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Corporation Nouvelle, the Barcelona Exhibition Plans and the Simultaneist International

Authors:
The Delaunay Circle 205
Corporation Nouvelle,
the Barcelona Exhibition
Plans and the Simultaneist
International
Joana Cunha Leal
IHA, FCSH, Universidade NOVA de Lisboa
J’AIME VRAIMENT VOTRE ART,
C’EST DOMMAGE QUE VOUS FASSIEZ TANT DE POLITIQUE.
Amadeo de S ouza Cardoso, 28 Augu st 19161
In 1918, Robert Delaunay designed the cover for the book Eif-
fel Tower by the Chilean poet Vicente Huidobro. Published in Ma-
drid, where both men resided, the book took its title from a poem
written in French and first published a year earlier in the magazine
Nord-Sud (edited by Pierre Reverdy), of which Huidobro was one of
the main collaborators during the years he spent in Paris.2 In 1917,
the poem was written in honour of Max Jacob; in the 1918 version
published in Madrid, it was dedicated to Robert Delaunay. Printed
on thick paper dyed in different colours, the 14-page book was
presented as a collective endeavour.3 On the book’s cover (the first
versions were done in pochoir,4 while another version was done in
lithograph (22), the Eiffel Tower’s silhouette rises up from a group
of three simultaneous interlocking discs. Inscribed at the edges of
these discs, originally saturated in colour – especially red, green
and blue – are the four cardinal points: “north, south, east, west”.
This image brings to mind Robert Delaunay’s series of famous
paintings of the Eiffel Tower, as well as Prose of the Trans-Siberian,
a publication that combined Blaise Cendrars’ poems with painted
illustrations by Sonia Delaunay and was presented to the Parisian
public in 1913 as “the first simultaneous book”.5 It also recalls the
Tou r [Tower] poems Cendrars and Guillaume Apollinaire wrote in
homage to Robert Delaunay, which were published in 1917 in the
magazine Portugal Futurista, based on manuscripts owned by So-
nia Delaunay.6 Apollinaire’s poem, which is different from the ver-
sion he would later publish in 1918, highlights the marking of the
cardinal points: “FROM NORTH/TO/SOUTH/ZENITH NADIR/AND THE GREAT CRIES
FROM THE EAST/THE OCEAN IN THE WEST/SWELLS/THE TOWER/AT THE HELM/
SPEAKS7.
The enunciation of the cardinal points had first emerged a few
years earlier in materials Robert Delaunay and Amadeo de Souza
Cardoso designed to publicise an album accompanying Exposi-
tions Mouvantes [Travelling Exhibitions] as part of the project Cor-
poration Nouvelle [New Corporation] involving the Delaunays and
their Portuguese friends.
Corporation Nouvelle’s exhibitions and publications have be-
come well known ever since the publication of Paulo Ferrei-
ras’s edited and prefaced collection of correspondence between
Almada Negreiros, José Pacheco, Amadeo de Souza Cardoso and
Eduardo Viana, and Sonia and Robert Delaunay.8 Published in
French in 1972, the book is presented as a “contribution to the his-
tory of modern Portuguese art (1915-1917)”. The significance of
the published letters, however, goes beyond the internal confines
of national boundaries. In fact, Paulo Ferreira’s book brings to light
a collection of dialogues, interactions, projects and transnational
modes of circulation that were common among the artistic and
literary avant-garde of the early 20th century. In this case, and as
Pascal Rousseau’s landmark studies have shown,9 what was at
play was an encounter and exchange between artists who were
living in various parts of the country during the First World War
the Delaunays, staying with Eduardo Viana in Vila do Conde from
late May 1915 (and the American Sam Halpert, who visited them
briefly in 1915), 10 Almada Negreiros and José Pacheco in Lisbon,
206
and Amadeo de Souza Cardoso who had been living at his parents’
estate in Manhufe since the summer of 1914 – and the fact that this
encounter and exchange led to exhibitions and publications that
involved proposed collaborations with the poets G. Apollinaire and
B. Cendrars (both of whom were called up to the front to fight for
the French army) and the Russian painter Daniel Rossiné (more
commonly known as Vladimir Baranoff-Rossiné).
Corporation Nouvelle’s international dimension, the commu-
nications network that supported it and the dialogue that its art-
ists engaged in while building it can be clearly seen in the tenor of
the letters and designed materials that have survived to the pre-
sent day. These materials include a drawing by Robert Delaunay
for “Bulletin de souscription pour l’ALBUM Nº1 des EXPOSITIONS MOU-
VANT ES NORD-SUD-EST-OUEST [“Subscription Bulletin for ALBUM NO. 1 of
the TRAVELLING EXHIBITIONS NORTH-SOUTH-EAST-WEST] from 1916 (date
attributed; 23), illustrating the two sides of this proposed bul-
letin that was designed to be printed in the style of a postcard.11
On the front is a coloured circle, the Delaunays’ trademark symbol,
over which the painter inscribes the four cardinal points that give
the album its intended name. Inscribed on the left are the names
of the artists and poets who would collaborate on the album.
The back of the bulletin contains other important information: in
addition to the publication title and a note indicating that a second
album with new collaborations would be prepared following the
sale of the first, Corporation Nouvelle is identified as the organisa-
tion behind the publication, which was intended to be sold by sub-
scription. We also know that all of the copies were to be numbered
and signed by the artists, the editors’ intention being to expand the
publication by creating a second version printed on “deluxe paper”.
Robert Delaunay also designed a pamphlet to publicise the al-
bum for Corporation Nouvelle;12 its title reproduces the composi-
tion of the coloured disc with the markings of the cardinal points.
Here, north, south, east and west underline the goal of internation-
al circulation that was envisioned for Expositions Mouvantes, while
emphasising the transnational nature of Corporation Nouvelle’s
circle of artists.
As Robert Delaunay explains in the various points prepared for
the pamphlet – set out in various documents with slight differenc-
es between them13“album N.1 is the catalogue that accompanies
the works: paintings, poems, objects, sculptures and pure artistic
manifestations in the individual and Collective Exhibitions of North
South East West” (point no. 1). The publication is the product of in-
dividual and collective effort”, which “represents each of the artists
who have created the works through their own craft”; it is, there-
fore, not a “mechanical product of photographs” (point no. 2). The
album is unique insofar as its “new mode of publishing cannot be
found in any [other] work of modern art” (point no. 2). It represents
an “artistic and practical idea [that was] borne out of the need for
mutual support for the arts, which are more than ever in danger,
more than ever a universal reality” (point no. 3). The project’s goal
is that “each and every one of us [the artists involved] contributes
towards a grand construction of forms[,] towards indestructible
global connections of thought [,] towards individual inclinations”
(point no. 4). Finally, the pamphlet draws attention to the fact that
“Corporation Nouvelle from North to South[,] from East to West
corresponds to a “spiritual unity [and] practical unity” that offers
artists complete freedom of expression and of ideas” (point no. 5).
The individual and collective effort associated with a spirit of
mutual support that had emerged as a result of the War’s restric-
tions seems to have had two artistic dimensions. At the same time
that it guaranteed the free manifestation of different individual
inclinations (a line that was reinforced by the exhibitions), it also
subjected the participating artists to a practical discipline through
the use of the pochoir technique.14
The editorial strategy and the pre-announcement of the sale
by subscription, as well as the decision to produce the album with
stencils, reveal the extent to which Sonia Delaunay and Blaise Cen-
drars’ Prose of the Trans-Siberian had served as an important an-
The Delaunay Circle 207
tecedent for the new project. As Rosemary O’Neill has suggested,
the technique of pochoir allowed the artists, just as it had done for
the 1913 publication, to combine “the richness of hand painted col-
ours with the ability to produce multiple images using stencils, a
technique also used in folk art.”15 In other words, pochoir allowed
the possibility of printing on a series of original albums (hand paint-
ed, numbered and signed) and it would serve as the common basis
of the work. As a shared, transversal process, it removed the hier-
archical distinctions between artists due to its mechanical nature
and the fact that anyone could apply it once the stencil was cut, and
it conferred the same rights over the work to everyone involved:
“The individual and collective totality of this work represents each
of the artists who have created their works through their own craf t
– in this unique work, each and every one who worked on it enjoys
the same rights with respect to the sale of the album for the north
south east west exhibitions. This uniqueness, this flavour, this new
way of publishing, is not found in any other modern work of art (...)
(…)”.16
What brought the album closest to the world of popular art,
i.e. the fact that it was a collective work, was precisely what most
contributed to its “uniqueness”.
As part of Corporation Nouvelle’s publications initiative, Robert
Delaunay created five “Form-poems” in pochoir in 1916, based
on poems by Cendrars, Apollinaire and G. Poiret.17 He also created
“New form-poems. The death of Michel Govanov” in pencil and
gouache in 1915, described as a “Form-poem inspired by a news-
paper clipping. Mock-up for pochoir for ‘Form-poems’ published by
‘Corporation nouvelle’”. Delaunay wrote on the back of the mock-
up that one could subscribe to these issues in Paris, New York,
Petrograd (St. Petersburg), Stockholm, Lisbon, Barcelona, Porto,
Moscow, Geneva and London.18
Whilst various graphic materials associated with the album and
with Expositions Mouvantes date from 1916, it is almost certain
that the general guidelines for Corporation Nouvelle were defined
during the Delaunays’ visit to Lisbon in the late spring of 1915.19
At the Brazileira do Chiado café, the Delaunays met various artists
and poets who were involved in the inaugural issue of the magazine
Orpheu, whose publication in March would be one of the primary
motives behind their move to Portugal. This group included Almada
Negreiros, Mário de Sá Carneiro and José Pacheco, and artists who
were close to this circle, including Eduardo Viana, who would later
invite the Delaunays to Vila do Conde.20
The project’s general guidelines were shared in a letter to Ama-
deo de Souza Cardoso, who instantly expressed his support by in-
cluding two pochoirs for the publication in his reply on 11 June 1915.21
In doing so, Amadeo backed the idea behind the album, agreeing
that, in the context of the War, working with pochoir would be a
good way of joining forces, despite having neither prior experience
nor any particular interest in cutting stencils. On the same day, he
wrote to Sonia Delaunay, telling her that he was sending two of the
three “good pochoirs” that he had been asked to make and explain-
ing that “for the third, I’ve asked [Robert] Delaunay to let me use
the stencil he made of my watercolour in Vila do Conde.”22
The letters were written on paper that had been pre-coloured
by simple pochoirs from a small sheet”, which Amadeo mentioned
to Robert Delaunay. In the letter to Sonia, the pochoir, coloured in
red, green and blue, vertically distributes the graphic elements, in
which the title “1 album 1” is highlighted against a composition of
coloured, broken and interlocking quadrangular axes. The pochoir
in the letter sent to Robert introduces a darker tone in the title
“1 album 1” and positions it over the composition of broken, inter-
locking axes. The composition of the remaining text is identical in
both cases: “editions corporation nouvelle expositions mouvantes
nord sud est oest”.
208
Just five days later on 16 June, Amadeo de Souza Cardoso wrote
again to Robert Delaunay:
“Through this letter, I am sending you the ‘expositions mouvantes’
and ‘Corporation nouvelle’: take the pochoirs and resend the origi-
nals back so that I can make some over here. For the Barcelona
catalogue, I did not want to create a drawing; I think the writing is
enough. Send news about the Dalman (sic) gallery.”23
It is very likely that the pochoirs the Portuguese painter sent to
Delaunay are the same series of watercolours that date from 1915
(24, 25 e 26), in which references to Corporation Nouvelle and Ex-
positions Mouvantes are incorporated into compositions marked
by strong colours and repeated visual symbols. In addition to the
broken, interlocking quadrangular axes in the previously sent po-
choirs, these symbols include weathervanes containing the mark-
ings of the cardinal points that lend the exhibitions their name. As
Rosemary O’Neill suggests, water is an element that is referenced
in all of these watercolours, whilst in two of them, the arches of
a bridge or aqueduct are clearly represented. O’Neill argues that
these watercolours emphasise the idea of movement and travel24
associated with Corporation Nouvelle – Expositions Mouvantes,
a project that was “organised to produce exhibitions from Vila do
Conde, near the city of Porto, which was accessible by train, river
and sea. From this location on the northwest coast of the Iberian
Peninsula, the itinerant exhibitions and catalogue-albums would
reach an international audience.”25
This transference between local imagery and a transnational
focus reinforces the “uniqueness” that Robert Delaunay ascribes
to Corporation Nouvelle. Here, the proximity to the world of popular
art introduced by the pochoir’s mode of production and reproduc-
tion aligns with its local dimension, created by Amadeo’s treatment
of symbols such as the bridge and the aqueduct. In the painter’s
hands, these symbols gain in density, operating not only as sym-
bols of movement and travel, but also as architectural markers of
the cities of Corporation Nouvelle: Amarante, in the case of Ama-
deo, and Vila do Conde, in the case of the Delaunays. The aqueduct
in Vila do Conde is also recognisable in Sonia Delaunay’s Marché au
Minho [Minho Market] (52), of which the first versions date from
1915.26 (38) As for Amadeo, the relationship between the water-
colours he sends to Robert Delaunay and works such as Canção
d’Açude – Poema em Cor [Song of dam Poem in Colour] (27)
and Serrana – Poema em Cor [Serrana – Poem in Colour] (16) is
patently obvious in terms of their compositional saturation or their
repetition of the bridge motif, in the case of Canção d’Açude.
The emphasis on the local is further reinforced by the tone of
the popular poems inscribed – “The millers of this dam worship
the all-white virgin; The millers of this dam worship flour”27 or “The
dwellers of this Hill worship a saint made of stone; The dwellers of
this Hill worship Boulders”28 – which are transfigured, in an eru-
dite reference to Rimbaud, into the language of colours shared by
the artists.29 Hence, it is quite possible that these poems in colour
were made for the album that was being prepared; this is all the
more plausible considering the link between these poems and the
series of five paintings of mills, millers and windows that Amadeo
selected for the Barcelona exhibition the following year (more on
this later) (34, 35, 36 e 37).
The dynamics and equilibria created within the context of Cor-
poration Nouvelle eventually opened up new pathways for the
work of the artists involved. In the case of the Delaunays, we could
argue that the paradoxes that marked their activities prior to the
War remained. That is to say, they remained determined to retrieve
popular art and culture as a genuine base of opposition to the
dominant culture (which led them to proclaim the primitive “ge-
nius” of Douanier Rousseau).30 As David Cottington has observed,
this orientation was antithetical to the investment the Delaunays
had made prior to and during the War in creating high-end prod-
ucts and fashion for the market, and to the celebratory aspect of
The Delaunay Circle 209
consumption, entertainment and technology in Robert Delaunay’s
various versions of L’Equipe de Cardiff [The Cardiff Team] (1913) or
Hommage à Blériot [Homage to Blériot] (1914).31 However, Corpo-
ration Nouvelle’s work and the paintings that the Delaunays pro-
duced in Portugal are clearly geographically rooted in the popular
references and landscapes in which they worked. To a large extent,
this rootedness reconfigured the position of their work within the
international art scene. That is, it inaugurated an oppositional dy-
namic that simultaneously explored the modes of representation
in L’Equipe de Cardiff and Hommage à Blériot and inscribed them
in a culture of resistance capable of retrieving a yet unknown “au-
thenticity”. As a result, the relationship that pictorial representation
established with technological standards and modern-day con-
sumption ceased to be celebratory, becoming removed and critical
instead.
It is this that we observe in such paintings by Sonia Delaunay as
Marché au Minho (1916; 52) and Nature morte portugaise [Portu-
guese Still Life] (1916; 42), or in the drawing Jouets portugais [Por-
tuguese Toys] (1915; 65). We also see this in Robert Delaunay’s
paintings, such as Nature morte portugaise (1915; 9), La Grande
Portugaise [Portuguese Woman] (1916; 11) and La verseuse [The
Jug] (1916; 3), which are far removed from the abstractionist focus;
instead, they are inspired by Simultaneism as the discovery of “pure
painting,” which Robert Delaunay himself proposed in 1912 with the
support of G. Apollinaire.32 These paintings are also antithetical to
the cosmopolitan celebration of modern life’s means and possibili-
ties that we saw earlier, although they preserve the same means
of representation also evident in such series as L’Equipe de Cardiff.
As for the Barcelona exhibition, Amadeo’s letter to Robert De-
launay, dated 16 June 1915, described his decision not to include any
drawings for the cover of the album-catalogue cover that he had
been asked to make: “I think the writing is enough”. The composi-
tion Album Nº 1 expositions mouvantes nord sud est ouest edition
corporation nouvelle from 191533 introduced red letters stencilled
against a white background broken up by the markings of an angle,
a sophisticated graphic solution that belied the painter’s anxieties
over his lack of mastery of the medium.34
The role of producing Corporation Nouvelle’s album was en-
trusted to Eduardo Viana.35 However, by mid-March 1916, his reply
to Robert Delaunay suggested a certain distancing from the pro-
ject:
“I will think about doing something for the Corporation album. For
the next studies, I will return to the portrait of the Madame, which
means a great deal to me and is precisely why I can never finish it!”36
Like Amadeo de Souza Cardoso, Sonia Delaunay also made
studies for the album cover, although they did not progress beyond
a very preliminary stage. However, by June 1915, she was already
tasked with organising an exhibition in Barcelona. It was very likely
that the news of this exhibition led Almada Negreiros to dance in
the streets of Chiado.37
The first references to the Barcelona exhibition can be found in
Amadeo de Souza Cardoso’s letters dating from June 1915. In a let-
ter to Robert Delaunay on 11 June, Amadeo addressed various is-
sues related to the album for Corporation Nouvelle, after which he
wrote about the exhibitions that had been planned:
“We should work very hard: Barcelona for this fall, and also for
winter. Here, it is impossible, compromising even, no matter what
the action. Ah! But tell me, what will the dealer Dalman (sic) do? He
must do something!”38
On 16 June, he asked again for news from the “Dalman gal-
lery”.39
210
Amadeo was refering to the gallery owned by Josep Dalmau, a
figure who had played a key role in positioning Barcelona as a cen-
tre for the European avant-garde, having implemented an impor-
tant programme of international exhibitions in 1912.40 This included
the famous Exposió d’Art Cubista [Exhibition of Cubist Art], which
introduced the city to works by August Agero, Marcel Duchamp, Al-
bert Gleizes, Juan Gris, Marie Laurencin, Metzinger, Le Fauconnier
and Fernand Léger in April and May of that year.41 As Mercè Vidal ar-
gues, the exhibition responded to the Barcelona art scene’s grow-
ing interest in Cubism, spurred by news of the scandals associated
with Paris’s Salons in 1911 42 and fed by Picasso’s work and the ma-
turing of Spain’s Noucentisme movement.
43 Within this context,
Dalmau’s exhibition ignited an intense critical debate in which more
than 20 in-depth articles debating Cubism and the exhibition were
published in the Catalonian press.44
Other exhibitions turned Galeries Dalmau into an international
hotspot, including a show in 1912 featuring the work of 15 Polish
artists who were based in Paris.45 Its importance grew further dur-
ing the War years when Dalmau’s activities benefited from Spain’s
neutral status in the conflict and from the growing number of art-
ists who took refuge in the city.46
Having established herself in Barcelona as a “fashion designer”
since the beginning of the War, Berthe Delaunay, Robert’s mother,
played an important role in connecting the couple to Barcelona’s
avant-garde circles. Her role as a mediator has been documented
by Pascal Rousseau: Berthe Delaunay promoted Robert and So-
nia’s work and kept them in the know about the city’s arts scene.47
It was also through her that they established contact with Dalmau;
she was even cited in the pages of the magazine Vell i Nou as the
organiser of the “Exhibition of Simultaneist Art”, announced on 1
March 1916.48
The idea of exhibiting at Galeries Dalmau was first mentioned in
the June 1915 correspondence when preparations were underway
for the works and the respective album for Exposition Mouvantes.
However, the couple did not establish contact with Josep Dalmau
until almost a year later.49 Whilst the context of the War in which
they lived could account for the various possible causes behind
this delay, the fact is that it remains a mystery. Undoubtedly, refer-
ences to a lack of materials (paper, colours etc.) were constantly
made, as is evident in the letters published by Paulo Ferreira, for
instance. Meanwhile, the long letter Amadeo wrote to Robert De-
launay on 16 June 1915 reveals that he had made “photographs of
three small paintings in Porto, which should be ready in two days’
time and could be used for the Barcelona catalogue”; it also reveals
that he needed several of his exhibition paintings to be brought over
from Paris by his wife Lucie, who was supposed to be leaving for
the city, but was, in fact, still in Manhufe.50
Between the late summer and early autumn of 1915, Amadeo
de Souza Cardoso visited the Delaunays twice in Vila do Conde: the
first visit, for La Simultanée, was announced to Robert Delaunay in
a letter dated 9 September.51 The second visit appears to have been
a longer stay as, in a letter dated 24 October, Amadeo thanks the
Delaunays for their “charming hospitality”.52 Until the end of 1915,
however, the biggest news would not be the anticipated exhibition
at Galeries Dalmau, but rather, a letter to Robert Delaunay from
Arturo Ciacelli in December inviting him to exhibit at Nya konst-
galleriet in Stockholm (see article by Annika Öhrner). The invitation
was immediately shared with Amadeo in early January, who replied
to Robert Delaunay:
“Regarding the exhibition in Stockholm, I would really like to send
small items: tell me what I should do to send the paintings and when
– but let’s discuss this in person. I leave for Porto on Tuesday and,
on Wednesday, I will stay over to help with the preparation of the
colours. My wife is still not able to go; I will come to get her later. I’ll
bring a pair of bed sheets and blankets. I am excited to be done with
oil; it gives me neurasthenia.”53
The Delaunay Circle 211
Amadeo did not end up sending a single piece for the Nya konst-
galleriet exhibition, which opened on 24 March 1916. Although the
show focused mainly on Sonia Delaunay’s work, it also included
four paintings by Robert.
On 6 April, the exhibition was enthusiastically reported by Al-
mada Negreiros in the pages of A Ideia Nacional as an “extraor-
dinary simultaneist festival in Stockholm, where an exhibition of
paintings by Madame and Mr. Delaunay were shown alongside a
reading of Blaise Cendrars’ ‘PROSE OF THE TRANS-SIBERIAN AND OF LITTLE
JEHANNE OF FRANCE’ and the first simultaneist symphonies of mod-
ern music”.54 Interestingly, the contents of the exhibition catalogue
shows a list of soon-to-be-published works by the Delaunays, in-
cluding an edition of “Poèmes Portugais [Portuguese Poems] by
Mme Delaunay-Terk and José de Almada Negreiros” immediately
after “Le panama [The panama] by Mme Delaunay-Terk and Blaise
Cendrars”.55
As Annika Öhrner has written, and contrary to the prevailing
notion that the cooling of relations between Amadeo and the De-
launays was specifically related to the latter’s decision to exhibit at
Nya konstgalleriet without the Portuguese painter, 56 it is clear that
Amadeo’s absence was due mainly to the unfinished state of many
of his works. Amadeo himself admitted this to Robert Delaunay
only six days prior to the opening, on 18 March 1916:
“Dear friend,
The shops had closed by the time I arrived in Por to, which made
it impossible to change the colours. I will not be able to finish the
paintings on time, I need to delay sending them for the exhibition.
I will inform you as soon as I have finished my paintings. As for the
exhibition, I am convinced that we will have a secure sale. (…)”57
On 20 March, Amadeo informed Robert that he was pulling out
of the exhibition: “I should not and cannot show my paintings at
the moment, so do not count on me (…)”.58 However, soon after,
despite Germany having declared war against Portugal on 9 March
1916, the two of them discussed holding new exhibitions in Stock-
holm and Christiania.
Meanwhile, as the opening at Nya konstgalleriet approached,
preparations for the show at Josep Dalmau’s gallery intensified. In
fact, the exhibition was announced by Almada Negreiros in an arti-
cle in A Ideia Nacional, praising the Stockholm show:
“You [José Pacheco] should know that a simultaneist exhibition will
be opening in Barcelona that, in addition to Madame Delaunay-Terk
and Mr. Robert Delaunay, will include just three other Portuguese
artists: Cardoso, Eduardo Viana and yours truly.”59
Almada Negreiros’ information about the artists who had been
invited to Barcelona was not entirely correct. As Pascal Rousseau
has shown,60 the axis of Nordic relations established by Arturo
Ciacelli served as the basis for transforming the Barcelona ex-
hibition into a project that was broader and more ambitious than
the Expositions Mouvantes planned within the scope of Corpora-
tion Nouvelle.
The fact that a large exhibition in Barcelona became central
to the Delaunays’ circle is clearly observable in the letters ex-
changed between the Delaunays and Amadeo de Souza Car-
doso,61 Arturo Ciacelli and, especially, Josep Dalmau from March
1916 onwards.62 Dalma u’s series of letters 63 shed light on th e gal-
lery owner’s repeated expressions of interest in holding an “Exhi-
bition on Simultaneist art proposed by Madame Delaunay” to the
postponement of its opening and the subsequent failure of the
entire project. This failure was not so much the result of the dif-
ficulties created by Portugal’s entry into the War – which forced
Robert Delaunay to move to Vigo to avoid being called up to fight
as a citizen of an allied country – nor the ambitious goals that
the project was nevertheless developing, but rather the cooling
of the Delaunays’ relations with their Portuguese friends and the
212
plans for an unexpected act of official propaganda for French art
in Barcelona in 1917.
Although I will return to this matter later, I would like to under-
line for now the fact that the proposal presented to Josep Dalmau
contained only one mention of Corporation Nouvelle in the initial
contact. According to Pascal Rousseau, Sonia Delaunay explained
that:
“In addition to my works and those of my husband, there will be oth-
ers by painters from Moscow, Portugal, the United States, Switzer-
land and Italy. We already have many of these works here and we
are waiting to receive others.’ The group would be presented in the
catalogue under the name ‘Corporation Nouvelle, bringing together
artists from Nor th, South, East and West.’”64
Despite this initial mention, which included the participation of
Sam Halpert and Daniel Rossiné, what eventually emerged in 1916
was an Exhibition of Simultaneist Art. This is in line with Pascal
Rousseau’s observation that the Barcelona exhibition became a
key piece in the Delaunays’ struggle to intervene in the internation-
al art scene and create a superior counterpoint to the widely rec-
ognised importance of Cubism and, to a lesser extent, Futurism.65
The event was announced as an “Exhibition of Simultaneist Art
on 1 March 1916 in the pages of the magazine Vell i Nou. There, it
was reported that the exhibition would likely take place in mid-April
and bring a wide range of artistic works to Josep Dalmau’s gallery:
“It is not a modern pictorial school, but rather a simultaneous gath-
ering of the arts to create an impression.”66 The gallery would thus
be decorated according to simultaneist principles and improvised
concerts would be performed based on the motifs of these deco-
rations and other exhibited works. The entire event would be ac-
companied by conferences and was expected to replicate the suc-
cess of previous simultaneist exhibitions that were speculatively
attributed to Paris, London, Lisbon and other capitals.
The description of this event is, to a large extent, confirmed by
the contents of a letter Sonia Delaunay sent to Josep Dalmau on 3
March 1916, part of which was published by Rousseau.67 We know
through this letter that Sonia suggested a contribution from Cen-
drars in the conferences. With an eye on the fashion market and
other consumer goods, she also wanted to hold special exhibition
days to present “objects of art with appropriate decoration, such as
a dinner table set with other compositions of decorative objects,
made in a way that is completely new and unexpected, which could
be called ‘women’s art’ and be of great interest to the public”.68
Sonia promised to send Dalmau photos of the objects that she
had created (see photograph D15), adding that the project would
include a programme of simultaneous music created by her con-
tacts in Stockholm, to whom she had already requested “the film
and score” that ought to be incorporated into the exhibition.69 In
other words, the programme for Barcelona would include the par-
ticipation of Arturo Ciacelli as composer, experimental filmmaker
and gallery owner (see article by Annika Öhrner). In addition to tak-
ing part in the event through “improvised piano performances that
would serve as a rhythmic backdrop to projections of colour films”
that he had created with his wife (the Swedish artist Elsa Ström),
Ciacelli would also ensure the participation of Swedish and Norwe-
gian artists in the Dalmau exhibition.70
The idea of exhibiting in Barcelona would become central for
Amadeo de Souza Cardoso. Although he must have known about
the exhibition-event that Sonia Delaunay had proposed to Dalmau,
Amadeo seems to have been unaware of the manner in which the
“Exhibition of Simultaneist Art” was announced in the pages of Vell
i Nou. At least this is what one can surmise from the correction to
Almada Negreiros’ report in A Ideia Nacional:
“Our dear friend and artistic collaborator José de Almada-Negrei-
ros received the following letter from the painter Amadeo de Sousa
Cardoso:
The Delaunay Circle 213
MR. JOSÉ DE ALMADA NEGREIROS – In the Ar t and Artists section (Ideia
Nacional) written by you, there is an error regarding the Barcelona
Exhibition – the organisation has left the impression that the scope
of this artistic action is limited to that of a school. In the interests of
the Exhibition and consequently, the public, I would like to request
that this be corrected in the next issue of Ideia Nacional so as to in-
form the public that this artistic action is coordinated independently
of all and any schools, in which artists of various nationalities and
distinct personalities participate.
Sincerely yours, etc.
Manhufe. Amarante, 9 April 1916
I will later return to this letter by Amadeo de Souza Cardoso.
For now, however, let me note that the exhibition that was under-
way also motivated Josep Dalmau, who, in a letter dated 17 April
1916, sent precise instructions to Sonia Delaunay regarding what
was to be expected.71 He explained that it would not be possible to
charge admission to the gallery and that if the costs of the exhibi-
tion were to be covered, the solution would be to charge for the
conferences instead. He also explained that the idea of selling “Il-
lustrated catalogues” could attract more success if they opted for
early subscriptions and that while Cubist painters had sold some of
their works, it would be better not to expect any sales:
“However, if you show decorative objects, whether they be textiles
or others, you will have better hopes. I have no doubt that your art
will be of great interest in B arcelona, but I believe it is my duty to
warn you again that from a “Sales” perspective, it is highly suscep-
tible and I would prefer to dissuade you of your calculations as it
could prove prejudicial to you if I said otherwise.”72
Attached to this letter were two important documents: a floor
plan of Galeries Dalmau and a summary of “Conditions for the Ex-
hibition of Simultaneist art proposed by Madame Delaunay”, which
was to be signed by all participants. In this document, Dalmau
clarified the obligations of both parties. For instance, “all publicity
regarding the exhibition, catalogues, announcements, etc...” would
be the responsibility of the artists, but the gallery space would be
provided for free, while the gallery owner would be responsible for
lighting and mounting the exhibition.73 Since Dalmau had still not
considered the size of the exhibition that he suggested launching
in May or October, he offered the artists the possibility of using a
space next to the gallery; they would, however, have to pay a fee
of 100 Francs to clear out the space and hide the objects that were
stored there (Josep Dalmau’s businesses included the sale of an-
tiques).74
Far from what Amadeo de Souza Cardoso anticipated in his April
letter published in A Ideia Nacional, what the exhibition-event in
Barcelona was intended to define through the novelty of its deco-
rative objects and multimedia presentations was the spectacular
appearance in the international arts scene of a Simultaneist Inter-
national led by the Delaunays in the midst of the war years.75
As the magazine Vell i Nou had announced, Simultaneism could
not be understood as another artistic movement or “school” in
the way Robert Delaunay understood Cubism to be, for instance.
The meaning of this refutation has a double dimension. Firstly, it is
consistent with an essentialist notion of Simultaneism as the dis-
covery of “pure painting”.76 In this sense, it was far removed from
the pluralist individualism lauded by Amadeo in the aforemen-
tioned letter (“independently of all and any schools, in which art-
ists of various nationalities and distinct personalities take part”)
and in an interview he gave to the newspaper O Dia in December
1916 in which, in answer to the question “Could you tell us what
school of painting you belong to?”, he replied, “I do not follow any
school. The schools have died. We, the young artists, seek only
originality.77
214
On 15 December 1917, in the first of a series of articles he pub-
lished in Vell i Nou , under the heading “El Simultanisme del Senyor
i la Senyora Delaunay” [“The Simultaneism of Mr. and Mrs. Delau-
nay”], Robert succinctly emphasised this fundamental aspect of
Simultaneism:
“The success of Simultaneity in art is not the description of an ob-
ject, or objects or things; on the contrary, it is the discovery of THE
WHOLE through an appropriate métier that is opposed to or beyond
division, fragmentation, Impressionism, Neo-Impressionism, Fau-
vism, Cubism, Futurism, Synchonism, in a word, of all schools up
to the present day.
I insist on using the word ‘painting’. Cubism is neither painting, lit-
erature nor art.
Rather, it is the destruction of t hese arts, since Cubism includes
neither Futurism nor Constructivism.”78
The idea of “the discovery of THE WHOLE through an appropriate
métier” confirms Simultaneism as being synonymous with “pure
painting” and the dimension of “artistic truth” that Robert Delau-
nay had been ascribing to it since 1912. Béatrice Joyeux-Prunel
has shown how Delaunay “reinterprets his production since 1906
in light of the Simultaneism he claims to have envisioned that year
and applied since 1911, a clear instance of backdating”.79 At the
same time, she sheds light on the terms under which the painter
publicised his work internationally: Simultaneism transformed
into a venture that, at the heart of which, the federative model
of Der Blaue Reiter and the Der Sturm gallery would re-emerge,
except that its horizontality was now replaced by a pyramidal for-
mation (with Robert Delaunay at the top).80
Secondly, and complementarily, the insistence on the im-
portance of métier was linked to the Delaunays’ appreciation of
popular art and artisanal modes of production, and the political
dimension they ascribed to this revival by taking a stand against
the dominant bourgeois culture.81 A stand that, as we saw earlier,
paradoxically coexisted alongside the celebration of consumer-
ism, mass culture and entertainment.
Furthermore, and as David Cottington has argued, this com-
mitment to an artistic practice grounded in the centrality of metier,
directly attacked the intellectualism that Robert Delaunay associ-
ated with Cubism. As he stated himself, “the world is not our repre-
sentation recreated by reason (Cubism), the world is our métier.”82
What, in Delaunay’s opinion, countered the conceptual idealism of
the “profound realism” proposed by Albert Gleizes and Jean Metz-
inger in Du Cubisme (1912)83 was its trust in the possibility of re-
establishing the importance of retinal vision, or as Gordon Hughes
states, “the attempt to develop a radically reconceptualised model
of vision for painting”.84 The study of simultaneous contrasts,
therefore, suited the construction of a “pure painting” associated
with a new truth of vision.
The Simultaneist International that reappeared in Barcelona
shared several of the “founding principles” that were defined for
Corporation Nouvelle, but it corresponded to an earlier project that
had placed Robert Delaunay’s essentialist research at the forefront
of multiple potential manifestations of Simultaneism (from musi-
cal performances to experimental cinema, from painting to con-
sumer objects). One should not, therefore, take one for the other,
although the importance of collective work, namely the artisanal
aspect of the pochoir that was central to the production of works
under the aegis of Corporation Nouvelle, did remain alive within the
scope of the Simultaneist International.
What had changed the most with the event’s transformation
was, on the one hand, the horizontality of “spiritual unity [and]
practical unity” advocated by, in Delaunay’s own words, the “Cor-
poration Nouvelle from North to South[,] from East to West”, and
on the other, the articulation between the local and the transna-
tional. Furthermore, and contrary to what I had noted earlier re-
The Delaunay Circle 215
garding the preparations for the Corporation album, the Simulta-
neist International did not, and could not, have any geographical
grounding. The social space of the Simultaneist International was
historical. That is to say, its roots were historically defined: it was the
terrain from which the pre-war avant-garde emerged. Within this
world of reference, the new counter-cultural dynamic that sought
to revive the marginal “authenticity” of popular art and Portuguese
landscapes did not have a place. This could well explain why Robert
Delaunay decided not to show any of his Portuguese production in
Barcelona, neither in the illustrated article published in Vell i Nou on
15 December 1917 nor in the exhibition he would eventually present
on the invitation of several Catalonian artists in 1918. Inversely, this
may also explain why Robert showed the work the following year in
Bilbao with Sonia, once the urgency of the historical endorsement
of Simultaneism had passed (I am referring to an exhibition at the
Salon of the Association of Basque Artists, where Josep Dalmau
took the Delaunays to establish contacts).
Setting aside the putatively involuntary or less informed nature
of several of its recruitments, the Simultaneist International led by
the Delaunays was, first and foremost, an attempt to fight the tri-
umph of Cubism and Futurism as the first synonyms of the avant-
garde (and by extension its protagonists, especially Pablo Picasso,
whose triumph Barcelona celebrated as its own). Barcelona had
emerged as an artistic centre during the war years. The Simulta-
neist International was part of the manifestation of this centrality,
despite the fact that its struggle against the relations of power that
had been instituted prior to 1914 failed to have any repercussions.
What was crucial to this entire process of Corporation Nou-
velle’s transformation into a mobilising International was the axis
of Nordic relations facilitated by Arturo Ciacelli.85 As Annika Öhrner
explains in this catalogue, Ciacelli, in Stockholm, declared himself
a representative of the “Northern Section” of what he described
as a “Branch of artistic action in Paris”. On 25 March 1916, while
claiming a great success in the run-up to the opening of the exhibi-
tion at Nya konstgalleriet, Ciacelli, in rudimentary French, informed
the Delaunays of his interest in “your manifestations in the South”:
he added “I am preparing to organise modern artists here for [sic]
send their works for [sic] organise a Northern section in your inter-
national exhibitions.”86
The North-South axis that the Delaunays’ circle had built for
the Barcelona project did not imply a simple expansion of Corpo-
ration Nouvelle’s non-hierarchical structure (seen early on in the
album project); rather, it suggested the emergence of a network
enhanced by the Delaunays’ leadership, one aimed at strengthen-
ing its position in the international avant-garde scene as a coun-
terpoint to the historical protagonism of the Cubists and Futurists.
As we saw earlier, Sonia Delaunay kept to her idea of selling “Il-
lustrated catalogues” made from pochoir in the Barcelona exhibi-
tion. Meanwhile, Eduardo Viana remained apparently steadfast in
his work with the stencils. In mid-April, he told Robert Delaunay of
his idea of creating an album: “My second pochoir, which I’ve just
completed (the one with the toys) will be the first of a series that I
will continue. I would like you to see this work I’ve done: I believe it
represents progress in my new craft”.87 Several days later, he sent
positive news about the progress of the Corporation album that
had been outlined in 1915:
“Now I am working on four pages [of the album]: your poem, Car-
doso’s page, Madame’s page with her portrait (I am not sure if I will
succeed, it is very difficult), Almada Negreiros’ page, and I will re-
duce and transform the page for the Concert , Blaise Cendrar’s (sic)
(...) Do have a think about the preface for the Album.”88
Amadeo de Sousa Cardoso also worked on the pochoirs until
4 August 1916, when he suddenly decided to abandon the disci-
pline that had kept Corporation Nouvelle together. By now, the en-
thusiasm he had showed for the Barcelona exhibition in previous
216
months was all but exhausted. In the letters he wrote to Robert and
Sonia Delaunay in late March, immediately after having decided not
to send his works to Stockholm, the marchand (Dalmau) continued
to be the focus of his attention: he asked Sonia if she could arrange
the works, letters and drawings to be sent, while suggesting that
they send them together – “I will bring my things to your house to
add them to yours” – and told her he was working on a pochoir for
the catalogue.89
On 7 April 1916, he replied to Robert Delaunay (now in Vigo),
agreeing on the need to focus efforts on artistic action:
“I’m still very enthusiastic and I await the catalogue for Barcelona.
I’ve been preparing for this for a long time and I think we need to de-
velop more actions. Nothing else is stopping us. Do send me some
news soon, very soon. Vigo is very nice, but do not stray too far. As
for Christiania-Stockholm, send me details, but more importantly,
tell me about Barcelona.” 90
Amadeo’s interest in the Barcelona project took centre stage
again in a letter in early April. After responding to Robert Delaunay
about the works that were sent to Stockholm-Christiana as part
of Arturo Ciacelli’s new initiatives, he asked: “Tell me also if you are
keen on artistic actions in Spain, as this is of great interest to me; it
is something that is close to my heart.”91
Even after the traumatic episode of Sonia Delaunay’s detention,
Amadeo de Souza Cardoso’s interest and his dedication to the col-
lective discipline of pochoir remained, as Paulo Ferreira recounts
from letters the Portuguese painter sent to Robert Delaunay.92 So-
nia was detained in Porto for more than 10 days, during which Am-
adeo handled all of the procedures necessary for her defence. As I
have argued in previous studies, this case is obliquely referenced in
a painting of Amadeo’s known as Entrada [Entrance] (33).93
Despite the gravity of the situation, however, none of the exhibi-
tion projects were put in jeopardy. On 20 April 1916, Amadeo, who
had by now returned to Manhufe, wrote to Sonia Delaunay: “as for
our exhibitions, we will do them as soon as we can.”94 On the same
day, he wrote to Robert: we should show in Lisbon and Porto as
soon as possible and
“I will exhibit with you in Stockholm; I will have to exhibit with you
since I do not have a large number of paintings to send. For Barcelo-
na, I am ready. In brief, we are agreed from the standpoint of artistic
action. We will act as soon as possible. Your wife and I have spoken
a great deal about this issue and we have decided to act, to act.” 95
The crisis of Sonia Delaunay’s detention also did not prevent Jo-
sep Dalmau’s letter dated 17 April from being received, containing
the aforementioned terms of the Barcelona exhibition. The months
that the gallery owner suggested for holding the exhibition – May
or October – were mentioned by Amadeo in a letter dated 29 April
in which he responded to Sonia’s initial hesitation about a May ex-
hibition (“Barcelone-mai”) [“Barcelona-May”] and her preference
for a large October show (“Barcelone-octobre”) [“Barcelona-Oc-
tober”]. He then suggested to Robert that a small exhibition be held
immediately in Barcelona, followed by another larger one in Octo-
ber. He also asked him to “send news about Barcelona as soon as
possible so I will know what to expect”.96 On 3 May, he wrote again
in a postcard: “Tell me (...) if there will be an exhibition in Barcelona
in May. I am ready, as is the pochoir. Should I send everything to you
for this exhibition? And how about Lisbon? Have you heard from
Negreiros? I will write to you this evening. We should do an exhibi-
tion immediately in Barcelona and a large one in the fall”.97
Other letters would revisit this question in the ensuing days, un-
til 13 May 1916, when Amadeo told Robert Delaunay that he had
sent five paintings in a tube to Hotel França in Vigo: “Have you re-
ceived them? Please let me know. The paintings get quite damaged
when they are heavily rolled up.”98 Amadeo thus thought that the
two exhibitions would be held; in requesting to be kept informed of
The Delaunay Circle 217
the latest actions, he also suggested: “As for the book or catalogue,
we will need to prepare it well for the fall; try to get the writers of
the Corporation involved”.99
The paintings that were sent to Vigo were listed soon after in
another letter:
Titles and measurements
1 Mills, 40 x 33
2 Mills telegraph wire, 5 4 x 39
3 Mills cogwheel, 49 1/2 x 40
4 Miller, 34 1/2 x 27 1/2
5 Blue window, 27 x 21
Price
1…………………….200 F
2………………….…200
3…………………….150
4…………………….150
5…………………….100(…)”100
In it, we re-encounter the selection of five paintings of mills, a
miller and a window (34, 35, 36 e 37) that, in adhering to the local
emphasis of poemas em cor [poems in colour], may have been
created for the album that had been envisioned in 1915 (16 e 27).
These are the poems and paintings that inform the question I had
raised earlier about the geographical grounding of the popular ref-
erences created under the aegis of Corporation Nouvelle. However,
the multimedia project in the Simultaneist exhibition planned for
Galeries Dalmau favoured other dynamics. Amadeo seemed to
have been aware of this, in that he believed the pochoir and the
paintings he had sent would only be shown at the small exhibition
that he thought would take place prior to the large exhibition in
October.101 This might explain why he began to insistently demand
the return of his canvasses from 19 June onwards when it became
clear that no exhibition would be held in Barcelona prior to October.
Meanwhile, Eduardo Viana, who directly suffered from the col-
lateral effects of Sonia Delaunay’s detention, having been detained
himself for several days, went through a period of great instability,
made worse by the approach of military inspection and the news
of the death of Mário de Sá Carneiro in the spring of 1916.102 As a
result, the works that he had continuously promised the Delaunays
would only be sent in mid-June.103 About twenty days earlier, while
inquiring about a drawing he had received (“Is Delaunay’s disc the
cover for the album?”), he described his work as the result of the
dogged perfection of his métier” and asked them to “tell me if I
have made progress on this front”. 104
Viana’s progress did not earn a friendly reply from Robert De-
launay. As with Amadeo, the problem centred on the issue of the
pochoir; in contrast to what the Delaunays had hoped, the works
Eduardo Viana sent did not follow the discipline of the craft that had
been defined for the members of Corporation Nouvelle since 1915.
Viana’s reply to Sonia was withering:
“Last night, I wrote a letter to Delaunay – not the Delaunay I once
knew, but the Delaunay, as he himself has so well stated, of all the
bistro façades of Paris. It was a response to his rude let ter and vul-
gar spirit, which smelled most of all like the fart – if you will pardon
me – of an overweight man who has badly digested... the history of
the pochoirs. (…)
I have to work now. I have no time for gossip; can you imagine how
diligent and hard one can work without having to spend one’s time
doing these mind numbing pochoirs? I understand absolutely noth-
ing. How on earth could you think that the studies I sent you were
made from pochoir? So you are an expert at the métier. It is pos-
sible to achieve the tone degradées through the boring reuse of the
cards. As you can see, one can achieve the same result as with the
pochoirswith sensitivit y – without debasing oneself through me-
chanical means. My Album is made simply like the studies, with a
new material.”105
218
Later, Viana demanded the return of his works (those he had
recently sent and “my big painting”), as well as the “African statu-
ettes” he had sent to the Delaunays to be sold at the exhibition.
It was not only the Delaunays’ friendship with Eduardo Viana
that was dealt a major blow as a result of the lack of importance
that one or more individuals had placed on the discipline of po-
choir. For the Delaunays, the centrality of this technique – asso-
ciated with the importance they placed on métier and the value
they gave to popular art and artisanal modes of production – had
both a broad political dimension in its opposition to the dominant
bourgeois culture and a specific dimension in terms of its resist-
ance to the intellectualism they associated with Cubism. This
aspect, which reveals the extent to which the essentialist aim of
Simultaneism was applied to all of the Delaunays’ activities, had
never been entirely shared by Amadeo or Viana, for whom work-
ing with stencils did not transcend the mechanical dimension and
restricted individual expression.
It is, therefore, not surprising that relations between the Delau-
nays and Amadeo de Souza Cardoso also changed significantly in
the summer of 1916. Beginning in mid-June, Amadeo made insist-
ent requests to have the paintings he had prepared for “Barcelone-
mai” returned to him.106
The five paintings would finally be returned on 11 July after Am-
adeo sent Sonia Delaunay a copy of a book by Rimbaud that had
so astonished him that he had asked her in May: “I beg of you to
allow me more time with Rimbaud; this is a great help to me! Do
not worry about the book.”107 In the days that followed, their cor-
respondence remained friendly and Amadeo took the opportunity
to remind Sonia of her promise to give him a copy of Prose of the
Trans-Siberian.108
Meanwhile, Amadeo was confronted by the Delaunays’ sudden
decision to return to Portugal (see text by Margarida Mafra). An-
swering their requests for suggested destinations, Amadeo con-
fessed that he was not familiar with Minho (letter dated 3 August)
and advised them against Espinho and the beaches around Porto
– “it is horribly bourgeois”.109 In the same letter, Amadeo expressed
his sympathy with Eduardo Viana and announced that he would no
longer make pochoirs:
“I am sorry to tell you that I will not make any more pochoirs. I am
absolutely done with this work, it is a bondage that I do not wish to
suffer. I have tried and quickly regretted it: it is a horrible industry
with poor results. I speak for myself. Perhaps it is very good for oth-
ers, but basically, it is replacing one type of mechanics with another.
It should be something other than the old systems, something more
varied and very modern.
I work. Basically, it all comes down to knowing your craf t well – I’m
done with destruction.110
This announcement significantly altered the terms of the cor-
respondence that was to follow. In late August, the Portuguese
painter was afflicted by Sonia Delaunay’s extreme irony when she
stated that she would reserve his copy of Prose du Trans-sibérien
until he had reached a deeper understanding of pochoirs.111 Ama-
deo retaliated by acerbically congratulating the Delaunays for their
international success and wrote the words that form the epigraph
to this essay: “I like your art so much, it’s a pity you’re so political.”
From then on, Amadeo de Souza Cardoso acted alone in his ini-
tiatives. In the fall of 1916, the Portuguese painter resumed corre-
spondence with Walter Pach – an American friend who had invited
him to the Armory Show in 1913 – and with it came the excitement
of a possible exhibition in New York. It was during that time that he
published the album for 12 Reproductions,112 a book of photograph-
ic reproductions created to publicise his work; it represented the
antithesis of the collective work of Corporation Nouvelle’s album
of pochoirs. This publication would precede the two notorious solo
exhibitions that he would hold that year in Porto (1 to 12 November)
and in Lisbon (4 to 18 December).113
The Delaunay Circle 219
What the letters between Josep Dalmau and Sonia Delaunay
show us is that the preparation for the Simultaneist exhibition,
which was now planned for the fall, followed its initial course until
September. 114
Throughout that summer, the gallery owner sug-
gested holding various meetings with Sonia, first in Bilbao115and
then later in Santander. None of them took place. Still, and de-
spite his refusal to personally transport the works to Barcelona,
the exhibition appeared to be well on its way. Hence, Dalmau went
ahead and approached the Group of Basque Artists with the idea
of holding an exhibition in the city of “Simultaneist artists” brought
together by the Delaunays. He wrote to Sonia: “They gave me a
warm welcome and they are interested and very willing to seriously
work on this project and to do an exhibition.”116 This proposal would
eventually materialise in 1919 in a context that involved only the
Delaunays. It would be at this salon that the couple’s Portuguese
works would be shown for the first time.
It was in early September 1916, quite possibly after the De-
launays’ falling out with the Portuguese painters, that something
crucial changed. A letter cited by Pascal Rousseau describes the
Delaunays’ intention to hold not one, but a series of three exhibi-
tions at Galeries Dalmau (alas, following Amadeo’s idea that a
small exhibition would not impede the subsequent realisation of
a large exhibition). The first exhibitions would only feature Sonia
and Robert Delaunay. That is, there would be an initial exhibition
of Sonia’s work and a second exhibition featuring Robert Delaunay
(who would include his most famous works and texts about these
works). Only the third exhibition would bring together other artists
from the Delaunay circle (to be scheduled on a convenient date
during the gallery’s season).117 The large Simultaneist exhibition
was postponed until the following year to benefit the Delaunays’
individual shows, which Sonia asked Dalmau to publicise, “under-
lining the strategic importance of the exhibitions for the modernist
dynamic.”118
On 16 September, Dalmau’s reply to Sonia effectively confirmed
her solo exhibition, whose opening was set for 15 November. Con-
sequently, the details for the catalogue she was asked to send in-
cluded only the title and the number of works to be exhibited and
the number of copies of the catalogue.119
A series of delays in receiving Dalmau’s letters, several misun-
derstandings (particularly Sonia Delaunay’s insistence that Dal-
mau visit Portugal to select the works for the exhibition himself),
problems with the shippers of the paintings that had been shown
in Stockholm, and Sonia’s absolute dedication to a mural project
for the Fonseca de Valença Asylum in Minho (see article by Mar-
garida Mafra) would once again condemn this exhibition to fail. By
the time contact with Dalmau was re-established in November,
another larger reason behind the need to change and postpone the
date of the Delaunay’s exhibition in Barcelona had emerged:
“In your nice letter of the 10th instant, which I received yester-
day, I learned that you have changed your plan as a result of hav-
ing found out that next spring, an Exhibition of French Artists has
been planned in Barcelona; it is perfect that this exhibition is being
planned and I believe that it will be held at that time. Regarding this
subject, your most recent plan seems reasonable. Perhaps this is a
good opportunity to take advantage of (…)
Shall we postpone our projects until next spring then? I think we
should not hesitate.”120
Despite Dalmau’s enthusiasm, the Simultaneist exhibition in
Barcelona died with this final postponement, which also put an end
to the North axis that had been organised by Ciacelli.121 When the
massive exhibition of French Art opened at the Palau de Belles Ar-
tes in the spring of 1917, the Delaunays, especially Robert, who was
absent from the show, had no counter narrative to offer.
Barcelona received 1,458 works from Paris, which included
objects of decorative art, sculpture and painting from the past 50
220
years.122 Robert Delaunay’s ambition of being acclaimed, along with
Simultaneism, as the true heir of the great French tradition dating
back to Impressionism, instead of the Cubists, including the likes of
La Fresnaye (who was present in the exhibition), had utterly failed.
Still, as Pascal Rousseau has shown, Barcelona eventually offered
Robert Delaunay two key moments of redemption: the first was
the lengthy article he published in Vell i Nou in December 1917 in
which he presented himself as the true heir of France’s tradition
of painting while accusing Picasso’s Cubism (which was received
with a banquet that year in Barcelona) of being nothing more than
a German plot due to his association with the gallery owner Daniel-
Henry Kahnweiler.123 Published under the heading “El Simultanisme
del Senyor i la Senyora Delaunay”, the article contained a long letter
Robert had written to Joan Sacs and it showed the artist’s simul-
taneist production from before the War.124 It mentioned his Portu-
guese works – “I would like you to take a look at our latest produc-
tion. I think you will be surprised” – but nothing of it was shown,
except for the mural created by Sonia Delaunay for the Fonseca de
Valença Asylum in Minho, whose main panel was reproduced in the
pages of the Barcelona magazine.
The second moment refers finally to an exhibition. In 1918,
spurred no doubt by the impact of the article from the previous
December, a group of Catalonian artists invited Robert Delaunay
to exhibit in may at the municipal salon at the Palau de Belles Ar-
tes. This time, Robert Delaunay did not lose out on the opportunity.
However, the works he showed in Barcelona adhered to the guide-
lines for the Simultaneist International; that is, the 16 works on dis-
play represented his Parisian production from the pre-war years
and promoted a historical narrative of the painter that portrayed
the work as a true alternative to Cubism and Futurism.
The exclusion of Delaunay’s Portuguese works is indeed entirely
contextual. As Pascal Rousseau has shown, it spoke of the need
to solidify a narrative about the Delaunayean alternative and, like
the article in Vell i Nou, it found its main theme in an explanation of
Simultaneism’s establishment from its earliest stages until 1914.
The upshot of this was Robert Delaunay’s greater appreciation for
the work he had completed in recent years. Delaunay explained it
himself to Arturo Ciacelli in a letter dated 7 August in which he in-
formed him of the next issue of Velli i Nou:
“I will send you a special issue of a magazine from Barcelona con-
taining a critique of my work – my old work, as the most recent
things are for the new era that is to come, where people will more
quickly understand today’s ar t as a new form of art. These items
are still too new for them to be seen and I will work like mad later.”125
Shortly after, in a letter to Albert Gleizes in November 1917, Rob-
ert Delaunay once again expressed his appreciation of the value
of the work he had produced in Portugal. He stated that he had
“worked like a madman in the last three years in his re-encounter
with nature”. In the nationalist and xenophobic tone that charac-
terises his letters to Gleizes whenever direct or indirect references
are made to Picasso, he added: “There are new things that no one
has ever seen (...) I reserve my work first and foremost for France
when it has been cleansed.”126
Only a year and half later in Bilbao, under a vastly different con-
text, did Robert and Sonia Delaunay manage to show the results
of their re-encounter with Nature. Their Portuguese paintings are
dominated by representative modes replete with the popular refer-
ences and local landscapes that had enabled Robert to re-establish
the importance of retinal vision. To this day, these works continue
to confound those who, in keeping with the prevailing modernist
narrative, understand the “victory of abstraction” as a superior dis-
covery or revelation, irreversible within the history of painting. Ulti-
mately, the Delaunays challenged this narrative in their paradoxical
production, a production that was grounded in Simultaneism (and
thus committed to its quest for pure pictorial research), but also
informed by the artists’ astute observation that, firstly, the social
The Delaunay Circle 221
space of art is plural and accommodates multiple possibilities and,
secondly, that the statements an artist makes can always be in-
terpreted under a political lens and can, therefore, be strategically
defined.
ENDNOTES
1 “I like your art very much, / it’s a pity you’re so political ” ; Letter from Amadeo de Souza
Cardoso to Sonia Delaunay, 28 August 1916; P. Ferreira, Correspondance de quatre ar-
tistes portugais, Paris, PUF, FCG, 1972, p. 186
2 V. Huidobro, “Tour”, Nord-Sud, Vol. 1, N.7 (August 1917), pp. 24-25. See also David Bary,
“Vicente Huidobro: El estilo Nord-Sud”, Revista Iberoamericana, Vol. XXVIII, N.53 (Jan-
Jun 1962), pp. 87.
3 Antonio Martínez Risco, “La figura de la Torre Eiffel como paradigma de la moder-
nidad (a propósito de Tour Eiffel, de Vicente Huidobro)”, Servicio de Publicaciones
da Universidade da Coruña, 1995, p. 118 (accessed online at http://ruc.udc.es/bit-
stream/2183/9363/1/CC-014_art_6.pdf)
4 Jacques Damase, [Introduction], Robert e Sonia Delaunay [exhibition catalogue], Lis-
bon, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1982, n.pag.
5 Marjorie Perloff, The Futurist Moment: Avant-Garde, Avant-Guerre, and the Language
of Rupture. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press [1986] 2003, pp. 2-43
6 “Poèmes inédits publiés par M.me Sonia-Delaunay-Terk”, Portugal Futurista [facsimile
edition], Lisbon, Contexto Editora, 1981 [1917], p. 24
7 N.T. Translated from the given original French version: DU NORD/ AU/ SUD/ ZENITH NADIR/ ET
LES GRANDS CRIS DE LEST/ LOCÉAN À LOUEST /SE GONFLE/ LA TOUR/ À LA ROUE/ SADRESSE
8 P. Ferreira, Correspondance …1972
9 P. Rousseau La Aventura Simultánea: Sonia y Robert Delaunay en Barcelona, Bar-
celona, Universitat de Barcelona, 1995 and “‘El arte nuevo nos soríe’: Robert y Sonia
Delaunay en Iberia (1914-1921)”, Robert y Sonia Delaunay [exhibition catalogue], Bar-
celona, Museu Picasso, 2000
10 P. Rousseau, “‘El arte nuevo nos soríe’…”, 2000, p. 44
11 Robert Delaunay, “Bulletin de souscription pour l’Album nº1 Expositions mouvantes
Nord Sud Est Ouest”, Sonia et Robert Delaunay [catalogue], Paris, Bibliothèque Na-
tionale, 1977-1978, p. 117, nº cat 376.
12 Robert Delaunay, “Project de prospectus pour l’album nº1 Expositions mouvantes Nord
Sud Est Ouest, 1916” Sonia et Robert Delaunay [catalogue], Paris, Bibliothèque Na-
tionale, 1977-1978, p. 117, nº cat. 377
13 [Manuscripts of Robert Delaunay]. In Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Departement
des Estampes et Photographies, Fonds Delaunay, YB3- 5016 - FOL, boîte 1, cahier
1911-1925, M 221026.
14 See P. Ferreira, Correspondance… 1972, p.48
15 R. O’Neill, “Modernist Rendez-vous: Amadeo de Souza Cardoso and the Delaunays”, At the
Edge: A Portuguese Futurist [exhibition cata logue], Lisbon GRI, Corcoran Gallery, 1999, p. 71.
16 Second version of point no. 2 of the pamphlet-announcement: “L’ensemble individuel et
collectif de cet ouvrage represente chacun des artistes qui a exécuté lui même par son
propre métier ses ouvres – à cette ouvre Unique chacun et tous y ayant travaillé ont les
mêmes droits en ce qui concerne la vente de l’album des expositions nord sud est ouest.
Ce sens inédit cette saveur, cette forme nouvelle de l’édition l’on ne trouve dans aucun
ouvrage artistique moderne”; [Manuscript of Robert Delaunay], Bibliothèque Nationale
de France, Departement des Estampes et Photographies, Fonds Delaunay, YB3- 5016
- FOL, boîte 1, cahier 1911-1925, M 221026
17 Sonia et Robert Delaunay…, Bibliothèque Nationale, 1977-1978, p. 117, nº cat. 378
18 Sonia et Robert Delaunay…, Bibliothèque Nationale, 1977-1978, p. 117, nº cat. 379
19 See P. Rousseau, “‘El arte nuevo nos soríe’…”, 2000, p. 45
20 See the letter from Eduardo Viana dated October 1915 in which he says: “My dear
friends, I went to the ‘Brazileira’. Almada spotted me there. He started spreading the
most incredible gossip...” In the same letter, Viana sends the Delaunays news of Sá Car-
neiro; P. Ferreira, Correspondance... 1972, pp. 93-94
21 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay, 11 June 1915; P. Ferreira,
Correspondance… 1972, pp. 69-70
22 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Sonia Delaunay, 11 June 1915; P. Ferreira, Cor-
respondance... 1972, pp. 70-71
23 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay dated 16 June 1915: “Par
ce courrier je vous envoie les expositions mouvantes et la Corporation nouvelle: vous
en prendrez des pochoirs et me renverrez les originaux pour que j’en fasse de mon
cotê. Pour le catalogue de Barcelone, je n’ai pas voulu faire de dessin; je trouve que
l’ecriture suffit. Dites-moi des nouvelles de la galerie Dalman (sic)”; P. Ferreira, Cor-
respondance… 1972, pp. 71-72
24 O’Neill goes further, arguing that: “Souza Cardoso emphasises travel and motion by
locating spiraling canvases poised for circumnavigation. With the wind vane, bridge or
aqueduct, and water, he recalls the great Portuguese age of discoveries in the fifteenth
century. He connects it with Portugal’s discovery of modernism and Portugal as a new
source of modernism.”; R. O’Neill, “Modernist Rendez-vous…, 1999, pp. 73-74
25 R. O’Neill, “Modernist Rendez-vous…”, 1999, p.74
26 See the painting from Musée de Grenoble that was recently shown in Sonia Delaunay
(cat. exp.), Paris, Musée d’Art moderne de la Ville de Paris, and London, Tate Modern,
2014-2015, p. 94
27 “Os moleiros deste açude adoram a virgem toda de branco; Os moleiros deste açude
adoram a farinha”
28 “Os serranos desta Serra adoram um santo que é de pedra; Os serranos desta Serra
adoram os Penedos”
29 P. Rousseau, “Voyelles. Sonia Delaunay et le langage universel de l’audition colorée”,
Sonia Delaunay, Sonia Delaunay (cat. exp.), Paris, Musée d’Art moderne de la Ville de
Paris, and London, Tate Modern, 2014-2015
30 See Mark Antliff, P. Leighten, Cubism and Culture, New York, Thames & Hudson, 2001,
pp. 46-49
31 See D. Cottington, Cubism in the Shadow of War: The Avant-Garde and Politics in Paris
1905-1914, New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1998, pp.179-189 and B.
Joyeux-Prunel, Nul n’est prophète en son pays. L’internationalisation de la peinture
des avant-gardes parisiennes, 1855-1914, Paris, Èditions Nicolas Chaudun, 2009, p.
182-190
222
32 See articles by G. Apollinaire and R. Delaunay published in Du Cubisme à l’Art Abstract:
cahiers inédits de R. Delaunay (Documents inédits publiés par Pierre Francastel), Par-
is, SEVPEN, 1957, pp. 151 ff. The article “Rèalité, peinture pure” by G. Apollinaire would be
published in German in Der Sturm (nº 138-139) in December 1912.
33 Amadeo de Souza Cardoso, “Page-ecriture. Pochoir en coleurs”, Sonia et Robert De-
launay [catalogue], Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, 1977-1978, pp. 117-118, nº cat. 381
34 See R. O’Neill, “Modernist Rendez-vous…”, 1999, p.72
35 See P. Ferreira, Correspondance… 1972, pp.48
36 Letter from Eduardo Viana to Robert Delaunay, 14 March 1916; P. Ferreira, Correspon-
dance… 1972, p. 113: “Je vais penser à faire quelque chose pour l’album de la Corpora-
tion. Pour les études qui suivent, je vais reprendre le portrait de Madame, auquel je tiens
beaucoup, et c’est justement pour cela qu’il ne marche pas!”
37 Letter from Eduardo Viana to Robert and Sonia Delaunay, October 1915 (date attrib-
uted), P. Ferreira, Correspondance… 1972, p. 93: “Je lui parle [a Almada] de l’exposition
de Madame – et qu’est-ce qu’il pense de sa collaboration a la publicité? Il fait tout de
suite des danses rythmiques em plein trottoir.” [I talked [to Almada] about Madame’s
exhibition – and what did he think about your collaboration on the publicity? He imme-
diately started to dance in the middle of the sidewalk.]
38 See footnote 21
39 See footnote 23
40 Jaume Vidal i Oliveras, Josep Dalmau: l’aventura per l’art modern, Barcelona, Fundació
Caixa Manresa, 1993
41 Mercè Vidal, 1912 L’Esposició d’Art Cubista de les Galeries Dalmau, Barcelona, Univer-
sitat de Barcelona, 1996
42 Mercè Vidal, 1912 L’Esposició d’Art Cubista…, 1996, pp. 21-22
43 See Robinson, William H., Falgàs, Jordi and Lord, Carmen Belen (Editors), Barcelona
and Modernity: Picasso, Gaudí, Miró, Dalí, New Haven and London, Yale University
Press, 2007
44 Mercè Vidal, 1912 L’Esposició d’Art Cubista…, 1996
45 Jaume Vidal i Oliveras, Josep Dalmau… 1993, p.221
46 Albert Gleizes, with whom Robert Delaunay maintained a solid friendship, exhibited at
Galeries Dalmau in 1916. That year, Dalmau supported Francis Picabia in an issue of
the magazine Dada ‘391’; Jaume Vidal i Oliveras, Josep Dalmau… 1993 and Robinson,
William H., Falgàs, Jordi and Lord, Carmen Belen (Editors), Barcelona and Modernity
2007
47 See P. Rousseau, La aventura simultánea…, 1995, p.19-20
48 Vell i Nou, 1 March 1916, pp. 15-16. In the original: “Per activar els preparatius ha estat a
Barcelona Mad. [Berthe] Delaunay, illustradíssima amateur d’art. Ella portará aquesta
obra i organitza la tal Exposició. Després de París, s’han fet exposicions a Londres, a
Lisboa i altres capitals. Arreu una revelació, un interés, una curiositat...” [In order to deal
with preparations Mad. [Berthe] Delaunay, most enlightened art amateur, has been in
Barcelona. She will bring these works and she is organising the Exhibition. After Paris,
exhibitions have been held in London, Lisbon and other capitals. Everywhere [it has
been] a revelation, an interest, a curiosity...]
49 Letter from Sonia Delaunay to Josep Dalmau, 3 March 1916, which reads: “Madame
[Berthe] Delaunay informed me that you would be interested in setting up an exhibition
of my work, as well as the work of painters with whom I am currently in contact”; cited
by P. Rousseau, La aventura simultánea…, 1995, p. 20, 22.
50 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay dated 16 June 1915: “Ma
femme partira pour Paris bientôt, et elle m’apportera quelques tableaux que j’enverrai
d’ici a Barcelone, et nous pourrions tous faire l’envoie ensemble – c’est plus sur et plus
économique. Pour Lisbonne, je compte avoir des gens de Paris.” [My wife will be leaving
for Paris shortly and she will bring back several paintings that I will send to Barcelona
from here, we can also send everything together – it is more secure and less expensive.
For Lisbon, I expect to have people from Paris]; P. Ferreira, Correspondance… 1972, p.
72
51 P. Ferreira, Correspondance… 1972, p. 74
52 He adds: “I have arrived, with very nice memories of everyone and everything.”; P. Fer-
reira, Correspondance… 1972, p. 76
53 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay, dated 9 January 1916; P.
Ferreira, Correspondance... 1972, p. 97: “Quant à l’exposition à Stockholm, je veux bien
y envoyer de petites choses: vous me direz comment faire pour l’envoi des tableaux et
à quelle époque – mais, de ceci on parlera. Je dois partir pour Porto mardi prochain et,
le mercredi, j’irai cocher chez vous et resterai pour le broyage des coleurs. Ma femme
n’ira pas encore; je revendrai la chercher plus tard. J’apporterai une paire de draps et de
couvertures. J’ai hâte de me défaire de l’huile; ça me donne la neurasthénie.”
54 Letter from Almada Negreiros to José Pacheco, A Ideia Nacional, N.19 (6 April 1916), p. 6
55 [Catalogue S. Delaunay-Terk], Nya konstgalleriet, Stockholm, 1916, Bibliothèque Na-
tionale de France, Departement des Estampes et Photographies, Fonds Delaunay,YB3-
5016 - FOL, boîte 1, cahier 1911-1925.
56 See R. O’Neill, “Modernist Rendez-vous…”, 1999, pp. 75 –76; citing O’Neill, I have re-
peated this idea in previous articles; see for example Joana Cunha Leal, “Trapped bugs,
rotten fruits and faked collages: Amadeo Souza Cardoso’s troublesome modernism”,
Konsthistorisk tidskrift/Journal of Art History. N. 2, 2013, pp. 99-114
57 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay dated 18 March 1916: “Cher
Ami, Les magasins étant fermés à l’heure où je suis arrivé à Porto, il m’a été impossible
de faire l’exchange des couleurs. Ne pouvant finir les tableaux à temps, il faut remettre
à plus tard l’expédition des toiles pour l’exposition. Je vous ferai parvenir un mot lorsque
j’aurait fini mes tableaux. Quant à l’exposition, je suis convencu qu’on aura une vente
sûre.” (P. Ferreira, Correspondance… 1972, p. 98
58 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Sonia Delaunay dated 18 March 1916: “Je ne
dois pas et ne pourrai pas faire mon expedition de tableaux en ce moment, donc, ne
comptez pas avec moi.” (...)”, P. Ferreira, Correspondance… 1972, p. 99
59 Letter from Almada Negreiros to José Pacheco, A Ideia Nacional, N.19 (6 April 1916), p. 6
60 P. Rousseau, La Aventura Simultanea …, 1995, p. 22 ff
61 Soon after he decided not to send any paintings for the Nya konstgalleriet exhibition,
Amadeo wrote to Sonia Delaunay on 28 March: “Je fais le pochoir pour le catalogue
et vais préparer mes envois. Aussitôt réponse reçue, donnez-moitous les détails, si le
marchand se charge de mettre les toiles en châssis, comment vous faites les envois de
toiles, cartons, dessins, etc. Nous ferons les envois ensemble, c’est bien plus pratique.
Je porterai mes choses chez vous pour les joindre aux vôtres. Tenez-moi toujours au
courant.” [I am making the pochoirs for the catalogue and will get ready to send them.
As soon as you receive a response, give me the details about whether the dealer will be
in charge of framing the paintings, or how you will send the paintings, boxes, drawings,
etc. We will send them together, it is more practical. I will bring my things over to your
house to keep them together with yours. Keep me abreast always.]; P. Ferreira, Cor-
The Delaunay Circle 223
respondance… 1972, p. 100
62 Letter from Josep Dalmau to Sonia Delaunay dated 18 March 1916: “Madame,
Reçue votre lettre 3 etant de voyage. Je parts por Zaragosse lundi prochain j’arrive à Barce-
lone; je vous ecriré touts les detailles necessaires pour notre exposition en project. Notre
exposition m’interesse car m’interesse beaucoup votre art. L’entusiasme de ma part ni
manquerá pas, c’est tout le necessaire pour son but. (…)” [Madame, I received your
third letter from the trip. I leave for Zaragossa. Next Monday, I will arrive in Barcelona;
I will write to you with all of the necessary details for our exhibition. I am interested in
our exhibition because I am very interested in your art. There is no lack of enthusiasm
on my part, it is all that is needed for your objective. (…)]; Bibliothèque Kandinsky, Fonds
Delaunay – Boite 1 – Correspondance et documents divers autour de la participation de
Sonia et Robert Delaunay à des expositions, 1910 - 1926 [archives]
63 Bibliothèque Kandinsky, Fonds Delaunay – Boite 1 – Correspondance et documents
divers autour de la participation de Sonia et Robert Delaunay à des expositions, 1910 -
1926 [archives]
64 Pascal Rousseau La Aventura Simultanea…,1995, p. 33; the source is not specified.
65 Pascal Rousseau La Aventura Simultanea…,1995, p. 22 ff.
66 Vell i Nou, 1 March 1916, pp. 15-16. In the original: “Segurament cap a mig mes d’Abril
tindrá lloc, a les Galeríes Dalmau, una Exposició d’art simultanista. El simultanisme no
ha tingut encara ressó a Barcelona. No és aquesta una moderna escola pictórica, sinó
un conjunt simultani de les arts reunides per a causar una impressió. La galería de Casa
En Dalmau estará decorada segons els principis simultanistes. S’hi donarán concerts,
improvisacions sobre motius de les decoracions i de les obres exposades. També hi
haurá conferencies, que han de despertar un gros interés. Per activar els preparatius
ha estat a Barcelona Mad. [Berthe] Delaunay, illustradíssima amateur d’art. Ella por-
tará aquesta obra i organitza la tal Exposició. Després de París, s’han fet exposicions
a Londres, a Lisboa i altres capitals. Arreu una revelació, un interés, una curiositat...”
[“Towards mid-April, most likely, Galeríes Dalmau will host an Exhibition of simultaneist
art. Simultaneism has not reverberated in Barcelona yet. It is not a modern pictorial
school, but rather a simultaneous gathering of the arts to create an impression. The
gallery at Casa En Dalmau will be decorated according to simultaneist principles. There
will be concerts, improvisations based on the decorative motifs and the works on dis-
play. There will also be conferences, which are bound to raise much interest. In order
to deal with preparations Mad. [Berthe] Delaunay, most enlightened art amateur, has
been in Barcelona. She will bring these works and she is organising the Exhibition. After
Paris, exhibitions have been held in London, Lisbon and other capitals. Everywhere [it
has been] a revelation, an interest, a curiosity...”]
67 Pascal Rousseau La Aventura Simultanea…,1995, p. 22; the letter belongs to an uni-
dentified private collection.
68 Cited in Pascal Rousseau La Aventura Simultanea…,1995, p. 24
69 See Pascal Rousseau La Aventura Simultanea…,1995, pp. 24-25
70 Letter from Arturo Ciacelli to Sonia Delaunay, dated 9 March 1916 – cited by P. Rous-
seau, La Aventura Simultanea…,1995, p. 25 (provenance not indicated)
71 Bibliotheque Kandinsky, Fonds Delaunay – Boite 1 – Correspondance et documents
divers autour de la participation de Sonia et Robert Delaunay à des expositions, 1910 -
1926 [archives]
72 See footnote above; “Par contre si vous exposez des objects decoratifs, soit en étoffes
ou d’autres, j’aurais plus d’espoir. Que votre art aura un grand interet á Barcelone, j’en
suis bien convaincu mais je me crois dans le devoir de vous faire remarquer encore que
le point de vue ‘Vente’, c’est trop susceptible, et je préfere vous l’eloigner de vos calcules,
car si je vous disait le contraire, je pouvait etre la cause de vous rendre des prejudices.
73 Bibliotheque Kandinsky, Fonds Delaunay – Boite 1 – Correspondance et documents
divers autour de la participation de Sonia et Robert Delaunay à des expositions, 1910 -
1926 [archives]
74 Letter from Josep Dalmau to Sonia Delaunay, 23 June 1916 -Bibliotheque Kandinsky,
Fonds Delaunay – Boite 1 – Correspondance et documents divers autour de la partici-
pation de Sonia et Robert Delaunay à des expositions, 1910 - 1926 [archives]
75 The term is P. Rousseau’s; see La Aventura Simultanea …, 1995, p. 32
76 See Du Cubisme à l’Art Abstract: cahiers inédits de R. Delaunay (Documents inédits
publiés par Pierre Francastel), Paris, SEVPEN, 1957, pp. 151ff.
77 Interview with the newspaper O Dia on 4 Dec. 1916; Maria Helena de Freitas (editor),
Catálogo Raisonné Amadeo Souza Cardoso, Lisbon, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian,
2007 (Vol I – Fotobiografia), p. 254
78 Vell i Nou, 15 Dezembro de 1917, pp. 672-673; see also P. Rousseau La Aventura
Simultanea…,1995, pp. 92-93: “La réussite du Simultané en art n’est pas la descrip-
tion d’aucun object, ni des objects ni des choses, mais au contraire, à trouver l’ENSEMBLE
par um métier adéquat, opposé ou en dehors de la division, du fragmentaire, et de
l’Impréssionisme, Néo-Impressionisme, Fauvisme, Cubisme, Futurisme, Synchro-
nisme, en un mot, de toutes les écoles jusqu’à ce jour.
J’insiste sur le mot ‘peinture’. Le Cubisme n’est ni de la peinture, ni de la littérature, ni
de l’art. Ou alors c’est la destruction de ces arts, puisque le Cubisme n’apporte ni le
Futurisme ni le Constructif.
79 B. Joyeux-Prunel, Nul n’est prophète en son pays, 2009, p. 182 ff
80 B. Joyeux-Prunel, Nul n’est prophète en son pays…, 2009, p. 184
81 See D. Cottington, Cubism in the Shadow of War…, 1998, p. 179-180
82 R. Delaunay, Du Cubisme à l’Art Abstract…, 1957, p. 115; see also D. Cottington, Cubism
in the Shadow of War…, 1998, p. 181
83 In an open letter sent to Louis Vauxcelles published in Gil Bla on 28 October 1912 (prior
to the publication of Du Cubisme), R. Delaunay distanced himself from the Cubists. The
letter was a response to an article by Olivier-Hourcade in which Delaunay had been
described as one of the founders of Cubism along with Metzinger, Gleizes and Le Fau-
connier; see B. Joyeux-Prunel, Nul n’est prophète en son pays, 2009, p. 185
84 G. Hughes, Resisting Abstraction: Robert Delaunay and Vision in the Face of Modern-
ism, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 2014, p. 30
85 P. Rousseau, La Aventura Simultanea …, 1995, p. 22 ff
86 “ je suis en train d’organiser les artistes moderne d’ici, pour envoyer leurs oeuvres pour
organiser dans votre expositions internacionales un section cotê du Nord (sic).” Letter
from Arturo Ciacelli to Robert and Sonia Delaunay, 25 March 1916; Bibliothèque Nation-
ale de France, Lettres et manuscrits reçu par Robert et Sonia Delaunay NAF 25650:
CIACELLI (Arturo). 49 Lettres. 1915-1956. F. 264-317. Cote MF 7022. R. 10 44 36
87 Letter from Eduardo Viana to Robert Delaunay, 14 April 1916; P. Ferreira, Correspon-
dance… 1972, p. 144
88 Letter from Eduardo Viana to Robert Delaunay, [late] 14 April 1916; P. Ferreira, Corre-
spondance… 1972, p. 146: “Maintenaint, je travaille a la fois quatre pages [do álbum]:
votre poème, la page de Cardoso, celle de Madame avec son portrait (celui-là, je ne sais
pas s’il réussirai, c’est très difficile), celle d’Almada Negreiros, et je réduis et je trans-
224
forme la page du Concert, celle de Blaise Cendrar (sic) (…) Pensez un peu à la préface
de l’Album”
89 Letter from Amadeo Souza Cardoso to Sonia Delaunay 28 March 1916P. Ferreira, Cor-
respondance… 1972, p. 100: “Je porterai mes choses chez vous pour les joindre aux
vôtres”
90 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay, 07 April 1916; P. Ferreira,
Correspondance... 1972, p. 121 “Je suis toujours très enthousiaste, et j’attends le cata-
logue pour Barcelone. Je suis prêt depuis longtemps et trouve qu’il faut développer plus
d’action. Il n’y a plus d’empêchement. Donnez-moi de vos nouvelles souvent, très sou-
vent. Vigo est très bien, ne vous éloignez pas. Quant à Christiania-Stockholm, donnez-
moi des détails, mais avant et surtout, Barcelone.
91 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay, April 1916 (date attributed);
P. Ferreira, Correspondance... 1972, p. 121-122: “Dites-moi aussi si vous êtes aussi ar-
dent pour l’action artistique en Espagne, car celle-ci m’intéresse vivement; c’ets une
chose qui me touche de près.
92 P. Ferreira, Correspondance… 1972, pp. 52-53
93 Joana Cunha Leal, “Uma entrada para Entrada. Amadeo, a historiografia e os territórios
da pintura”, Intervalo, N. 4, 2010, pp. 133-153
94 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Sonia Delaunay, 20 April 1916; P. Ferreira,
Correspondance... 1972, p. 125
95 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay, 20 April 1916; P. Ferreira,
Correspondance... 1972, p. 126 “J’exposerai à Stockholm avec vous; je tiens à être avec
vous, n’ayant pas grande quantité de tableaux à envoyer. Pour Barcelone je suis prêt. En
somme, tout a fait d’accord au point de vue de l’action artistique. On agira tout de suite
après. Moi et Madame avons beaucoup parlé a ce sujet et sommes décidés à agir, agir.
96 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay, 29 April 1916; P. Ferreira,
Correspondance... 1972, p. 129
97 Postcard from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay, 3 May 1916; P. Ferreira,
Correspondance… 1972, p. 129; see also the letter written on the same day, ibid, p. 130.
98 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay, 13 May 1916; P. Ferreira,
Correspondance... 1972, pp. 132-133: “Les avez-vous reçues? Dites-moi s’il vous plaît.
Les toiles s’abîment beacoup en rouleau.”
99 See above footnote; “Quant au livre ou catalogue, il faudra le préparer très bien pour
l’automne; tâchez d’y mettre des littérateurs de la Corporation” (undoubtedly a refer-
ence to Apollinaire and Almada Negreiros).
100 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay, 16 May 1916; P. Ferreira,
Correspondance... 1972, pp. 133-134.
101 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Sonia Delaunay, 19 May 1916; P. Ferreira, Cor-
respondance... 1972, pp. 134-135: “Mon pochoir etait destiné au catalogue d’une pos-
sible exposition de suite Barcelone. C’est fini pour le moment.” He adds: “Pour l’automne
je ferai d’autres choses, d’autres pochoirs. Les toiles que je vous ai envoyées ne son pas
non plus pour l’automne Barcelone.” [“My pochoir was meant for the catalogue of a
possible exhibition that would be held immediately in Barcelona. “It is not going to hap-
pen. For the fall, I will make other things, other pochoirs. The paintings I sent you are also
not meant for the fall show in Barcelona.]
102 See Letter from Eduardo Viana to Sonia Delaunay, [beginning of] May 1916; P. Ferreira,
Correspondance… 1972, pp. 153-154
103 Letter from Eduardo Viana to Robert and Sonia Delaunay, 23 June 1916; P. Ferreira, Cor-
respondance… 1972, p.161
104 Letter from Eduardo Viana to Sonia Delaunay, 3 June 1916; P. Ferreira, Correspon-
dance… 1972, p. 160; “Je travaille de neuf heures à sept heures du soir. Je prends tout ce
temps-là, pas pour faire beaucoup de choses (c’est-à-dire, pas dans ce but-là), mais
pour perfectionner mon métier, l’augmenter toujours et tâcher de toujours faire mieux.
Je découvre toujours du nouveau, et, une fois fini, je crois toujours avoir fait un pas en
avant. Je cherche maintenant dans mes études la décision, la netteté. Et vous me direz
si, de ce cotê-là, j’ai fait des progrès. Je choisis six de mes études pour vous les envoyer,
et je suis en train de les refaire. Ce serait dégoûtant qu’elles arrivent collées les unes
aux autres, bien que le tube que j’ai fait faire soit peut-être assez large. Elles iront chez
Cardoso, et Cardoso vous les enverra.” [I work from nine o’clock to seven in the evening.
I spend all my time on it, not to make many things (that is to say, not for this purpose),
but to perfect my craft, to keep improving and to do the best I can. I always discover
something new and once I have finished, I always think I have taken one step forward.
In my studies, I am now looking for decisiveness, clarity. Please tell me if I have made
progress in that direction. I have chosen six of my studies to send you and I am ready to
do them again. It would be awful if they arrived stuck to each other, although the tube
that I made should be wide enough. They will arrive at Cardoso’s, who will then send
them to you]
105 Letter from Eduardo Viana to Sonia Delaunay, 6 July 1916; P. Ferreira, Correspon-
dance… 1972, pp. 189-190
106 See P. Ferreira, Correspondance… 1972, pp. 136-138
107 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Sonia Delaunay, 13 May 1916; P. Ferreira,
Correspondance... 1972, p. 132: “Je vous prie de me laisser encore quelque temps Rim-
baud; c’est un grand soutien pour moi! Ne crainez rien pour ce livre.” According to Paulo
Ferreira, this copy may have been the one Sonia had mounted, which Robert had de-
scribed as follows: “Ces reliures sont des ensembles de papiers de couleurs découpés
et collés selon un sens plastique né d’un état poétique en relation avec le poète des
Illuminations” [These bindings are of sets of coloured paper, cut and glued according to
an artistic sense borne out of a poetic state in relation to the poet of Illuminations]; ibid
p. 181, footnote 2
108 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Sonia Delaunay, 31 July 1916; P. Ferreira, Cor-
respondance... 1972, p. 183
109 See P. Ferreira, Correspondance… 1972, pp.184-185
110 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay, 4 August 1916; P. Ferreira,
Correspondance… 1972, p. 184: “Je regrette de vous dire que je ne farais pas de po-
choirs. Je suis absolument nul dans ce travail, c’est un esclavage que je ne veux pas
subir. J’ai essayé et vitte regretté: c’est une industrie horrible avec des resultats mau-
vais. Je parle pour moi. C’est peut-être très bien pour d’autres, mais, au fond, c’est rem-
placer la mécanique par la mécanique. Il faudrait autre chose que les vieux systèmes,
quelque chose de très varié et de très moderne. Je travaille. Au fond, tout se résume
à connaître bien son métier – c’est fini la destruction”; see also a letter from Eduardo
Viana to Sonia Delaunay published by P. Ferreira and dated 30 June in ibid, p. 163
111 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Sonia Delaunay, 28 August 1916; P. Fer-
reira, Correspondance... 1972, p. 186; “Madame: Je vous confirme ma lettre de 18 Mai
dernier; jusqua present je n’ai recu de reponse, je recu cette semaine deux catalogues
de vous. Demain je part pour Madrid ou je resterais seulement deux jours . Mon voy-
age a eté decidé hier, pourtant impossible de vous parvenir (sic) avant. Pourriez vous
The Delaunay Circle 225
aller a Bilbao? Je y serais le prochain mardi le 27 et j’y resterai trois jours… quatre en
plus au besoin.(…) Si nous avons l’occasion de nous voir nous pourrions terminer nos
projects.” [Dear Madame, I received your very charming letter. When I am wise and my
understanding of pochoirs is more developed, you will dedicate Trans-Siberian to me. It
is very amusing. (...) I congratulate you both for your international success; the work is
a triumph. “I like your art so much, it’s a pity you are so political.” Mutual support is not
natural and frankly, it never succeeds.]
112 See Maria Helena de Freitas (editor), Catálogo Raisonné Amadeo Souza Cardoso, 2007
(Vol I – Fotobiografia), pp. 235-238
113 See Maria Helena de Freitas (editor), Catálogo Raisonné Amadeo Souza Cardoso, 2007
(Vol I – Fotobiografia), p. 238-239
114 Letter from Josep Dalmau to Sonia Delaunay, 4 September 1916; - Bibliotheque Kan-
dinsky, Fonds Delaunay – Boite 1 – Correspondance et documents divers autour de la
participation de Sonia et Robert Delaunay à des expositions, 1910 - 1926 [archives]
115 Letter from Josep Dalmau to Sonia Delaunay, 23 June 1916, Bibliotheque Kandinsky,
Fonds Delaunay – Boite 1 – Correspondance et documents divers autour de la par-
ticipation de Sonia et Robert Delaunay à des expositions, 1910 - 1926 [archives]:
“Madame: Je vous confirme ma lettre de 18 Mai dernier; jusqua present je n’ai recu de
reponse, je recu cette semaine deux catalogues de vous. Demain je part pour Madrid ou
je resterais seulement deux jours . Mon voyage a eté decidé hier, pourtant impossible de
vous parvenir (sic) avant. Pourriez vous aller a Bilbao? Je y serais le prochain mardi le 27
et j’y resterai trois jours… quatre en plus au besoin.(…) Si nous avons l’occasion de nous
voir nous pourrions terminer nos projects.” [Madame: Please confirm your receipt of
my letter of 18 May; until now, I have not received a response, I received two catalogues
from you this week. Tomorrow I leave for Madrid where I will stay for only two days. My
trip was decided yesterday, so it was impossible to inform you beforehand. Would you
be able to go to Bilbao? I will be there next Tuesday on the 27th and will stay there for
three days...four if need be. (...) If we are able to meet, we can finalise our projects.]
116 Letter from Josep Dalmau to Sonia Delaunay, 22 August 1916; - Bibliotheque Kand-
insky, Fonds Delaunay – Boite 1 – Correspondance et documents divers autour de la
participation de Sonia et Robert Delaunay à des expositions, 1910 - 1926 [archives]
117 See P. Rousseau, La Aventura Simultanea…,1995, pp. 40-41; Rousseau indicates nei-
ther the source nor the exact date of the letter.
118 P. Rousseau, La Aventura Simultanea…,1995, p. 41
119 Letter from Josep Dalmau to Sonia Delaunay, 16 September 1916; - Bibliotheque Kan-
dinsky, Fonds Delaunay – Boite 1 – Correspondance et documents divers autour de la
participation de Sonia et Robert Delaunay à des expositions, 1910 - 1926 [archives];
“Madame: J’ai recu votre honoré 12 courrant. [muito possivelmente a carta citada por
Pascal Rousseau] J’ai fixé la date de votre exposition pour le 15 Novembre prochain.
Maintenant vous n’avez que m’indiquer les details pour le catalogue: noms des oeuvres,
nombre de tirage etc. Je vous prie les memes details pour les affiches. A son temps a
Barcelone je ferais paraitre aux journaux la nouvelle de l’exposition. N’oubliez pas la ca-
pacité de la salle. Indique moi le nombre de tableaux que vous envoyez et les mesures.
Je vous prie de consulter ma première lettre du 15 Abril inclus les conditions et plan de la
salle. J’ai gardé vos critiques et album pour les faire voir a un de mes clients etabli a New
York pour traiter d’un affaire a propos de votre art. Veuillez me dire dans quel sens vous
etes connus a New York et si vous I (sic) avez exposé dans quel caracter avez fait votre
exposition. En attendant de vous lire recevez …” [Madame: I received your letter of the
12th. [most likely the letter cited by Pascal Rousseau] I have set the date for your exhi-
bition for 15 November of this year. Right now, you need only give me these details for
the catalogue: titles of works, number of copies, etc. Please send me the same details
for the posters. I will post an announcement very soon in the newspapers in Barcelona
about the coming exhibition. Do not forget to take into account the room capacity. Tell
me the number of paintings that you will be sending and the measurements. Please
consult my first letter dated 15 April, which includes the conditions and the floorplan
of the room. I kept your critiques and album to show them to one of my clients in New
York and to deal with a matter involving your art. Please tell me how well-known you are
in New York and, if you have exhibited there before, please describe the nature of your
exhibition. Awaiting your confirmation, please receive (my warmest greetings)…]
120 Letter from Josep Dalmau to Sonia Delaunay, 18 November 1916; - Bibliotheque Kan-
dinsky, Fonds Delaunay – Boite 1 – Correspondance et documents divers autour de la
participation de Sonia et Robert Delaunay à des expositions, 1910-1926 [archives]
121 See also P. Rousseau, La Aventura Simultanea…,1995, p. 40, footnote 29
122 See Jaime Briuhega, Las Vanguardias artísticas en España. 1909-1936, Madrid, Istmo,
1981, p. 195 e J. Vidal Oliveira, “La Exposition de Arte Francés de Barcelona de 1917”,
Barcelona Zona Neutral 1914-1918, Barcelona, Fundació Joan Miró, 2014, pp. 155-162
123 P. Rousseau, La Aventura Simultanea…,1995, pp. 56-57
124 R. Delaunay, “El Simultanisme del Senyor i la Senyora Delaunay”, Vell i Nou, N. 57, 15
December 1917, pp. 672-679; the article resulted from correspondence between Rob-
ert Delaunay and Joan Sacs (a pseudonym for the painter Feliu Elias) about his book La
pintura moderna francesa fins al cubisme, which was published that year.
125 Letter from Robert Delaunay to Arturo Ciacelli, 7 August 1917; Bibliothèque Nacional de
France, MF 7151, F 36-41: “Je vous enverai un numero special d’une revue de Barcelone
sur la critique à mon oeuvre – mon oeuvre ancienne car les derniers choses c’est pour la
nouvelle époque qui vient oú les gens comprendront plus vite l’art d’aujourd’hui l’art de
la forme nouvelle. Ces choses sont trop nouvelles pour les faire voir encore et je travaille
comme un fou après”
126 Letter cited by P. Rousseau, La Aventura Simultanea…,1995, p. 73; regarding xeno-
phobic comments Robert Delaunay makes about Pablo Picasso, see Bernard Dorival,
“Robert Delaunay et Albert Gleizes: Trente années d’amitié (d’après des documents in-
édits), L’œil, N.445, Oct. 1992, pp. 30-37
Joana Cunha Lea l is assi stant prof essor at the Art History Departme nt, Fac-
uldade d e Ciências Soc iais e Humanas , Universidade N OVA de L isboa. She is a lso associ-
ated research er of the Art H istory Institut e of the same U niversity, where she le ads a
resear ch group on art theory, hist oriography and cr iticism. Her rese arch interests in clude
the histor y of ar t history writin g an d th e st udy of Iberian moderni sm and the avant-garde.
Her re search pr oject on “Other M odernisms? The case of Amade o Souza C ardoso” wa s
awarded a Fulbr ight Rese arch Fellow ship in 2010 (SAIC, 2011). Sh e was a lso a f ellow of
the Sto ne Summer Th eory Insti tute “Beyon d the Aesth etic and the Anti-Aesthet ic” (July
2010) and “Fa rewell t o Visua l Studi es” (July 2011). She h as sever al publ ished re search
artic les in journal s, antholog ies and catalo gues.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
celle de Blaise Cendrar (sic) (…) Pensez un peu à la préface de l'Album
  • La Page
  • Concert
la page du Concert, celle de Blaise Cendrar (sic) (…) Pensez un peu à la préface de l'Album "
Je suis toujours très enthousiaste, et j'attends le catalogue pour Barcelone Je suis prêt depuis longtemps et trouve qu'il faut développer plus d'action. Il n'y a plus d'empêchement. Donnez-moi de vos nouvelles souvent, très souvent . Vigo est très bien, ne vous éloignez pas
  • P Ferreira
90 Letter from Amadeo de Souza Cardoso to Robert Delaunay, 07 April 1916; P. Ferreira, Correspondance... 1972, p. 121 " Je suis toujours très enthousiaste, et j'attends le catalogue pour Barcelone. Je suis prêt depuis longtemps et trouve qu'il faut développer plus d'action. Il n'y a plus d'empêchement. Donnez-moi de vos nouvelles souvent, très souvent. Vigo est très bien, ne vous éloignez pas. Quant à Christiania-Stockholm, donnezmoi des détails, mais avant et surtout, Barcelone. "
Dites-moi aussi si vous êtes aussi ardent pour l'action artistique en Espagne, car celle-ci m'intéresse vivement; c'ets une chose qui me touche de près
  • P Ferreira
P. Ferreira, Correspondance... 1972, p. 121-122: "Dites-moi aussi si vous êtes aussi ardent pour l'action artistique en Espagne, car celle-ci m'intéresse vivement; c'ets une chose qui me touche de près."
Fonds Delaunay -Boite 1 -Correspondance et documents divers autour de la participation de Sonia et Robert Delaunay à des expositions
  • Bibliothèque Kandinsky
Bibliothèque Kandinsky, Fonds Delaunay -Boite 1 -Correspondance et documents divers autour de la participation de Sonia et Robert Delaunay à des expositions, 1910 -1926 [archives]
Segurament cap a mig mes d'Abril tindrá lloc, a les Galeríes Dalmau, una Exposició d'art simultanista. El simultanisme no forme la page du Concert, celle de Blaise Cendrar (sic) (…)
  • Vell I Nou
Vell i Nou, 1 March 1916, pp. 15-16. In the original: "Segurament cap a mig mes d'Abril tindrá lloc, a les Galeríes Dalmau, una Exposició d'art simultanista. El simultanisme no forme la page du Concert, celle de Blaise Cendrar (sic) (…) Pensez un peu à la préface de l'Album"
  • G Apollinaire
  • R Delaunay
See articles by G. Apollinaire and R. Delaunay published in Du Cubisme à l'Art Abstract: cahiers inédits de R. Delaunay (Documents inédits publiés par Pierre Francastel), Paris, SEVPEN, 1957, pp. 151 ff. The article "Rèalité, peinture pure" by G. Apollinaire would be published in German in Der Sturm (nº 138-139) in December 1912.
Page-ecriture. Pochoir en coleurs
  • Amadeo De
  • Souza Cardoso
Amadeo de Souza Cardoso, "Page-ecriture. Pochoir en coleurs", Sonia et Robert Delaunay [catalogue], Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, 1977-1978, pp. 117-118, nº cat. 381
Modernist Rendez-vous…
  • R See
  • O'neill
See R. O'Neill, "Modernist Rendez-vous…", 1999, p.72
J'exposerai à Stockholm avec vous; je tiens à être avec vous, n'ayant pas grande quantité de tableaux à envoyer. Pour Barcelone je suis prêt. En somme, tout a fait d'accord au point de vue de l'action artistique. On agira tout de suite après
  • P Ferreira
P. Ferreira, Correspondance... 1972, p. 126 "J'exposerai à Stockholm avec vous; je tiens à être avec vous, n'ayant pas grande quantité de tableaux à envoyer. Pour Barcelone je suis prêt. En somme, tout a fait d'accord au point de vue de l'action artistique. On agira tout de suite après. Moi et Madame avons beaucoup parlé a ce sujet et sommes décidés à agir, agir."