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The ‘Sea Peoples’ in Primary Sources

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THE PHILISTINES AND
OTHER “SEA PEOPLES” IN
TEXT AND ARCHAEOLOGY
Archaeology and Biblical Studies
Tammi Schneider, Editor
Number 15
The Philistines and Other “Sea Peoples”
in Text and Archaeology
THE PHILISTINES AND
OTHER “SEA PEOPLES” IN
TEXT AND ARCHAEOLOGY
edited by
Ann E. Killebrew and Gunnar Lehmann
Society of Biblical Literature
Atlanta, Georgia
THE PHILISTINES AND
OTHER “SEA PEOPLES” IN
TEXT AND ARCHAEOLOGY
Copyright © 2013 by the Society of Biblical Literature
All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by
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ted by the 1976 Copyright Act or in writing from the publisher. Requests for permission
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Literature, 825 Houston Mill Road, Atlanta, GA 30329 USA.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
The Philistines and other “sea peoples” in text and archaeology / edited by Ann E.
Killebrew and Gunnar Lehmann.
p. cm. — (Society of Biblical Literature Archaeology and biblical studies ; v. 15)
“This volume developed out of a 2001 workshop devoted to the Philistines and
other Sea Peoples, which was co-organized by Ann E. Killebrew, Gunnar Lehmann,
Michal Artzy, and Rachel Hachlili, and co-sponsored by the University of Haifa and
the Ben Gurion University of the Negev”—Introd.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-58983-129-2 (paper binding : acid-free paper)
1. Philistines—Antiquities. 2. Sea Peoples—Mediterranean Region—History.
3. Iron age—Mediterranean Region. 4. Social archaeology—Mediterranean
Region—History. 5. Bible. O.T.—History of Biblical events. 6. Mediterranean
Region—Antiquities. I. Killebrew, Ann E. II. Lehmann, Gunnar. III. Society of Bib-
lical Literature.
DS90.P55 2013
938’.01—dc23
2012033937
Printed on acid-free, recycled paper conforming to ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (R1997)
and ISO 9706:1994 standards for paper permanence.
C
When the Past Was New: Moshe Dothan (1919–1999), an Appreciation
Neil Asher Silberman ix
Acknowledgments xv
Abbreviations xvii
Introduction
1. The World of the Philistines and Other “Sea Peoples” 1
Ann E. Killebrew and Gunnar Lehmann
The Philistines in Text and Archaeology
2. The Philistines in the Bible: A Short Rejoinder to a New Perspective 19
Itamar Singerlyyz
3. Mycenaean IIIC:1 Pottery in Philistia: Four Decades of Research 29
Trude Dothan and David Ben-Shlomo
4. Philistines and Egyptians in Southern Coastal Canaan during the
Early Iron Age 37
Tristan J. Barako
5. The Mycenaean IIIC Pottery at Tel Miqne-Ekron 53
Penelope A. Mountjoy
6. Early Philistine Pottery Technology at Tel Miqne-Ekron:
Implications for the Late Bronze–Early Iron Age Transition in
the Eastern Mediterranean 77
Ann E. Killebrew
7. Philistine Lion-Headed Cups: Aegean or Anatolian? 131
Linda Meiberg
8. A Few Tomb Groups from Tell el-Far‘ah South 145
Sabine Laemmel
-v -
vi PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
9. Philistia Transforming: Fresh Evidence from Tell es-Safi/Gath
on the Transformational Trajectory of the Philistine Culture 191
Aren M. Maeir
10. Neighbors and Foes, Rivals and Kin: Philistines, Shepheleans, Judeans
between Geography and Economy, History and Theology 243
Hermann Michael Niemann
The Other “Sea Peoples” in the Levant
11. Aegean-Style Pottery in Syria and Lebanon during Iron Age I 265
Gunnar Lehmann
12. On the Other “Sea Peoples 329
Michal Artzy
13. The Origin and Date of Aegean-Type Pottery in the Levant 345
Elizabeth French
14. “Mycenaean IIIC” and Related Pottery from Beth Shean 349
Susan Sherratt and Amihai Mazar, with an Appendix by
Anat Cohen-Weinberger
15. The SKL Town: Dor in the Early Iron Age 393
Ilan Sharon and Ayelet Gilboa
Anatolia, the Aegean, and Cyprus
16. “No Land Could Stand Before Their Arms, from Hatti … on …”?
New Light on the End of the Hittite Empire and the Early Iron Age
in Central Anatolia 469
Hermann Genz
17. Cilicia 479
Elizabeth French
18. Early Iron Age Newcomers at Kinet Höyük, Eastern Cilicia 485
Marie-Henriette Gates
19. The Southeast Aegean in the Age of the Sea Peoples 509
Mario Benzi
20. Aegean Elements in the Earliest Philistine Ceramic Assemblage:
A View from the West 543
Jeremy B. Rutter
21. The Late LH IIIB and LH IIIC Early Pottery of the East Aegean–
West Anatolian Interface 563
Penelope A. Mountjoy
CONTENTS vii
22. Aegean-Style Material Culture in Late Cypriot III: Minimal
Evidence, Maximal Interpretation 585
Maria Iacovou
23. The Ceramic Phenomenon of the “Sea Peoples”: An Overview 619
Susan Sherratt
Appendix
24. The “Sea Peoples” in Primary Sources 645
Matthew J. Adams and Margaret E. Cohen
Bibliography 665
Subject Index 739
W  P W N: M D
(–),  A
Neil Asher Silberman*
Moshe Dothan was my most important teacher, though he never gave me a writ-
ten examination and I never attended any course he taught. From 1972 to 1976,
I worked as his assistant at the Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums in
Jerusalems Rockefeller Museum, working on the publication of his Ashdod exca-
vations and participating in the beginnings of his ambitious Tel Akko dig. It was a
time that now seems so distant. Archaeology in Israel was still living in the warm
afterglow of its Yadin-esque heyday; extensive excavations around the Temple
Mount and the Jewish Quarter in Jerusalem were still underway. Yet it was also a
time of archaeological transition from an era of romantic national celebration to
a more complex engagement with the material remains of the past. The study of
the Sea Peoples—and of the Philistines in particular—was part of this dramatic
transformation. Old-style antiquarianism and the quest for biblical illustration
was giving way to a recognition that archaeology could also shed important new
light on the nature of ancient ethnic dislocation, cultural interaction, and social
change.
As a member of the pioneering generation of Israeli archaeologists, Moshe
Dothan was born in Poland and immigrated to Palestine in the late 1930s,
exchanging his former surname, Hammer, for a new identity and a new life in
the soon-to-be-established Jewish state. After service in a Palestinian unit of the
British army during World War II among the ruined modern cities and ancient
monuments of Italy (whose impression on him would never be forgotten) and
after further service in the 1948 Israel War of Independence, he began his studies
at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem under the guidance of Israeli archaeology’s
founding fathers, E. L. Sukenik, Michael Avi-Yonah, and Benjamin Mazar. His
* Center for Heritage and Society, The University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
x PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
classical gymnasium education in Krakow served him well as he embarked on
an archaeological career; it provided him with a solid background in Greek and
Latin and a familiarity with a wide range of historical subjects and philosophies.
In 1950, he joined the staff of the newly created Israel Department of Antiqui-
ties and Museums, gaining valuable field experience and a deep appreciation
for rigorous archaeological method during his work with the legendary Brit-
ish archaeologist, P. L. O. Guy. His PhD dissertation on the ancient settlement
patterns of the lower Rubin Valley was not only one of the first wide-ranging
modern archaeological surveys undertaken in Israel; it also marked the begin-
ning of his continuing interest in coastal archaeology.
In the annals of Sea Peoples scholarship, Moshe Dothan will of course be
remembered first and foremost for his excavations at Ashdod. Following his ear-
lier discoveries of Philistine remains at Azor (1958) and at Tel Mor (1959–1960),
he embarked on nine seasons of digging at Tel Ashdod between 1962 and 1972,
Fig. 1: Moshe Dothan (left) discussing stratigraphy at Tel Akko with Yigael Yadin
(center) and Steve Rosen (right; photographer: Michal Artzy).
MOSHE DOTHAN, AN APPRECIATION xi
uncovering unprecedented evidence for the character and evolution of Philis-
tine settlement. It is not an exaggeration to say that with this project, the modern
understanding of Philistine culture entered a new era, refining and expanding the
archaeological framework established by his wife and colleague, Trude, in linking
the origins and interactions of Philistine culture with the wider Mediterranean
world.
In earlier eras of exploration, the Philistines had been seen as archetypal
biblical villains, ethnically linked to the Aegean and historically implicated in a
struggle for Lebensraum with the emerging Israelite nation. The Aegean-style dec-
orative motifs on Philistine pottery had long been seen as static ethnic markers;
the fearsome biblical image of the looming Philistine giant, Goliath, shaped popu-
lar perceptions of Philistine culture—far more pervasively than the archaeological
evidence. Yet, the Ashdod excavations played an important role in overturning
that simplistic perception, shifting the archaeological focus from a stark vision
of ethnic invasion to a recognition of the complex economic, cultural, and social
changes experienced by the Philistines during their initial settlement and subse-
quent development on the Canaanite coast.
Indeed, Ashdod’s most spectacular finds have become distinctive icons of the
modern archaeological understanding of Philistine material culture. The aston-
ishingly abstract cultic figurine nicknamed “Ashdoda”—half offering table, half
Aegean-style goddess—clearly showed the creatively composite character of Phil–
istine culture, in its amalgamation of Mycenaean and Bronze Age Near Eastern
styles. The inscribed seals from Iron I strata were the first evidence of Philistine
literacy. Yet even though their characters resembled Cypro-Minoan script, they
could not be pinned down to a particular place of origin, further suggesting the
hybrid nature of Philistine society. In the higher levels, the famous “Musicians’
Stand”, the red-burnished “Ashdod Ware”, and the city’s impressive six-chambered
gate (so close in plan and dimensions to the supposed “Solomonic” monuments)
demonstrated the gradually strengthening links of the city to the contemporary
Levantine cultures of Iron Age II. The Ashdod excavations thus revealed the slow
evolution of a complex society, tracing its beginnings as an urban coastal center in
the Bronze Age, through its period of distinctive Philistine culture, to its eventual
destruction as a petty vassal kingdom under the Assyrian Empire.
Particularly crucial for the modern understanding of the Sea Peoples’ ini-
tial settlement throughout the entire eastern Mediterranean was the discovery
at Ashdod of an initial post-Late Bronze Age stratum containing locally made
monochrome Mycenaean IIIC-style pottery types. These distinctively decorated
vessels were clearly not offloaded immigrant housewares, but the product of a
creative transformation, in which a vague and generalized memory of Mycenaean
styles was gradually articulated into distinctive regional variants. Ashdod’s Myce-
xii PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
naean IIIC proved to be just one of many versions that were produced in the
widely dispersed archipelago of sites across Cyprus and along the coasts of Cili-
cia and the Levant established by new settlers in the wake of the Late Bronze
collapse. In the case of Ashdod, it is now clear that Philistine history and cul-
tural evolution involved far more than just a sudden, violent displacement from
a specific Aegean homeland; Dothans excavations showed it to be a process of
complex social adaptation in the cultural cauldron of the Iron Age Levant.
Ashdod was also a new kind of excavation in a very practical sense. Con-
ceived as a joint Israeli-American expedition, sponsored by the Israel Department
of Antiquities and Museums, the Pittsburgh Theological Seminary, and Pitts-
burgh’s Carnegie Museum, it brought together archaeologists trained in separate
national traditions and field methods to forge a common excavation style. It was
also a site where nearly an entire generation of post-Hazor-era Israeli archaeolo-
gists received their first extensive field experience. Anticipating the later appeals
of Yigael Yadin for passionate amateurs to come join the excavations at Masada,
the Ashdod expedition was the first of its kind in Israel to solicit and welcome
the participation of enthusiastic volunteers from abroad. No less important were
the multi-disciplinary and international scholarly connections; the excavations at
Ashdod were the first in Israel to utilize extensive Neutron Activation Analysis
for ceramic provenience (specifically of its Mycenaean IIIC wares), and the first
to engage in continuous and close dialogue with scholars working on Cyprus on a
similar Sea Peoples’ phenomenon.
Soon after the completion of the Ashdod excavations, Dothan began his
ambitious excavations at Tel Akko (1973–1989), the last major archaeological
undertaking of his life. These excavations provided intriguing new data on the
nature of the Sea Peoples’ process of settlement farther up the coast. Amidst the
extensive finds of Hellenistic houses and fortifications, Crusader ruins, Phoeni-
cian public buildings, and an imposing Middle Bronze Age rampart, the Akko
excavations revealed evidence of the Sea Peoples’ presence—in this case, presum-
ably the Shardana, localized in this area by the Onomasticon of Amenope. The
discovery of an area of pottery and metal workshops, containing implements for
copper smelting, metal working, unbaked vessels, and scattered fragments of yet
another variant of Mycenaean IIIC pottery. These finds suggested that the short-
lived settlement of Sea People at Akko functioned as a center for craft production
at the end of the thirteenth and early-twelfth centuries ... In subsequent years,
Dothan became fascinated by the possible connections of the Shardana with Sar-
dinia—and the hypothesis of post-Late Bronze cultural and possibly economic
contact between the Levant and the western Mediterranean suggested by such
a link. In 1992, he summed up his insights about the Sea Peoples in a popular
book he coauthored with Trude: People of the Sea: The Search for the Philistines,
MOSHE DOTHAN, AN APPRECIATION xiii
presenting the most important discoveries and the general conclusions they had
both formulated about the archaeology and history of the Philistines and the
other Sea Peoples they had investigated in the course of their careers.
For Moshe Dothan, the past was not a static reality but a dynamic and
ever-changing field of research in which new ideas and new theories were not
disturbing exceptions but important motivations for serious archaeological work.
Over an active career of more than four decades, his contributions extended far
beyond the geographical and chronological boundaries of Sea Peoples studies.
In his years of surveys and excavations on behalf of the Israel Department of
Antiquities and Museums, he had also uncovered the important Chalcolithic site
of Horvat Batar, near Beersheva (1952–1954); the seaside Canaanite temple at
Nahariya with its silver sea goddess and seven-spouted lamps (1954–1955); the
Iron Age desert citadel at Tell el-Qudeirat, identified with Kadesh Barnea (1956);
and the late Roman-to-Early Islamic era synagogue at Hammath Tiberias with its
spectacular zodiac (1961–1963). The finds from each of these excavations have
enriched many subfields of the discipline with rich material for continuing dis-
cussion and questions for further research.
In 1972, Dothan was appointed professor of archaeology at the University
of Haifa. He served as chairman of the Department of Maritime Studies from
1976 to 1979 and was instrumental in the establishment of the Department of
Archaeology where he also served as its departmental head. Yet Moshe was never
entirely comfortable in the classroom, presenting lessons from a well-polished
syllabus. He was far more at home in the field and at his excavation sites, hud-
dling with his surveyor over sections and top plans or studying assemblages of
newly dug pottery. Whether it was the nature of Chalcolithic culture, of Canaan-
ite religion, the expansion of the Iron Age Israelite kingdoms, or the use of pagan
imagery by Jews in the Late Roman period, Moshe Dothan contributed abundant
evidence for understanding the evolution of human culture in the Land of Israel
over the millennia.
As an unforgettable personality and independent thinker, he rarely gained
the main spotlight of archaeological celebrity. Yet Moshe Dothans contribution to
the archaeology of Israel in general and of the Sea Peoples and the Philistines in
particular was profound. He worked with energy and impatience, under condi-
tions and with resources that few of today’s archaeologists would ever attempt. He
possessed more creativity, historical scope, and courage to challenge conventional
wisdom and to break disciplinary boundaries than many other of his contem-
poraries who fancied themselves more famous, more erudite, or more rigidly
systematic than he. In his life and work, Moshe Dothan embodied the belief that
the past is always new, forever awaiting the next discovery or insight that might
xiv PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
shatter our preconceptions and change our understanding of human history in
surprising and unexpected ways.
That is what he taught me. That is the greatest lesson an archaeologist can
ever teach. May this volume on the archaeological search for the Philistines and
other Sea Peoples be a tribute to him.
A
The Philistines and Other “Sea Peoples is the result of the contributions and
editorial assistance of numerous individuals. First and foremost, we would like
to express our gratitude to all the authors of this mega-volume for their essays,
which reflect their expertise and first-hand knowledge of the material culture and
texts associated with the Philistines and other Sea Peoples. We thank them for
their contributions, and especially for their patience throughout the process of
preparing the manuscripts for publication. Special thanks are due to the volumes
copy editors, Heather D. Heidrich and Dr. Gabriele Faßbeck. Their meticulous
and very professional work was invaluable! This tome is due in no small part to
their assistance and input. We would also like to express our sincere appreciation
to Dr. Billie Jean Collins, acquisitions editor at the Society of Biblical Literature,
for her expert work on the final editing and layout of this especially complex and
massive volume. We are also indebted to Professor Tammi J. Schneider, editor of
the Archaeology and Biblical Studies series, for her enthusiastic encouragement
during the preparation of this book. Lastly, many thanks are due to Dr. Bob Buller,
editorial director at the Society of Biblical Literature, for his guidance and advice
throughout the process of preparing the manuscripts for publication. This book
would not have been possible without the participation, assistance, and contribu-
tions of all of you. Thank you!
Ann E. Killebrew and Gunnar Lehmann
A
AA Archäologischer Anzeiger
AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research
ABD Anchor Bible Dictionary. Edited by D. N. Freedman. 6 vols.
New York, 1992.
ADAJ Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan
AEL Ancient Egyptian Literature. M. Lichtheim. 3 vols. Berkeley,
1973–1980.
AEO Ancient Egyptian Onomastica. A. H. Gardiner. 3 vols.
London, 1947.
AJA American Journal of Archaeology
AJBA Australian Journal of Biblical Archaeology
ANET Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament.
Edited by J. B. Pritchard. 3rd ed. Princeton, 1969.
AnSt Anatolian Studies
AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament
AoF Altorientalische Forschungen
ARAB Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia. Daniel David
Luckenbill. 2 vols. Chicago, 1926–1927.
ARE Ancient Records of Egypt. Edited by J. H. Breasted. 5 vols.
Chicago, 1905–1907. Reprint, New York, 1962.
ASAE Annales du service des antiquités de l’Egypte
ASOR American Schools of Oriental Research
Atiqot ‘Atiqot
BA Biblical Archaeologist
BANEA British Association for Near Eastern Archaeology
BAR Biblical Archaeology Review
BAR British Archaeological Reports
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
BIES Bulletin of the Israel Exploration Society
BK Bibel und Kirche
BKAT Biblischer Kommentar, Altes Testament. Edited by M. Noth
and H. W. Wol.
BN Biblische Notizen
CANE Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. Edited by J. M.
-xvii -
xviii PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
Sasson. 4 vols. New York, 1995.
CRAI Comptes rendus de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-
lettres
CTH Catalogue des texts hittites. Edited by E. Laroche. Paris,
1971.
EA El-Amarna tablets. According to the edition of J. A.
Knudtzon. Die el-Amarna-Tafeln. Leipzig, 1908–1915.
Reprint, Aalen, 1964. Continued in A. F. Rainey, El-
Amarna Tablets, 359–379. 2nd revised ed. Kevelaer, 1978.
ErIsr Eretz-Israel
FM Furumark Motif
FS Furumark Shape
HO Handbuch der Orientalistik
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
IstMitt Istanbuler Mitteilungen
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies
JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
JEOL Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Gezelschap
(Genootschap) Ex oriente lux
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JSOT Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
JSOTSup Journal for the Study of the Old Testament: Supplement
Series
KAI Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschrien. H. Donner and
W. Röllig. 2nd ed. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1966–1969.
KBo Keilschritexte aus Boghazköi. WVDOG 30, 36, 68–70,
72–73, 77–80, 82–86, 89–90. Leipzig, 1916–
KTU Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit. Edited by
M. Dietrich, O. Loretz, and J. Sanmartín. AOAT 24.
Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1976. 2nd enlarged ed. of KTU: e
Cuneiform Alphabetic Texts from Ugarit, Ras Ibn Hani,
and Other Places. Edited by M. Dietrich, O. Loretz, and J.
Sanmartín. Münster, 1995 (= CTU).
KUB Keilschriurkunden aus Boghazköi
MDAIK Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts,
Abteilung Kairo
MDOG Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellscha
MVAG Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-ägyptischen Gesellscha.
Vols. 1–44. 1896–1939.
NABU Nouvelles assyriologiques brèves et utilitaires
NEA Near Eastern Archaeology
NEAEHL e New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the
Holy Land. Edited by E. Stern. 4 vols. Jerusalem, 1993.
ABBREVIATIONS xix
OBO Orbis biblicus et orientalis
OIP Oriental Institute Publications
OJA Oxford Journal of Archaeology
OLA Orientalia lovaniensia analecta
OLP Orientalia lovaniensia periodica
Or Orientalia (NS)
PEFQS Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement
PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly
PRU Le palais royal d’Ugarit
Qad Qadmoniot
QDAP Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine
RAr Revue archéologique
RB Revue biblique
RDAC Report of the Department of Antiquities of Cyprus
RGG Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Edited by K. Galling.
7 vols. 3rd ed. Tübingen, 1957–1965.
RS Ras Shamra
SAOC Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilizations
SBL Society for Biblical Literature
SCIEM e Synchronisation of Civilisations of the Eastern
Mediterranean in the Second Millennium B.C.
SHCANE Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East
SIMA Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology
SMEA Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici
TA Tel Aviv
TGI Textbuch zur Geschichte Israels. Edited by K. Galling. 2nd
ed. Tübingen, 1968.
TUAT Texte aus der Umwelt des alten Testaments. Edited by O.
Kaiser. Gütersloh, 1984–.
TZ eologische Zeitschri
UF Ugarit-Forschungen
VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliothek
VT Vetus Testamentum
VTSup Supplements to Vetus Testamentum
WMANT Wissenschaliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen
Testament
YCS Yale Classical Studies
ZÄS Zeitschri für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde
ZDPV Zeitschri des deutschen Palästina-Vereins
-645 -
A
T “S P”  P S
Matthew J. Adams and Margaret E. Cohen*
This appendix collects the textual references to the “Sea Peoples” that occur in
Egyptian, Ugaritic, Hittite, and other Late Bronze to early Iron Age sources. The
“Sea Peoples” included here are those peoples listed in Ramesses II’s Kadesh
Inscriptions (Kitchen 1979, 2–147), Merenptah’s Great Karnak Inscription
(Kitchen 1982a, 2–12), and, perhaps most famously, those named in the “con-
federation of peoples” (Kitchen 1983, 40.3–4) at Ramesses III’s mortuary temple,
Medinet Habu (Redford 1992, 243, n. 14). Every effort has been made to produce
a comprehensive listing of the mentions of these particular peoples. We have not,
however, attempted to provide a complete bibliography for the various texts, and
therefore the references that we provide are intended to point the researcher to,
in most cases, easily available translations, transcriptions, and/or transliterations.
When a citation is given for a text of transcribed hieroglyphs, the first Arabic
numeral refers to the page and the second to the line number of that page.
We have tried to limit the scope of primary materials to the Late Bronze Age/
early Iron Age horizon. We have done this primarily to minimize the amount of
interpretation required to evaluate whether a text should be included or excluded
as reliable, primary data. Thus we have not dealt here with later first-millennium
... materials, including, for example, the biblical material on the Philistines or
references to alleged Sea Peoples in classical Greek sources.
* Matthew J. Adams, Bucknell University; e-mail: mja198@gmail.com. Margaret E. Cohen,
e Pennsylvania State University; e-mail: mec243@psu.edu.
We wish to express our gratitude to Ann E. Killebrew and Gunnar Lehmann for putting
together this book and inviting our participation. ank you also to Baruch Halpern, Donald B.
Redford, and Itamar Singer for their kind comments and suggestions. Of course, any mistakes
or omissions are the authors’ alone. ank you also to Megaera Lorenz for supplying some im-
portant bibliography.
646 PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
The compilation is arranged in a numerical hierarchy according to the fol-
lowing pattern:
Name of Sea People
Type of Source (i.e., Egyptian, Ugaritic,1 Hittite, Other)
Name of Specific Source (e.g., Papyrus Harris)
Brief description of specific mention within the text followed by select
bibliographic information
1. L2
1.1 Egyptian
1.1.1 Ramesses II: Kadesh Inscription(s)
a) Ramesses II claims a victory in the Lukka land (Kitchen 1979, 4.1–4;
Davies 1997, 56.4; Gardiner 1960).
b) The countries allied with Khatti against the Egyptians are Naharin,
Arzawa, Dardany, Keshkesh, Masa, Pidasa, Arwen, Karkiša, Lukka, Kiz-
zuwadna, Carchemish, Ugarit, Qode, Nuhasse, Mushanet, and Qadesh
(Kitchen 1979, 17.15; Davies 1997, 60.45; ARE, III:§309; Gardiner 1960).
c) The countries allied with Khatti against the Egyptians are Arzawa, Masa,
Pidasa, Keshkesh, Arwen, Kizzuwadna, Aleppo, Aketeri, Kadesh, and
Lukka (Kitchen 1979, 32.5; ARE, III:§312; Gardiner 1960).
d) The chiefs of the lands assembled with Khatti against Ramesses II are
Arzawa, Masa, Arwen, Lukka, Dardany, Carchemish, Karkiša, and
Aleppo (Kitchen 1979, 50.12–15; Davies 1997, 68.150; Gardiner 1960).
e) The countries allied with Khatti against the Egyptians are Dardany,
Naharin, Keshkesh, Masa, Pidasa, Karkiša, Lukka, Carchemish, Arzawa,
Ugarit, Arwen, Inesa, Mushanet, Qadesh, Aleppo, and Qode (Kitchen
1979, 111.13–14; Davies 1997, 88.45; Gardiner 1960).
f) Lukka are counted in a list of prisoners taken by Ramesses II (Kitchen
1979, 143.15; Gardiner 1960).
g) Lukka is one of the countries in league with Khatti against the Egyptians
(Kitchen 1979, 927.13).
1. e “Ugaritic” source category includes texts from Ugarit written in Akkadian.
2. General references: del Monte and Tischler 1978, 249–50; del Monte 1992, 96; Bryce 1979
and 1992. e Lukka are associated with the “Sea Peoples” primarily because of the reference to
them in Merenptah’s Great Karnak Inscription (see 1.1.2 below). ey, unlike most of the others
in this catalog, are much better known thanks to Hittite texts. For this reason, we have included
all of the Lukka mentioned outside of Khatti, but only the more historically important attesta-
tions from Khatti itself. For the minor references that are missing, see del Monte and Tischler
1978 and del Monte 1992.
ADAMS & COHEN: SEA PEOPLES IN PRIMARY SOURCES 647
1.1.2 Merenptah: Great Karnak Inscription
a) The northerners allied with the Libyans are Eqwesh, Teresh, Lukka,
Sherden, and Shekelesh (lacuna distorts exact context) (Kitchen 1982a,
2.13; Davies 1997, 152.1; ARE, III:§574).
b) List of allies of the Libyans: Sherden, Shekelesh, Eqwesh, Lukka, and
Teresh (others in lacuna?) (Kitchen 1982a, 4.2; Davies 1997, 154.14;
ARE, III:§579).
1.1.3 Onomasticon of Amenope
a) The Lukka appear in the sequence: … Libu, Qeheq, Keshkesh, Denyen,
Khatti, […], Lukka, Pidasa, Arzawa, Carchemish… (AEO, I:#247; for
commentary, see AEO, I:127–28).
1.2 Ugaritic
1.2.1 RS 20.238
a) In a letter from the king of Ugarit to the king of Alashiya, the king of
Ugarit is left defenseless against the “enemy” because “all of [his] ships
are in the land of Lukka3 (Nougayrol et al. 1968, 24.23; Beckman 1996,
27).
1.3 Hittite
1.3.1 The Annals of Tudhaliya I/II (CTH 142)
a) [L]ukka is a member of a west Anatolian rebellion (Assuwan Confed-
eracy) against Hatti (KUB XXIII:11 and 13; Garstang and Gurney 1959,
121–23; Bryce 1979, 3; see del Monte and Tischler 1978, 6:40 for alterna-
tive restoration).
1.3.2 The Plague Prayer of Mursili II to the Sun-goddess of Arinna (CTH 376)
a) Lukka is listed as a land which once gave tribute to Hatti but now revolts
(KUB XXIV:3; ANET, 396; Singer 2002, 49–54; Bryce 1979, 5).
1.3.3 Treaty of Muwattalli II and Alaksandu (CTH 76)
a) In the offensive agreement of this treaty, Muwattali enlists Alaksandu’s
aid should the former campaign against the city of Lukka (Beckman
1999, #13, §11; Garstang and Gurney 1959, 111–14).
3. is letter has traditionally been interpreted as a response to R.S.L. 1 (Nougayrol et al.
1968, 23), which indicates the name of its sender only as king (šarri-ma, line 1). It has been
argued convincingly, however, that the king in question must be the king of Carchemish (Singer
1999, 720 n. 394). us, this text should not necessarily be read in context of R.S.L. 1 as tradition-
ally done.
648 PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
1.3.4 The Tawagalawa Letter (CTH 181)
a) “The men of Lukka” turn for help to both Ahhiyawa and to the Hittite
king, after being attacked by Piyamaradu4 (KUB XIV:3; Garstang and
Gurney 1959; Sommer 1932).
1.3.5 Annals of Hattusili (CTH 82)
a) Lukka is included in what appears to be a list of rebel groups (KUB XXI:6
+ 6a; Gurney 1997, 128–29; for commentary, see Bryce 1979, 8).
b) The Lukka are mentioned three additional times, but the context is
unclear in each case (KUB XXI:6 + 6a; Gurney 1997, 130–31).
1.3.6 Südburg Inscription
a) In this inscription Šuppiluliuma II’s conquest and annexation of the
Lukka and their neighbors is described (Neve 1989; Hawkins 1990;
1995c; for a different interpretation, see Singer 2000b, 27–28).
1.3.7 Yalburt (Ilgin) Inscription
a) Tudhaliya conducts military operations against the Lukka lands.
(Hawkins 1995b, Appendix I; Özgüç 1988, 172–74 and pls. 85–95).
1.3.8 Instruction of Tudhaliya IV to His Stewards (CTH 255.1)
a) Lukka is an enemy of Tudhaliya IV (KUB XXVI:12; see also Bryce 1998,
337, n. 44).
1.4 Other
1.4.1 EA 38
a) In this letter to Akhenaten, the king of Alashiya complains that the
Lukka are seizing his villages (Knudtzon 1964, 292–95, line 10; Moran
1992, 111).
2. S5
2.1 Egyptian
2.1.1 Ramesses II: Kadesh Inscription(s)
a) Ramesses II prepares his troops for battle; included are the Sherden “who
he had brought back by victory of his strong arm,” (i.e., captured troops
from another campaign that are pressed into military service) (Kitchen
1979, 11.6–10; Davies 1997, 58.25; ARE, III:§307; Gardiner 1960).
2.1.2 Ramesses II: Tanis Stele
a) Ramesses II repels a Sherden attack on Egypt (Kitchen 1979, 290.14;
ARE, III:§491; Kitchen 1982b, 40–41).
4. Although the text does not explicitly say by whom the men of Lukka are attacked, we
follow Itamar Singer’s view that Piyamaradu is the culprit. (I. Singer, personal communication;
Singer 1983b).
5. General references: Loretz 1995; Kahl 1995; Dietrich and Loretz 1972; AEO, 1:#194–99.
ADAMS & COHEN: SEA PEOPLES IN PRIMARY SOURCES 649
2.1.3 Ramesses II: Papyrus Anastasi I
a) Ramesses II sends a raiding party into Canaan comprising Sherden,
Kehek, Meshwesh, and Nubian troops (Gardiner 1964, 19* and 29.4;
Fischer-Elfert 1986, 264; Wente 1990, 106).
2.1.4 Merenptah: Great Karnak Inscription
a) The northerners allied with the Libyans are Eqwesh, Teresh, Lukka,
Sherden, and Shekelesh (lacuna distorts exact context) (Kitchen 1982a,
2.13–14; Davies 1997, 152.1; ARE, III:§574).
b) A list of allies of the Libyans are Sherden, Shekelesh, Eqwesh, Lukka,
and Teresh (others in lacuna?) (Kitchen 1982a, 4.1; Davies 1997, 154.14;
ARE, III:§579).
c) Numbers of Sherden captives and slain are enumerated (Kitchen 1982a,
8.8 and 8.11; Davies 1997, 162.52–53; ARE, III:§588).
2.1.5 Merenptah: Athribis Stele
a) Libyans, Eqwesh of the sea, Shekelesh, Teresh, and Sherden are included
in the list of captured peoples from the Libyan campaign (Kitchen
1982a, 22.10; ARE, III:§601).
2.1.6 Merenptah: Papyrus Anastasi II
a) Sherden are included in pharaoh’s army (Gardiner 1937, 15.1–2; Cami-
nos 1954, 45).
b) Pharaoh equips the conquered “Sherden of the sea” for use in his army
(Gardiner 1937, 20.2; Caminos 1954, 64).
2.1.7 Stele of Setemhebu
a) A fortress of the Sherden is mentioned in Setemhebu’s titulary (Petrie
1904, 22 and pl. XXVII:1; see also Loretz 1995, 138 and Kahl 1995).
2.1.8 Ramesses III: Medinet Habu
a) Ramesses III distributes weapons to the Sherden and Nubians (Kitchen
1983a, 28.15–16; The Epigraphic Survey 1930, pl. 29, lines 39–40; Edg-
erton and Wilson 1936, 36).
b) Ramesses III captures the chief of the “Sherden of the sea” (Kitchen
1983a, 104.13; The Epigraphic Survey 1970, pl. 600B, line 5; ARE,
IV:§129).
2.1.9 Ramesses III: Papyrus Harris
a) Sherden troops serve in Ramesses III’s army (Erichsen 1933, 91.2; Peden
1994, 213; ARE, IV:§397).
b) Sherden troops serve in Ramesses’ army (Erichsen 1933, 92.15; Peden
1994, 215; ARE, IV:§402).
c) Ramesses III defeats the Sherden and Weshesh, brings them as captives
into Egypt, and settles them in his “strongholds” (Erichsen 1933, 93.1;
Peden 1994, 215; ARE, IV:§403).
650 PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
d) Sherden serve in Ramesses III’s army (Erichsen 1933, 96.2; Peden 1994,
219; ARE, IV:§410).
2.1.10 Papyrus Amiens
a) Sherden manage a domain of Ramesses III (Gardiner 1948, 7.13).
b) Sherden deliver grain (Gardiner 1948, 11.9).
2.1.11 Papyrus Wilbour
a) Forty-two Sherden landowners/settlers are mentioned by name. Addi-
tionally, the titles šmsw nA šrdn and TAy sryt šrdn are also present.
(Gardiner 1941–1948; Faulkner 1952, 52–54).
2.1.12 The Adoption Papyrus (P. Ashmolean Museum 1945.96)
a) In this will, which was drafted in Middle Egypt, the witnesses include:
“Pkamen, the Sherden” and “Satameniu, the Sherden, and his wife
Adjed’o” (Gardiner 1940, 23–24; Cruz-Uribe 1988).
2.1.13 Papyrus Moscow 169 (Onomasticon Golénischeff)
a) Sherden are listed as a type of people (Papyrus Moscow 169, 4.5; AEO,
I:25, 28; Kahl 1995, 140).
2.1.14 Papyrus BM 10326
a) The sender of this letter claims to have requested a policeman to be sent
to him “through the Sherden Hori” (Černý 1939, 19.12; Wente 1967,
37–42 [#9]; Wente 1990, 192).
2.1.15 Papyrus Turin 2026
a) This letter mentions a Sherden named Hori who once delivered spears
to the sender (Černý 1939, 72.14; Wente 1967, 83–85 [#50]; Wente 1990,
190).
2.1.16 Papyrus BM 10375
a) A Sherden named Hori hand-delivered a letter to Butehamon, the scribe
(Černý 1939, 45.2; Wente 1967, 59–65 [#28]; Wente 1990, 194).
2.1.17 Onomasticon of Amenope
a) The Sherden appear in the sequence: … Ashkelon, Ashdod, Gaza,
Assyria, Shubaru, […], Sherden, Tjekker, Peleset, Khurma, […], …
(AEO, I:#268; for commentary, AEO, I:194–99)
2.1.18 Osorkon II: Donation Stele
a) A prophet named Hora is in possession of a piece of Sherden land
(Daressy 1915, 141–42).
2.1.19 Stele of Padjesef (Nineteenth–Twenty-Second Dynasty)
a) Padjesef is described as a Sherden of the fortress, Usermaatre (Petrie
1904, 22 and pl. XXVII, 2; cf. Loretz 1995, 138 and Kahl 1995).
ADAMS & COHEN: SEA PEOPLES IN PRIMARY SOURCES 651
2.2 Ugaritic6
2.2.1 RS 17.112
a) This text is a lawsuit between two citizens of Ugarit: Iluwa and Amar-dU,
the son of Mut-dU, the šerdanu (PRU, IV:234.6).
2.2.2 RS 19.011
a) This text contains a possible use of Sherden as personal name (rdn).
(KTU, 2.61; PRU, V:114; see suggestion by Singer 1999, 726 n. 416).
2.2.3 RS 15.167+163
a) In this contract, the unnamed son of a Sherden has sold an estate to one
Kurwanu (PRU, III:124.13).
2.2.4 RS 15.118
a) In this document one Ibshalu received the property of a man named
Mše-er-ta-an-ni as a royal gift from Ammistamru II (PRU, III:131.5).
2.2.5 RS 8.145
a) Context unknown (see PRU, III:257.27).
2.2.6 RS 15.073
a) Four Sherden are counted in a record of persons (guards?) in the palace
along with nnm, snm, mrum, mrynm, mkrm, hbnm, and mrġlm
(KTU, 4.163, line 9).
2.2.7 RS 15.015 + RS 15.025
a) Five Sherden are counted in a record of persons (guards?) in the palace
along with nnm, snm, mrynm, mkrm, hbnm, mrum, and mrġlm
(KTU, 4.137, line 3).
2.2.8 RS 15.094
a) Five Sherden are counted in a record of personnel along with nnm,
snm, mrynm, mkrm, mrum, mrġlm, hbnm (KTU, 4.173, line 4).
2.2.9 RS 15.095
a) Five Sherden are counted in a record of personnel along with nnm,
snm, mrum, mkrm, mrynm, hbnm, and mlm (KTU, 4.174, line 8).
2.2.10 RS 15.103
a) Five Sherden are counted in a record of personnel along with nnm,
snm, mrynm, mrum, mkrm, hbnm, and mlm (KTU, 4.179, line 5).
2.2.11 RS 16.165
a) Sherden occur as recipients in this list of wine rations along with hršm,
mštt[ ], mrġlm, mlm, zrm, mrynm, ty, and tr (KTU, 4.216, line 7).
2.2.12 RS 16.251
a) The ethnic Sherden occurs in the name of a man: Ial-la-an-še-ri-da-ni
(PRU, III:109–110.5).
6. For the equation of Ugaritic Trtnm with šerdanū, see Loretz 1995.
652 PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
2.3 Hittite
(no attestations found)
2.4 Other
2.4.1 EA 81
a) A Sherden man defects from Rib-Hadda of Byblos to ‘Abdi-Aširta
(Knudtzon 1964, 392–97, line 16; Moran 1992, 150).
2.4.2 EA 122
a) The text mentions Sherden people living under the suzerainty of Rib-
Hadda of Byblos (Knudtzon 1964, 526–29, line 35; Moran 1992, 201).
2.4.3 EA 123
a) The text mentions Sherden people living under the suzerainty of Rib-
Hadda of Byblos (Knudtzon 1964, 528–33, line 15; Moran 1992, 202).
3. E7
3.1 Egyptian
3.1.1 Merenptah: Great Karnak Inscription
a) The northerners allied with the Libyans are Eqwesh, Teresh, Lukka,
Sherden, and Shekelesh (lacuna distorts exact context) (Kitchen 1982a,
2.13; Davies 1997, 152.1; ARE, III:§574).
b) List of allies of the Libyans are Sherden, Shekelesh, Eqwesh, Lukka, and
Teresh (others in lacuna?) (Kitchen 1982a, 4.1; Davies 1997, 154.14;
ARE, III:§579).
c) Eqwesh captives and slain are enumerated and noted as having no
foreskins (Kitchen 1982a, 8.9 and 8.12; Davies 1997, 162.52–54; ARE,
III:§588).
3.1.2 Merenptah: Athribis Stele
a) The Libyans, Eqwesh of the sea, Shekelesh, Teresh, and Sherden are
included in the list of captured peoples from the Libyan campaign
(Kitchen 1982a, 22.8; ARE, III:§601).
3.2 Ugaritic
(no attestations found)
3.3 Hittite
3.3.1 The Indictment of Madduwatta (CTH 147)
a) In this letter from Arnuwanda I to Madduwatta, the Hittite king recalls
that Attarissiya, the “ruler of Ahhiya,” had chased Madduwatta out of
his own land and that it was Arnuwanda’s father, Tudhaliya I/II, who
7. General references: del Monte and Tischler 1978, 1–2; del Monte 1992, 1; see del Monte
and Tischler 1978, 1–2 for miscellaneous fragmentary attestations not given here.
ADAMS & COHEN: SEA PEOPLES IN PRIMARY SOURCES 653
rescued him by getting rid of Attarissiya (KUB XIV:1 + KBo XIX:38;
Goetze 1928; Beckman 1999, #27, §§1–4).
b) At the end of this letter, Arnuwanda accuses Madduwatta of joining up
with Attarissiya and the ruler of Piggaya in raiding the Hittite vassal,
Alashiya (KUB XIV:1 + KBo XIX:38; Goetze 1928; Beckman 1999, #27,
§30).
3.3.2 An Oracle Text (CTH 571.2)
a) This text is one question in a series put to an oracle, which mentions a
deity of Ahhiyawa and a deity of Lazpa (Lesbos) who were to be brought
to an ailing Mursilis (KUB V:6; KBo XVI:97; Güterbock 1983, 134;
Sommer 1932, 282–83).
3.3.3 The Offences of the Šeha River Land (CTH 211)
a) Broken context. Güterbock suggests a translation that indicates that
someone made war on someone else “and relied on the king of Ahhi-
yawa” (KUB XXIII:13; Güterbock 1983, 137; 1992; Sommer 1932,
314–19; see also Singer 1983b, 207 for interpretation).
3.3.4 Annals of Mursili (CTH 61)
a) In the beginning of the third year, Uhhazitis of Arzawa and the city
of Millawanda joined the king of the Ahhiyawa (KBo III:4 + KUB
XXIII:125 + KBo III:3; Güterbock 1983, 134–35; Goetze 1933; for other
interpretations of the text, see references in Güterbock 1983).
b) The context is broken. For year four the text mentions “the sons of
Uhhazitis,” “the sea,” “king of the Ahhiyawa,” and a sending by ship
(Goetze 1933, 66–67; for a summary of and references to various resto-
rations and interpretations, see Güterbock 1983, 135).
3.3.5 The Tawagalawa Letter of Hattusili III (CTH 181)
a) In this letter from a Hittite king to the king of Ahhiyawa, who is
addressed as “my brother,” arrangements are discussed for the return
of Piyamaradu to the Hittite king. Piyamaradu, who had caused some
trouble for the Hittite king, fled by boat from Millawanda to the
king of Ahhiyawa, and was apparently residing there when this letter
was composed. Also mentioned in the text is the brother of the king
of Ahhiyawa, Tawagalawas (KUB XIV:3; Garstang and Gurney 1959;
Sommer 1932, 2–19; see Güterbock 1983, 136 for interpretation of the
text adopted here; see also Singer 1983b, 210–13; Bryce 2003, 199–212;
Hawkins 1998, 17 n. 73).
3.3.6 Treaty of Tudhaliya IV and Shaushgamuwa (CTH 105)
a) In the alliance clause of this treaty, the kings of Egypt, Babylonia,
Assyria, and Ahhiyawa are noted as equals to the king of Khatti. How-
ever, “Ahhiyawa” has been crossed out (KUB XXIII:1; Beckman 1999,
654 PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
#17, §11; Kühne and Otten 1971; Sommer 1932, 320–21; for summary
of views and references to interpretations of this passage, see Güterbock
1983, 136).
b) Also in the alliance clause, a blockade is established against Ahhiyawan
ships bound for Assyria(?) (KUB XXIII:1; Beckman 1999, #17, §13;
Kühne and Otten 1971; Sommer 1932, 320–21).
3.3.7 Letter of a Hittite King to a King of Ahhiyawa (CTH 183)
a) (KUB XXVI:91; Sommer 1932, 268–74)
3.3.8 Miscellaneous Fragments (CTH 214)
a) Miscellaneous fragments (KUB XXXI:29; KUB XXVI:76; KBo XVI:22;
KUB XXI:34).
b) Broken context (KUB XIV:2; Güterbock 1983, 134; Sommer 1932, 298–
306).
3.3.9 Hittite Letter Fragments (CTH 209)
a) Hittite letter fragments (KBo II:11; KUB XXIII:98; KUB XIII:95).
3.3.10 Lot Oracle Text (CTH 572)
a) A lot oracle text mentions Ahhiyawa (KUB XVIII:58).
3.3.11 Liver Oracle Texts (CTH 570)
a) A liver oracle text mentions Ahhiyawa (KUB XXII:56; KUB V:6;
Sommer 1932, 282–90).
3.4 Others
(no attestations found)
4. T
4.1 Egyptian
4.1.1 Merenptah: Great Karnak Inscription
a) The northerners allied with the Libyans are Eqwesh, Ter e sh , Lukka,
Sherden, and Shekelesh (lacuna distorts exact context) (Kitchen 1982a,
2.13; Davies 1997, 152.1; ARE, III:§574).
b) List of allies of the Libyans are Sherden, Shekelesh, Eqwesh, Lukka, and
Teres h (others in lacuna?) (Kitchen 1982a, 4.2; Davies 1997, 154.14;
ARE, III:§579).
c) Numbers of Teresh captives and slain are enumerated (Kitchen 1982a,
8.11; Davies 1997, 162.52–54; ARE, III:§588).
4.1.2 Merenptah: Athribis Stele
a) Libyans, Eqwesh of the sea, Shekelesh, Teresh , and Sherden are included
in the list of captured peoples from the Libyan campaign (Kitchen
1982a, 22.9; ARE, III:§601).
4.1.3 Ramesses III: Medinet Habu Inscription
a) A chief of the “Teresh of the sea” captured by Ramesses III (Kitchen
ADAMS & COHEN: SEA PEOPLES IN PRIMARY SOURCES 655
1983a, 104.14; The Epigraphic Survey 1970, pl. 600B, line 7; ARE,
IV:§129).
4.1.4 Ramesses III: Rhetorical Stele (Chapel C at Deir el-Medina)
a) The Peleset and Teresh have sailed(?) “in the midst of the sea” (Kitchen
1983a, 91.11–12; Peden 1994, 64.8).
4.2 Ugaritic
(no attestations found)
4.3 Hittite
(no attestations found)
4.4 Other
(no attestations found)
5. S8
5.1 Egyptian
5.1.1 Merenptah: Great Karnak Inscription
a) The northerners allied with the Libyans are Eqwesh, Teresh, Lukka,
Sherden, and Shekelesh (lacuna distorts exact context) (Kitchen 1982a,
2.13; Davies 1997, 152.1; ARE, III:§574).
b) List of allies of the Libyans are Sherden, Shekelesh, Eqwesh, Lukka, and
Teresh (others in lacuna?) (Kitchen 1982a, 4.2–3; Davies 1997, 154.14;
ARE, III:§579).
c) The Shekelesh are included in a list of captives and slain (Kitchen 1982a,
8.8–16; Davies 1997, 162.52–4; ARE, III:§588).
5.1.2 Merenptah: Cairo Column
a) The Shekelesh are mentioned together with invading Libyans (lacunae
distort context) (Kitchen 1982a, 23.6; ARE, III:§595).
5.1.3 Merenptah: Athribis Stele
a) Libyans, Eqwesh of the sea, Shekelesh, Teresh, and Sherden are included
in the list of captured peoples from the Libyan campaign (Kitchen
1982a, 22.5–16; ARE, III: §601).
5.1.4 Ramesses III: Medinet Habu
a) Peleset, Denyen, and Shekelesh are overthrown by Ramesses III
(Kitchen 1983a, 36.7–8; The Epigraphic Survey 1930, pl. 44, lines 14–15;
Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 47; ARE, IV:§81).
b) Peleset, Tjekker, Shekelesh, Denyen, and Weshesh are in a confedera-
tion against Egypt (Kitchen 1983a, 40.3–4; The Epigraphic Survey 1930,
8. Wente 1963; Wainwright 1939.
656 PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
pl. 46, line 18; Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 53; Peden 1994, 28.18; Edel
1985, 225; ARE, IV:§64).
c) Tjekker, the land of the Peleset, Denyen, Weshesh, and Shekelesh over-
thrown by Ramesses (Kitchen 1983a, 73.9–10; The Epigraphic Survey
1932, pl. 107, lines 7–8; Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 130–31).
5.2 Ugaritic
5.2.1 RS 34.129
a) A Hittite king requests from Ugarit the extradition of a man who was
once a prisoner of the Shekelesh (or Tjekker depending on who exactly
the URUšikalaiu are, see Singer 1999, 722), whom, he notes, live on boats
(Bordreuil 1991, no. 12; Dietrich and Loretz 1978).9
5.3 Hittite
(no attestations found)
5.4 Other
5.4.1 Tiglath-pileser III (Annals text 13)
a) In a northern and western campaign, Tiglath-pileser plunders a for-
tress, whose commandant is a man named Shiqila (mŠi-qi-la-a). This
reference is uncertain as it is a personal name. However, reference 5.2.1
above, which is localized in the same general area, may offer support
here (ARAB, I:§771; Tadmor 1994, 66–67).10
6. K
6.1 Egyptian
6.1.1 Ramesses II: Kadesh Inscription(s)
a) Ramesses II claims a victory in the land of Karkiša (Kitchen 1979, 4.6–
11; Davies 1997, 56.4; Gardiner 1960; ARE, III:§306).
b) The countries allied with Khatti against the Egyptians are Naharin,
Arzawa, Dardany, Keshkesh, Masa, Pidasa, Arwen, Karkiša, Lukka, Kiz-
zuwadna, Carchemish, Ugarit, Qode, Nuhasse, Mushanet, and Qadesh
(Kitchen 1979, 17.15–18.5; Davies 1997, 60.45; Gardiner 1960; ARE,
III:§309).
c) The chiefs of the lands assembled with Khatti against Ramesses II are
Arzawa, Masa, Arwen, Lukka, Dardany, Carchemish, Karkiša, and
Aleppo (Kitchen 1979, 51.1–6; Davies 1997, 68.150; Gardiner 1960).
d) The countries allied with Khatti against the Egyptians are Dardany,
Naharin, Keshkesh, Masa, Pidasa, Karkiša, Lukka, Carchemish, Arzawa,
9. See also 9.2.1 below.
10. See also 9.4.1 below.
ADAMS & COHEN: SEA PEOPLES IN PRIMARY SOURCES 657
Ugarit, Arwen, Inesa, Mushanet, Qadesh, Aleppo, and Qode (Kitchen
1979, 111.13–14; Davies 1997, 88.45; Gardiner 1960).
e) Ramesses II presents chiefs of Khatti to Amun, one of whom is a Karkiša
(ARE, III:§349).
6.2 Ugaritic
(no attestations found)
6.3 Hittite
6.3.1 The Annals of Tudhaliya I/II (CTH 142)
a) The Karkiša are listed as a member of the west Anatolian rebellion
(Assuwan Confederacy) against Hatti (KUB XXIII:11 and 13; Garstang
and Gurney 1959, 121–23).
6.3.2 The Annals of Mursili II (CTH 61)
a) Mursili II allows a refugee, Manapa-Tarhunta, to hide from his brothers
in the land of Karkiša (KBo III:4 + KUB XXIII:125 + KBo III:3; Güter-
bock 1983, 134–35; Goetze 1933).
6.3.3 Treaty of Mursili II and Manapa-Tarhunta of the land of the Seha River
(CTH 69)
a) Mursili II reminds Manapa-Tarhunta that he is responsible for Manapa-
Tarhunta’s survival in the land of Karkiša (Beckman 1999, 82–86, #12;
Friedrich 1930, 1–41).
6.3.4 Treaty of Muwattalli II and Alaksandu (CTH 76)
a) In the offensive agreement of this treaty, Alaksandu must aid Muwattalli
II if he campaigns against Karkiša (Beckman 1999, 90, #13; Garstang
and Gurney 1959; Friedrich 1930, 42–102).
6.4 Other
6.4.1 An02 [292] from Pylos
a) This tablet mentions Ko-ro-ki-ja women. Ventris and Chadwick suspect
this term to be an ethnonym. Though a dubious reference, we include
this possibility here to encourage the consideration of the Linear B
onomasticon in studies of Late Bronze Age interrelations (Ventris and
Chadwick 1974, 166).
7. W
7.1 Egyptian
7.1.1 Ramesses III: Medinet Habu
a) Peleset, Tjekker, Shekelesh, Denyen, and Weshesh are named in a con-
federation against Egypt (Kitchen 1983a, 40.3–4; The Epigraphic Survey
1930, pl. 46, line 18; Peden 1994, 28.18; Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 53;
Edel 1985, 225; ARE, IV:§64).
658 PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
b) Tjekker, the land of the Peleset, Denyen, Weshesh, and Shekelesh are
overthrown by Ramesses (Kitchen 1983a, 73.9–10; The Epigraphic
Survey 1932, pl. 107, lines 7–8; Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 130–31).
7.1.2 Ramesses III: Papyrus Harris
a) Ramesses III defeats the Sherden and Weshesh, brings them as captives
into Egypt, and settles them in his “strongholds” (Erichsen 1933, 93.1;
Grandet 1994; Peden 1994, 215; ARE, IV:§403; ANET, 260–62).
7.2 Ugaritic
(no attestations found)
7.3 Hittite
(no attestations found)
7.4 Other
(no attestations found)
8. D11
8.1 Egyptian
8.1.1 Ramesses III: Medinet Habu
a) Peleset, Denyen, and Shekelesh are overthrown by Ramesses III
(Kitchen 1983a, 36.7–8; The Epigraphic Survey 1930, pl. 44, lines 14–15;
Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 47; ARE, IV:§81).
b) Denyen beg for mercy from Rameses III (Kitchen 1983a, 37.1–2; The
Epigraphic Survey 1930, pl. 44, line 23; Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 48;
ARE, IV:§82).
c) Peleset, Tjekker, Shekelesh, Denyen, and Weshesh are named in a con-
federation against Egypt (Kitchen 1983a, 40.3–4; The Epigraphic Survey
1930, pl. 46, line 18; Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 53; Peden 1994, 28.18;
Edel 1985, 225; ARE, IV:§64).
11. e normalization of the Egyptian group writing: d3-ỉn-ỉw-n3 (dnỉn) is variously ren-
dered as Danuna and Denyen. We have chosen the latter here. Further, although it can only be
speculation given the state of the evidence, some scholars have equated the Denyen with αναοί.
is equation would open up a large number of references to Danaoi to this catalog; however we
have chosen to compile this list with as little interpretation as possible. It is worth noting here
the occurrence of (tỉ-n3-y-w) Tnj in the Aegean place name list on the Amenhotep III statue
bases from Kom el-Hetan. W. Helck (1971) and others (see Cline 1987, 3 n. 13) have equated
Tnj with the Danaoi. e group writing on the statue bases, though separated from the Medinet
Habu spelling by some two hundred years, is signicantly dierent from that of the Denyen at
Medinet Habu. While not impossible, this evidence may suggest that Denyen and Tnj do not
refer to the same entity.
ADAMS & COHEN: SEA PEOPLES IN PRIMARY SOURCES 659
d) Tjekker, the land of the Peleset, Denyen, Weshesh, and Shekelesh are
overthrown by Ramesses III (Kitchen 1983a, 73.9–10; The Epigraphic
Survey 1932, pl. 107, lines 7–8; Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 130–31).
8.1.2 Ramesses III: Papyrus Harris
a) The Denyen, “in their isles,” are defeated by Ramesses III (Erichsen
1933, 92.17–18; Grandet 1994; Peden 1994, 215; ARE, IV:§403; ANET,
260–62).
8.1.3 Onomasticon of Amenope
a) The Denyen occur in the sequence: … Libu, Qeheq, Keshkesh, Denyen,
Khatti, […], Lukka, Pidasa, Arzawa, Carchemish … (AEO, I:#244; for
commentary, see AEO, I:124–27).
8.2 Ugaritic
(no attestations found)
8.3 Hittite
8.3.1 Letter from Ramesses II to Hattusili III
a) Broken context (Edel 1994, I:#31 and II:139; KBo XXVIII:25).
8.3.2 Karatepe Inscription12
a) This is a semi-autobiographical building inscription of Azitawadda of
Adana, king of Danunites, found in West Anatolia. This text exists in
Phoenician and Hittite versions and dates to the early-first millennium
... (KAI, 26; ANET, 653–64; see also references of discussions of the
text in ANET, 653).
8.3.3 Çineköy Inscription13
a) This eighth-century hieroglyphic Luwian and Phoenician bilingual
inscription of one Wariyka of Adana in the Cilician plain in Anatolia
is sometimes cited as attesting the Denyen. In this Inscription, Wariyka
indicates that his people became a vassal of Assyria saying: “…all the
house of Ashur became for me like a father [and like] a mother, and
Danunians (dnnym) and Assyrians became like one house (Tekoğlu and
Lemaire 2000; Lipiński 2004, 127–28).
12. Both the Karatepe Inscription here and the Çineköy Inscription below are sometimes
cited in reference to the Denyen. is equation is problematic because both inscriptions date to
around the eighth century, signicantly later than the Ramesside inscriptions and other sources
mentioned here. In both inscriptions, the ethnicon dnnym appears to be derived from the name
of the city: dnnym are those who are from Adana. Additionally, the city of Adana is already
mentioned in Hittite texts of the Late Bronze Age. erefore, any attempt to connect Adana and
the dnnym with the Denyen of the Medinet Habu inscription is also an attempt to imply that the
“Sea People’s” Denyen originated in Cilicia. In our opinion, this goes beyond the current state
of the evidence.
13. See previous note.
660 PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
8.4 Other
8.4.1 EA 151
a) In a letter to pharaoh, Abi-Milku, king of Tyre, indicates that the king
of Danuna has died. The Danuna here may or may not refer to the
same Denyen of the other Sea Peoples sources. A possible inference to
be gained with this letter is that Danuna is located in Canaan (Redford
1992, 252, n. 55) (Knudtzon 1964, 622–27, line 52; Moran 1992, 238).14
9. T/S(?)15
9.1 Egyptian
9.1.1 Ramesses III: Medinet Habu
a) The Peleset and Tjekker “quiver in their bodies” (Kitchen 1983a, 25.5;
The Epigraphic Survey 1930, pls. 27–28, lines 51–52; Edgerton and
Wilson 1936, 30; Peden 1994, 16.51; ARE, IV:§44).
b) Defeated Tjekker chiefs speak to Ramesses III (Kitchen 1983a, 34.11–12;
The Epigraphic Survey 1930, pl. 43, line 18–20; Edgerton and Wilson
1936, 45; ARE, IV:§77).
c) The Peleset, Tjekker, Shekelesh, Denyen, and Weshesh are named in
a confederation against Egypt (Kitchen 1983a, 40.3–4; The Epigraphic
Survey 1930, pl. 46, line 18; Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 53; Edel 1985,
225; Peden 1994, 28.18; ARE, IV:§64).
d) Defeated Tjekker prisoners praise Ramesses III (The Epigraphic Survey
1932, pl. 99; ARE, IV:§§78–79).
e) Tjekker, the land of the Peleset, Denyen, Weshesh, and Shekelesh are
overthrown by Ramesses III (Kitchen 1983a, 73.9–10; The Epigraphic
Survey 1932, pl. 107, lines 7–8; Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 130–31).
14. ough the reference has come to our attention too late to incorporate here, the reader
is directed to Tammuz 2001.
15. e traditional reading of “Tjekker” for the group writing 3-k3-rw (kr) has been chal-
lenged by Rainey 1982 and Edel 1984. ey suggest a reading of “skl”–*Sikil (ultimately comple-
menting their connection with Sicily). While their arguments have some convincing elements,
we are still hesitant to adopt this equation. e ethnic *Sikil in this form is not attested in Near
Eastern texts (excluding the possibility of the Egyptian texts here if Tjekker is to be equated). De-
spite their insistence (see especially Edel 1984, 8), an equation of *Sikil (Tjekker) with URUšikalaiu
seems out of the range of possibilities as the Egyptians would be more likely to represent /š/
with their own /š/ (group writing, š3); there are no examples of Egyptian scribes representing
Semitic /š/ with their own // (see Hoch 1994, 422 and 432). us the URUšikalaiu are more likely
to be equated with the Shekelesh of Egyptian inscriptions. If the Tjekker of the Egyptian texts
are Semitic speakers, there are many more possibilities (see Hoch 1994, 436 for the dierent cor-
relations between Egyptian and Semitic phonemes).
ADAMS & COHEN: SEA PEOPLES IN PRIMARY SOURCES 661
f) A chief of the Tjekker is captured by Ramesses III (Kitchen 1983a,
104.12; The Epigraphic Survey 1970, pl. 600B, line 4; ARE, IV:§129).
9.1.2 Ramesses III: Papyrus Harris
a) Tjekker are defeated by Ramesses III and “reduced to ashes” (Erichsen
1933, 92.18; Grandet 1994; Peden 1994, 215; ARE, IV:§403; ANET, 260–
62).
9.1.3 Onomasticon of Amenope
a) The Tjekker occur in the sequence: … Ashkelon, Ashdod, Gaza, Asher,
Shubaru, […], Sherden, Tjekker, Peleset, Khurma, […], … (AEO,
I:#269, for commentary, see AEO, I:199–200).
9.1.4 The Report of Wenamun16
a) Dor is described as a city of the Tjekker (Gardiner 1932, 61.11; Goed-
icke 1975; ANET, 25–29;AEL, II:224–230; ARE, IV:§565).
b) A [Tjekker] is the thief who stole Wenamun’s goods (ARE, IV:§568).
c) Eleven Tjekker ships arrive at Byblos to arrest Wenamun (Gardiner
1932, 73.11; Goedicke 1975; ANET, 25–29;AEL, II:224–30; ARE,
IV:§588).
d) Zekker-Baal interviews the Tjekker who seek Wenamun (Gardiner
1932, 74.10; Goedicke 1975; ANET, 25–29;AEL, II:224–30; ARE,
IV:§590).
9.2 Ugaritic
9.2.1 RS 34.129
a) A Hittite king requests from Ugarit the extradition of a man who was
once a prisoner of the Tjekker (or Shekelesh depending on who exactly
the URUšikalaiu are, see Singer 1999, 722), who, he notes, live on boats
(Bordreuil 1991, no. 12; Dietrich and Loretz 1978; Singer 1999, 722).17
9.3 Hittite
(no attestations found)
16. While some scholars continue to use e Report of Wenamun as an historical document
(e.g., Stern 2006, 386), it is becoming increasingly more common to view the piece as a work of
literature (e.g., Baines 1999). In our opinion, the tale has much more in common with Homer’s
Odyssey than with an ocial report and should be used cautiously in “Sea Peoples” studies. In
any case, note the chronological problems with dating the text, the events therein, and the his-
torical geography as presented, e.g., by Egberts (1991; 1998) and Sass (2002).
17. We mention this here because of a certain degree of doubt on the identication of the
URUšikalaiu, however, see also 5.2.1 above, which we believe is a much more convincing equation.
662 PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
9.4 Other
9.4.1 Tiglath-pileser III (Annals text 13)
a) In a northern and western campaign, Tiglath-pileser plunders a fortress,
whose commandant is a man named Shiqila (mŠi-qi-la-a). This refer-
ence is uncertain as it is a personal name (ARAB, I:§771; Tadmor 1994,
66–67).18
10. P19
10.1 Egyptian
10.1.1 Ramesses III: Medinet Habu
a) The Peleset and Tjekker “quiver in their bodies” (Kitchen 1983a, 25.5;
The Epigraphic Survey 1930, pls. 27–28, lines 51–52; Edgerton and
Wilson 1936, 30; Peden 1994, 16.51; ARE, IV:§44).
18. We mention this here because of a certain degree of doubt on the identication of the
URUšikalaiu, however, see also 5.4.1 above, which we believe is a much more convincing equation.
19. e newly discovered inscription of King Taita of Padasatini at Aleppo has now entered
the discussion of the “Sea Peoples” and the Philistines. Hawkins’ recent and tentative proposal
that the name of the kingdom should be amended to Palistin and connected to the better-known
Philistines (2009, 171–72) has been adopted zealously by several scholars (Kohlmeyer 2009; T.
Harrison 2009; Sass 2010). e similarity of this name to that of the Philistines has even sparked
commentary on remote topics such as the kingdom of Solomon (!; Sass 2010, 173). e inscrip-
tional evidence is as follows: On two stelae of Taita and his wife (the Meharde Stele and the
Sheizar Stele; Hawkins 2000, 415–19), the ethnocon Walistin is used in reference to Taita. e
new Aleppo temple inscription of Taita (Aleppo 6; Hawkins 2009, 169) has the variant Palistin.
A fourth inscription, from Tell Ta’yinat, mentions one Halparuntiyas of Walistin (Tell Ta’yinat
Inscription 1; Hawkins 2000, 365–67).
A few comments should be made here in order to explain why we do not include these
inscriptions in our list of “Sea Peoples,” if not to assuage the enthusiasm for the discovery of
a Philistine “empire” (Sass 2010) in Syria. While we have no basis to doubt the emendation of
the Taita ethnicon to Palistin on the basis of a revised understanding of the Luwian sign TA4
(Hawkins 2009, 171), two elements of the word remain unresolved. First, the –in ending is not
present in the transcription in the Medinet Habu reliefs, Assyrian inscriptions, or even in the
biblical texts (the –ine ending that we use today in English derives from the Greek toponymic
sux). Hawkins suggests that the Taita –in may have been incorporated by adoption of the
masc. pl. Aramaic ending analogous to the biblical Hebrew pluralization, plštym < plšty (Hawk-
ins 2009, 171). One wonders however, if Aramaic is the appropriate comparison (especially
given the early date assigned to the inscription); in Phoenician or Ugaritic, a mem would be
expected in the construction of the plural (note that the bilingual Karatepe inscription and the
Çinekoy statue inscription are Luwian/Phoenician). Second, the Meharde and Sheizer inscrip-
tions of Taita and the Halparuntiyas inscription preserve the ethnicon Walistin—i.e., the variant
Palistin is a hapax). ere is no clear explanation for the Wa- and Pa- alternation. Hawkins
oers that there may have been some hesitancy over how to represent the initial consonant in
ADAMS & COHEN: SEA PEOPLES IN PRIMARY SOURCES 663
b) Peleset are hiding in their towns in fear of Ramesses III (Kitchen 1983a,
28.4; The Epigraphic Survey 1930, pl. 29, lines 20–22; Edgerton and
Wilson 1936, 35; ARE, IV:§71).
c) Peleset, Denyen, and Shekelesh are overthrown by Ramesses III
(Kitchen 1983a, 36.7–8; The Epigraphic Survey 1930, pl. 44, lines 14–15;
Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 47; ARE, IV:§81).
d) Peleset beg for mercy from Ramesses III (Kitchen 1983a, 37.2–3; The
Epigraphic Survey 1930, pl. 44, line 24; Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 48;
ARE, IV:§82).
e) Peleset, Tjekker, Shekelesh, Denyen, and Weshesh are named in a con-
federation against Egypt (Kitchen 1983a, 40.3–4; The Epigraphic Survey
1930, pl. 46, line 18; Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 53; Peden 1994, 28.18;
Edel 1985, 225; ARE, IV:§64).
f) Tjekker, the land of the Peleset, Denyen, Weshesh, and Shekelesh are
overthrown by Ramesses III (Kitchen 1983a, 73.9–10; The Epigraphic
Survey 1932, pl. 107, line 7f.; Edgerton and Wilson 1936, 130–31).
g) Countries of the Peleset are “slain” by Ramesses III (Kitchen 1983a,
102.8; The Epigraphic Survey 1932, pl. 118c; Edgerton and Wilson 1936,
146).
h) A chief of Peleset is captured by Ramesses III (ARE, IV:§129).20
i) A captured chief of the P[eleset] depicted (Kitchen 1983a, 104.14; The
Epigraphic Survey 1970, pl. 600B, line 8).
Hieroglyphic Luwian (Hawkins 2009, 171). What vocalization would warrant hesitancy between
Pa- and Wa- in Luwian and still be rendered with a /p/ in Egyptian and later Hebrew (and also
Assyrian, Patinayya, if Yamada is correct in equating this term with Walistin; Yamada 2000, 96;
Hawkins 2009, 171 and references)? Alternatively, it may be worth observing that the Luwian
Hieroglyphic signs L.334 (pa) and L.439 (wa) have a similar overall shape that might explain the
single example of the variant writing of Palistin in the Aleppo temple inscription as an error.
ird, the phenomenon of locally made Mycenaean IIIC pottery present in great quantities at
sites in the ‘Amuq (T. Harrison 2009, 181–83; given as evidence in Hawkins 2009, 171–72), does
not necessarily support the identication of Taita and his kingdom as “Philistine”—this ceramic
tradition with local variation is a feature of most coastal regions of the Levant and Cyprus in the
early Iron Age where it is variously identied with whatever “Sea People” group is geographically
preferred by any given author.
In short, while Taita may have been descended from immigrants who arrived in the ‘Amuq
as a consequence of the period of mass migration at the end of the Bronze Age, the identication
of his ethnic group with that which settled the coastal plain of the southern Levant is premature.
Until the phonetic and historical diculties are resolved and more evidence comes to light, we
reserve judgment on Taita’s ethnic origins.
20. We had diculty reconciling this reference with the Epigraphic Survey’s Medinet Habu
volumes.
664 PHILISTINES AND OTHER “SEA PEOPLES”
10.1.2 Ramesses III: Papyrus Harris
a) Peleset are defeated by Ramesses III and “reduced to ashes” (Erichsen
1933, 92.18; Grandet 1994; Peden 1994, 215; ARE, IV:§403; ANET, 260–
62).
10.1.3 Ramesses III Rhetorical Stele (Chapel C at Deir el-Medina)
a) The Peleset and Teresh have sailed(?) “in the midst of the sea” (Kitchen
1983a, 91.11–12; Peden 1994, 64.8).
10.1.4 The Onomasticon of Amenope
a) The Peleset occur in the sequence: … Ashkelon, Ashdod, Gaza, Assyria,
Shubaru, […], Sherden, Tjekker, Peleset, Khurma, […], … (AEO,
I:#270, for commentary, see AEO, I:200–205).
10.1.5 Pedeset Inscription
a) This Third Intermediate Period21 inscription on a Middle Kingdom
statue bears the name: P3-di-3st s3 ‘py whose title is wpwty n p3-Kn’n
n Pršt (“Envoy to the Canaan of Philistines”) (Steindorff 1939; Singer
1994, 330).
10.2 Ugaritic
(no attestations found)
10.3 Hittite
(no attestations found)
10.4 Other
(no attestations found)
21. P3-di-3st is attested from the ird Intermediate period through the Ptolemaic period
(Ranke 1935, 121.18).
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