi ning the terms of primate–human interactions and re fl ect the past, present, and
potential future of their coexistence (Loudon et al. 2006 ) . In this light, the study of
ethnoprimatology is an important conservation tool for understanding the human
perspective on primates, which, when meshed with scienti fi c studies, offers a
holistic understanding of the current plight of primates. A better understanding of
the Sri Lankan perception of macaques and other primates, with whom they coin-
habit the island, will be helpful in the conservation and management of primates in
Sri Lanka.
Acknowledgments The information presented adhered to all national laws of Sri Lanka in which
the research was conducted. The authors thank HOPE Project, a core-to-core program sponsored
by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS), for travel funds to carry out the 2006,
2007, and 2009 fi eld visits. We are grateful to our friends and colleagues, Nadeera Kuruppu,
Tharindi Weerasingha, Nelum Yapa, Sisira Siriwardene, and Prof. Singha Kumara, for their assis-
tance and guidance in the fi eld and in Colombo. We give special thanks to Dr. Janet Nackoney for
producing Fig.
9.2 .
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