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... In the study of Philippine languages, modality (more commonly referred to as either mode or mood) is typically characterized as one of the several categories-voice, aspect, and valence-morphologically encoded in verbs. It is expressed through verbal affixes 1 and is generally divided into different types, namely: indicative or general (actualized or real events), abilitative (events performed through someone's ability), potentive (accidental or possible events), causative (events brought about by a causer and performed by a causee), reciprocal (events performed by only two or more than two participants on one other), and imperative (affirmative or negative command) (Bondoc, 2015;Estioca, 2020;Manzano, 2019;Or, 2018;Robinson, 2008;Wolfenden, 1971;Zorc, 1977). Other types of mode affixes are collective (events done collectively by plural agents), distributive (plural events or those done repeatedly), repetitive (events done repetitively), and social (events performed socially with other individuals). ...
... Other types of mode affixes are collective (events done collectively by plural agents), distributive (plural events or those done repeatedly), repetitive (events done repetitively), and social (events performed socially with other individuals). However, there are other expressions of modality, such as modal verbs and modal particles, which are not analyzed as such, but they are often subsumed under adverbs and treated as such on account of clitic-like behavior and syntactic distribution (Antworth, 1979;Bondoc, 2015;Dita, 2007;Manzano, 2019;Or, 2018;Porter, 1977;Robinson, 2008;Villareal, 2020;Wolfenden, 1971;Zorc, 1977). Modal particles tend to cliticize to the clause-initial element and together with bound pronouns adhere to a specific order, while modal verbs which are widely known as pseudo-verbs in Philippine languages are often restricted to a sentence-initial position. ...
In the study of Philippine languages, there is a lack of consensus among linguists on how modality, as a linguistic category, is expressed: it is often associated with aspect and tense and, hence, described as a category morphologically expressed via verbal affixation, while in some studies, modality is a subordinated topic under adverbs because of their clitic-like behavior. According to typological studies on modality, one reason why it is rather vague and difficult to characterize is that it takes different forms or expressions (e.g., affixes, verbs, and particles) and encode various seemingly unrelated meanings (e.g., ability, desire, obligation, potentiality, and wishes) (Bybee et al., 1994; Nuyts, 2016). Consequently, this study aims to examine modality in two Philippine languages—Bagobo-Klata and Tausug—to provide a unified and coherent account of modality based on a typological framework modified by Vondiziano (2019) and primarily based on Palmer (2001) and van der Auwera and Plungian (1998). Specifically, it will identify corresponding expressions and generally describe their respective semantic and morphosyntactic features; the lexical origins of these expressions will also be traced. As will be shown in this paper, the linguistic category of modality in Bagobo-Klata and Tausug is expressed through a mood system of non-joint-marking affixes and modal systems independent of mood—propositional and event modalities. The expressions of propositional modality are mostly modal particles, as well as modal verbs, while the ones under event modality, modal verbs and modal affixes.
... The data sources were äs follows. Turkish: Lewis (1975); Sumerian: Thomsen (1984); Yuma: Halpern (1946), Tunica: Haas (1946); Georgian: Fähnrich (1986); Archi: Kibrik(1991);Sogdian: Sims-Williams (l982); Tulu: Bhat(1998);Quechua: Bills et al. (1969); Modern Eastem Armenian: Kozintseva (1995); Kolami: Subrahmanyam (1998); Ket: Werner (1997); Mordvin: Keresztes (1997); Tamil: Annamalai & Steever (1998);Evenki: Nedjalkov (1997); Tauya: MacDonald (1990); Tonkawa: Hoijer (1946); Mutsun: Okrand (1977); Yidiny and Warlpiri: Dixon (1980); Chechen: Nichols (1994); Svan: Harris (1985); Chantyal: Noonan (1999); Kayardild: Evans (1995); Tsova-Tush: Holisky & Gagua (1994); Chukchi: Skorik (1961), Kämpfe & Volodin (1995); Yawelmani: Newman (1944); Classical Armenian: Schmitt(1981); Ancient Greek: Goodwin(1894);Russian: Unbegaun(1969); Old English: Campbell (1962); Latin: Gildersleeve & Lodge (1895). 32. ...
... On the unusual nature of this kind of relational marking (by limiting what are essentially number-gender Suffixes to subject and object noun phrases) see Section 3.1.5 above (following Haas 1946). 33. ...
Being AGGLUTINATIVE or FLEXIVE are not properties of entire languages, nor are they simple properties. There is a whole range of simple properties, all logically independent of each other, prominently including those of separation/cumulation and invariance/variance. They are all properties of individual word forms, and again there is no logical necessity for these to agree in their property sets. This creates a huge potential for heterogeneity within and for diversity across languages, which, if realized to the full, would render morphological typology unviable. However, an examination of splits between separation and cumulation and between invariance and variance along the lines of word-classes, of subsets within single word-classes, of morphological categories, and of terms of categories suggests that mixtures between agglutination and flexion, though multifarious, are not random. If grammars are found to be less heterogeneous, and languages less diverse, than they could be, this can be due to universal, timeless principles or to regularities of change. Both play a role in shaping morphological systems
... These are the languages lacking first-person gender marking. Two of them are Nepali (Indic; Acharya 1991) and Tunica (Tunica; Haas 1946), which distinguish between masculine and feminine forms in the third-and second-person present tense forms, though not in first-person forms. This is the same pattern that emerged in Semitic (see Section 3.4.1). ...
Since the sex of the speaker is normally as obvious as can be, there is no point in coding first-person singular gender – or so it may seem. This typological study examines the extent of sex-based gender marking in personal pronouns, possessive determiners, predicative adjectives, and verbs across first-, second-, and third-person singular. A worldwide perusal of grammars in addition to data elicitation yields a total of 115 languages with first-person gender. The paradigms of pronouns and possessives are found to be highly inconsistent, whereas those of verbs show a tendency towards consistency. Gender marking on adjectives is fully consistent. The likelihood of first-person gender is increased by a general sensitivity to gender and a dedicated gender morpheme. A distinction is made between pronouns and possessives as referential units and gender markers on verbs and adjectives as grammatical units. By their very nature, referential markers are sensitive to the contingencies of the extralinguistic world and subject to communicative constraints such as redundancy and economy. They therefore end up being organized in inconsistent paradigms. By contrast, grammatical units are largely untouched by these extraneous influences and may therefore develop consistent paradigms.
... Narrative present n/a ku-RAD-a sp-a-n Narrative past progressive n/a sp-a-n sp-iy:)-RAD-a Dynamic past progressive nla sp-a-n sp-:)-RAD-a Dynamic past habitual nla (si -)sp-id3a sp-:)-RAD-a Stative past habitual nla sp-id3a sp-a-RAD-a Stative past perfect nla sp-id3a sp-a-RAD-a Stative far past perfect nla sp-a-id3a (si-)sp-a-RAD-ir£ Stative past perfective n/a (si-)sp-a-id3a sp-a-RAD-ir£ Stative far past perfective nla (ku)-RAD-a sp-n Future nla si-sp-n RAD-a Negative future nla RAD-a Imperative 2sg imp2sg RAD-£ Imperative 1 pI implpl RAD-i Imperative 2pl imp2pl sp-RAD-£ Subjunctive sub sp-ka-RAD-a Advisory adv sp-ka-RAD-£ Injunctive inj apa ku-RAD-a / Negative imperative n/a ku-RAD-a tuku However, Langi is not alone in presenting such atypical word order. It is also found in several other Bantu languages, such as Mbugwe (F.34, Mous 2000Mous , 2004, Gusii (EA2, Whiteley 1960), Kuria (EA3, Whiteley, 1955), and a number oflanguages from the zones BAO-B.50 and H.IO-H.30 (Hadermann, 1996). ...
... Túnica fornece um exemplo concreto. As principais fontes em Túnica são de Mary R. Haas (1941Haas ( , 1946Haas ( , 1950Haas ( , 1953. Enquanto mesmo os trabalhos de Haas requerem interpretação para torná-los úteis para os indígenas que atualmente trabalham para revitalizar sua língua, os exemplos que vamos discutir aqui tratam da investigação filológica em trabalhos ainda mais antigos. ...
... Tunica provides a concrete example. The major sources on Tunica are from Mary R. Haas (1941Haas ( , 1946Haas ( , 1950Haas ( , 1953. Even these sources require interpretation to make them useful to tribal members currently working to revive their language; however, this example is about findings from the philological investigation of earlier work. ...
This unique collection of articles in honor of Marianne Mithun represents the very latest in research on language contact and language change in the Indigenous languages of the Americas. The book aims to provide new theoretical and empirical insights into how and why languages change, especially with regard to contact phenomena in languages of North America, Meso-America and South America. The individual chapters cover a broad range of topics, including sound change, morphosyntactic change, lexical semantics, grammaticalization, language endangerment, and discourse-pragmatic change. With chapters from distinguished scholars and talented newcomers alike, this book will be welcomed by anyone with an interest in internally- and externally-motivated language change.
... The first pattern, B(s*), is exemplified in (20a) by initial stress in Tunica (Haas 1946); the other pattern, T(s*), in (20b) by antepenultimate stress in Macedonian (Lunt 1952). These patterns are generated by the rankings in (21). ...
This article presents a novel OT analysis of ternary rhythm, using the restrictive format of McCarthy (2003)'s categorical alignment constraints, which we will refer to as ‘non-intervention constraints’, using the terminology of Ellison (1994), and argues for the rehabilitation of internally layered feet in metrical representations (i.e. feet with one layer of recursion). By means of a computer-generated factorial typology, we demonstrate that the constraint set proposed here generates the full typology of binary and ternary rhythm. The resulting typology suggests that there is no absolute boundary between binary and ternary systems; rather, a continuum emerges, such that binary and ternary feet may coexist in rhythmic stress systems.
... Néhány olyan nyelv, amely egyáltalán nem tűri a hiátust: totonak (MacKay 1991), klamath(Barker 1964), tunika(Haas 1946), szedang(Smith 1979), kairói arab(Broselow 1979), dakota(Shaw 1980), thagari(Klokeid 1969), arabela (Rich 1963), piro(Matteson 1965), hua(Haiman 1980); vö. Blevins (1995), ahol áttekintés és a kérdés további tárgyalása található.2 ...
A kötetben a szerzők a magyar fonológia számos jelenségét mutatják be a megszokott, szabályalapú nyelvészeti elméletektől eltérő, optimalitáselméleti keretben. Ebben az elméletben a szabályok egymás utáni alkalmazása helyett univerzális korlátok alapján egyszerre történő, párhuzamos kiértékelés segít meghatározni a nyelvi elemek kiejtett alakját. A hagyományos értelemben vett, kötelezően alkalmazandó szabályok nincsenek, és emiatt nem merülhet fel a szabályok sorrendezésének kérdése sem. A szabályok sorrendezési lehetőségének hiánya miatt az absztraktság, azaz a felszíni alakoktól jelentősen eltérő, elsajátítási problémákhoz vezető mögöttes alakok lehetősége sem merülhet fel, azaz pusztán a szabályalapú derivációs elméletektől való eltérésből fakadóan az optimalitáselmélet mentesül jónéhány, az elmúlt évtizedekben azonosított nehézségtől. A magyar fonológia különböző területeinek kezelésére bemutatott megoldások korábban már megjelent cikkek és tanulmányok átdolgozott, egységes keretbe rendezett változatai, melyek között a /v/ és a /h/ kivételességéről és viselkedéséről, a magánhangzó-kapcsolatok, hiátusok feloldásának módjairól illetve a magánhangzó ~ semmi váltakozásokról, ezen belül az úgynevezett kötőhangzókról, valamint az ingatag tőmagánhangzókról esik szó. A kötet kiválóan kiegészíti a magyar szakok, az elméleti és alkalmazott nyelvészeti szakokon eddig használt kötelező és ajánlott olvasmányok szakirodalmi listáját.
... (si-)sp-iy:)-RAD-a Progressive prog (si -)sp-:)-RAD-a Habitual hab (si-)sp-a-RAD-a Perfect pft (si-)sp-a-RAD-in, Perfective pfv (si-)sp-a sp-a-RAD-a Anterior perfect pft pft (si-)sp-a sp-a-RAD-ir£ Anterior perfective pfv pfv sp-£lld:)-RAD-a Inevitable mv sp-t:)-RAD-a Decisional dec (si-)sp-ka-RAD-a 5 Narrative nar sp-n (ku-)RAD-a 6 Narrative present n/a ku-RAD-a sp-a-n Narrative past progressive n/a sp-a-n sp-iy:)-RAD-a Dynamic past progressive nla sp-a-n sp-:)-RAD-a Dynamic past habitual nla (si -)sp-id3a sp-:)-RAD-a Stative past habitual nla sp-id3a sp-a-RAD-a Stative past perfect nla sp-id3a sp-a-RAD-a Stative far past perfect nla sp-a-id3a (si-)sp-a-RAD-ir£ Stative past perfective n/a (si-)sp-a-id3a sp-a-RAD-ir£ Stative far past perfective nla (ku)-RAD-a sp-n Future nla si-sp-n RAD-a Negative future nla RAD-a Imperative 2sg imp2sg RAD-£ Imperative 1 pI implpl RAD-i Imperative 2pl imp2pl sp-RAD-£ Subjunctive sub sp-ka-RAD-a Advisory adv sp-ka-RAD-£ Injunctive inj apa ku-RAD-a / Negative imperative n/a ku-RAD-a tuku However, Langi is not alone in presenting such atypical word order. It is also found in several other Bantu languages, such as Mbugwe (F.34, Mous 2000 Mous , 2004), Gusii (EA2, Whiteley 1960), Kuria (EA3, Whiteley, 1955), and a number oflanguages from the zones BAO-B.50 and H.IO-H.30 (Hadermann, 1996). ...
This paper presents the Langi verbal system and the various ways in which tense, aspect and mood are encoded. Through a description of the structures and uses of the various forms, it attempts to demonstrate how the different conjugations fit together to form a coherent whole, morphologically and semantically, and how in some cases the system has been influenced by surrounding Cushitic languages.
This article considers the question of what constitutes item-based morphology, with a specific look at grammatical tone. Numerous case studies of grammatical tone are examined in light of the debate on whether morphology is item-based or process-based. In each case, tonal alternations are an exponent, sometimes the sole exponent, of some grammatical feature. Two of the case studies are examples of grammatical tone that can straightforwardly be analysed as involving concatenated morphophonological forms; however, in other cases, the grammatical tone cannot be reduced to the concatenation of a tonal affix or phonological feature with some stem. The latter type cannot straightforwardly be analysed as item-based, but if still phonologically predictable and productive, is not satisfactorily analysed as suppletive. This article suggests a set of diagnostics that can be used to determine whether a given phenomenon is best analysed as item-based, process-based or suppletive. Then, an analysis is presented in Cophonologies by Phase (CbP), where morphosyntactic features can be mapped not only to underlying phonological items, but also to morpheme-specific constraint weight adjustments. CbP allows for what may have been traditionally called item-based and process-based morphology to co-exist in a single framework.
งานวิจัยนี้มุ่งศึกษารูปภาษาและความหมายของคำขยายแบบลดระดับภาษาอังกฤษจำนวน 4 คำคือ
a bit, a little, a little bit และ slightly จากคลังข้อมูลการแปลเทียบประโยคภาษาอังกฤษเป็นภาษาไทย 150 ประโยคในตัวบทต้นฉบับประเภทเน้นการแสดงอารมณ์ความรู้สึกโดยใช้กรอบทฤษฎีสมมูลภาพในการแปลในการวิเคราะห์ ผลของการศึกษาพบว่าการแปลคำขยายแบบลดระดับสามารถแบ่งเป็นสองกลุ่มใหญ่ๆ คือ 1. กลุ่มที่แสดงความหมายลดระดับ (ร้อยละ 64.67) โดยเป็นการเลือกใช้คำที่มีความหมายประจำคำตรงกับภาษาต้นทาง หรือการเลือกใช้คำหรือโครงสร้างอื่นที่มักเกิดร่วมกับวลีหลักที่แสดงความหมายกลางๆ และ 2. กลุ่มที่แสดงความหมายเพิ่มระดับ (ร้อยละ 35.33) โดยการเลือกแปลโดยไม่มีการถ่ายทอดความหมายลดระดับ และการเลือกใช้คำที่มีความหมายเน้นย้ำซึ่งมักเกิดกับวลีหลักที่แสดงความหมายเน้นอารมณ์ความรู้สึกเชิงลบ เหตุผลในการเลือกใช้คำหรือโครงสร้างอื่นนอกเหนือจากการเลือกแปลโดยการใช้ความหมายประจำคำตรงกับภาษาต้นทางนั้นพบว่ามีวัตถุประสงค์หลักเพื่อรักษาสมมูลภาพหรือความเป็นธรรมชาติในภาษาปลายทางซึ่งได้รับอิทธิพลจากการปรากฏร่วมของคำ การสร้างความกระชับและชัดเจนให้แก่ตัวภาษา ตลอดจนสร้างความน่าสนใจให้แก่ผู้อ่านมากยิ่งขึ้น
Change is an inherent feature of all aspects of language, and syntax is no exception. While the synchronic study of syntax allows us to make discoveries about the nature of syntactic structure, the study of historical syntax offers even greater possibilities. Over recent decades, the study of historical syntax has proven to be a powerful scientific tool of enquiry with which to challenge and reassess hypotheses and ideas about the nature of syntactic structure which go beyond the observed limits of the study of the synchronic syntax of individual languages or language families. In this timely Handbook, the editors bring together the best of recent international scholarship on historical syntax. Each chapter is focused on a theme rather than an individual language, allowing readers to discover how systematic descriptions of historical data can profitably inform and challenge highly diverse sets of theoretical assumptions.
The history of the Chitimacha language is a remarkable story of cultural survival. This chapter tells a part of that story, discussing the interactions between Chitimacha and other languages in the Southeast prior to colonial contact, the persecution of the Chitimacha people under the French, the language’s documentation by early linguists and anthropologists, and finally its modern revitalization.
Chitimacha is a language isolate formerly spoken in southern Louisiana, and is a part of the Southeast linguistic area. Using documentary materials recorded by Morris Swadesh in the 1930s, this talk examines the language-internal evidence for the diachrony of three features of Chitimacha grammar: positional auxiliary verbs, switch-reference, and agent-patient alignment. Each feature is shown to have a clear, language-internal diachronic pathway, wherein existing lexical and grammatical material were recruited for new functions. However, each of these features is shared by other unrelated languages of the Southeast, suggesting that they were in fact motivated by contact. How then did Chitimacha borrow these structural features without borrowing any lexical or grammatical material? The answer, I suggest, is that multilingual speakers in the Southeast carried over discourse-level patterns of managing information flow from other languages, and that as these discourse patterns became more frequent and routinized, they fundamentally reshaped the structure of Chitimacha grammar.
Within historical linguistics, language isolates are often viewed as a problem. Their isolate status makes it difficult to peer into their history, and internal reconstruction is generally thought to be of limited utility. Campbell (2013:170–172) briefly discusses how historical linguists might productively gain insights into the diachrony of language isolates, but notes the “frequent sentiment that it is not to be tolerated that there should be languages with no relatives” (p. 170).
Chitimacha (ISO 639-3: ctm) is one such isolate from Louisiana. It was documented extensively by Albert S. Gatschet, John R. Swanton, and Morris Swadesh from 1881–1934 (Gatschet 1881a; Gatschet 1881b; Gatschet 1883; Swanton 1908; Swanton 1920; Swadesh 1939), and its last native speaker passed away in 1939. Very little has been published on the language, and the majority of what has been published reflects the sentiment mentioned by Campbell – attempts to resolve Chitimacha’s isolate status by incorporating it into this or the other language family (Swanton 1919; Swadesh 1946; Swadesh 1947; Haas 1951; Haas 1952; Gursky 1969; Brown, Wichmann & Beck 2014). None of these proposals has been widely accepted (Campbell & Kaufman 1983; Kimball 1992; Kimball 1994; Campbell 1997).
This talk attempts to view Chitimacha’s status not as a problem to be solved, but as a potential treasure trove of insights into the social and linguistic history of both the Chitimacha language and the Southeast U.S. more generally. Because of the limited accessibility of the Chitimacha corpus until recently, and the prevailing interest in language classification, the precise nature of Chitimacha’s participation in the Southeast linguistic area has until now remained largely uncertain. This talk uses language-internal evidence to shed some initial light onto that history and the relationship between Chitimacha and the other languages of the Southeast.
In this talk I examine the language-internal evidence for the diachrony of three major grammatical features of Chitimacha: positional auxiliary verbs, switch-reference, and agent-patient alignment. Using archival data from Morris Swadesh (1939), I show that each of these features has a clear, language-internal diachronic pathway, wherein existing lexical and grammatical material were recruited for these new functions. However, each of these features is shared by other unrelated languages of the Southeast U.S., suggesting that their development in Chitimacha was in fact motivated by contact. How then did Chitimacha borrow these structural features without borrowing any lexical or grammatical material?
Following Mithun (2012), I propose that multilingual speakers in the Southeast carried over discourse-level patterns of managing information flow into Chitimacha, and that as these discourse patterns became more frequent and routinized, they grammaticalized into major features of Chitimacha grammar. It is not grammatical structures themselves that are borrowed, but rather a preference for packaging information in discourse in ways that parallel grammatical structures in the original language.
The existence of these shared structural patterns between Chitimacha and other languages shows that Chitimacha is indeed situated firmly within the Southeast linguistic area. Chitimacha’s isolate status, rather than forming a barrier to our understanding of Southeastern history, in fact provides a unique window into the history of the Southeast, as well as mechanisms of contact-induced grammatical change.
The history of the Chitimacha language is a remarkable story of cultural survival. This chapter tells a part of that story, discussing the interactions between Chitimacha and other languages in the Southeast prior to colonial contact, the persecution of the Chitimacha people under the French, the language’s documentation by early linguists and anthropologists, and finally its modern revitalization.
In this chapter I examine the phonetic origins of voiceless sonorants cross-linguistically within the general framework of Evolutionary Phonology (Blevins 2004; 2006; 2008b; 2015). In terms of a general hierarchy of contrast, we observe that: voiceless obstruents are common; voiceless sonorant consonants are uncommon; voiceless vowels are extremely rare. One phonetic source of voiceless sonorants is coarticulation in RH and HR and clusters, where R is a sonorant and H is a segment produced with a spread glottal gesture. Voiceless sonorants may also arise when laryngeal spreading gestures are associated with prosodic domains. In this second case, voiceless sonorants can arise as allophones of their voiced counterparts. While a fair number of languages show voiceless sonorant glides, liquids and nasals phonologized as a consequence of RH/HR coarticulation, voiceless vowels resist phonologization despite their high frequency as phonetic variants of modal vowels. In some cases, voiceless vowels are lost before phonologization can occur. In other cases, resistance to phonologization may be due to effects of analogy, /h/, word phonotactics, or lexical competition.
Providing a contemporary and comprehensive look at the topical area of areal linguistics, this book looks systematically at different regions of the world whilst presenting a focussed and informed overview of the theory behind research into areal linguistics and language contact. The topicality of areal linguistics is thoroughly documented by a wealth of case studies from all major regions of the world and, with chapters from scholars with a broad spectrum of language expertise, it offers insights into the mechanisms of external language change. With no book currently like this on the market, The Cambridge Handbook of Areal Linguistics will be welcomed by students and scholars working on the history of language families, documentation and classification, and will help readers to understand the key area of areal linguistics within a broader linguistic context.
This list of references is the result of the bibliographic work in two 4-year projects in frame of a collaborative research centre funded by the German Research Foundation, SFB 586 (Difference and integration). In these projects, Prof. Richard Rottenburg, Dr. Guma Kunda Komey and Dr. Enrico Ille undertook research on the relation of nomadic and sedentary people in South Kordofan, together with a number of other colleagues and assistants. From 2004 to 2008 this research concerned land and water rights, from 2008 to 2012 market institutions: SFB 586 – Difference + Integration. During that time, a list of mostly unpublished theses produced at the University of Khartoum up to 2010 was assembled by Amira al-Jizouli; it was included here as well.
More recently, in early 2015, an extension of the bibliography and its partial transformation in an annotated bibliography was made possible by the ARUSS project of the Chr. Michelsen Institute, the University of Bergen, Khartoum University, Ahfad University for Women, Omdurman, and a number of regional universities in Sudan. This work was conducted by Dr. Enrico Ille and Konstantin Biehl, with support of Rania Awad and Jasmin Weinert.
This list of references is the result of the bibliographic work in two 4-year projects in frame of a collaborative research centre funded by the German Research Foundation, SFB 586 (Difference and integration). In these projects, Prof. Richard Rottenburg, Dr. Guma Kunda Komey and Dr. Enrico Ille undertook research on the relation of nomadic and sedentary people in South Kordofan, together with a number of other colleagues and assistants. From 2004 to 2008 this research concerned land and water rights, from 2008 to 2012 market institutions: SFB 586 - Difference + Integration . During that time, a list of mostly unpublished theses produced at the University of Khartoum up to 2010 was assembled by Amira al-Jizouli; it was included here as well. More recently, in early 2015, an extension of the bibliography and its partial transformation in an annotated bibliography was made possible by the ARUSS project of the Chr. Michelsen Institute, the University of Bergen, Khartoum University, Ahfad University for Women, Omdurman, and a number of regional universities in Sudan. This work was conducted by Dr. Enrico Ille and Konstantin Biehl, with support of Rania Awad and Jasmin Weinert.
The linguistic origins of Native American cultures and the connections between these cultures as traced through language in prehistory remain vexing questions for scholars across multiple disciplines and interests. Native American linguist Julian Granberry defines the Calusa language, formerly spoken in southwestern coastal Florida, and traces its connections to the Tunica language of northeast Louisiana. Archaeologists, ethnologists, and linguists have long assumed that the Calusa language of southwest Florida was unrelated to any other Native American language. Linguistic data can offer a unique window into a culture's organization over space and time; however, scholars believed the existing lexical data was insufficient and have not previously attempted to analyze or define Calusa from a linguistic perspective. In The Calusa: Linguistic and Cultural Origins and Relationships, Granberry presents a full phonological and morphological analysis of the total corpus of surviving Calusa language data left by a literate Spanish captive held by the Calusa from his early youth to adulthood. In addition to further defining the Calusa language, this book presents the hypothesis of language-based cultural connections between the Calusa people and other southeastern Native American cultures, specifically the Tunica. Evidence of such intercultural connections at the linguistic level has important implications for the ongoing study of life among prehistoric people in North America. Consequently, this thoroughly original and meticulously researched volume breaks new ground and will add new perspectives to the broader scholarly knowledge of ancient North American cultures and to debates about their relationships with one another. Copyright
Nowhere was the linguistic diversity of the New World more extreme than in California, where an extraordinary variety of village-dwelling peoples spoke seventy-eight mutually unintelligible languages. This comprehensive illustrated handbook, a major synthesis of more than 150 years of documentation and study, reviews what we now know about California's indigenous languages. Victor Golla outlines the basic structural features of more than two dozen language types, and cites all the major sources, both published and unpublished, for the documentation of these languages-from the earliest vocabularies collected by explorers and missionaries, to the data amassed during the twentieth-century by Alfred Kroeber and his colleagues, and to the extraordinary work of John P. Harrington and C. Hart Merriam. Golla also devotes chapters to the role of language in reconstructing prehistory, and to the intertwining of the language and culture in pre-contact California societies, making this work, the first of its kind, an essential reference on California's remarkable Indian languages.
The verbal system of Beja, the sole North-Cushitic language, possesses several indicative and modal verb paradigms whose precise semantic values and syntactic uses are still ill-known. The fact that almost each linguist developed its own terminology (with fortunately some commonalities), does not help clarify the situation and the analyses are often different and controversial for some TAM. This paper focuses on one of the Beja paradigms, the so-called Optative, as labeled by Roper(1928), in its negative form on the basis of spontaneous narrative data that I recorded in Sinkat (Sudan) between 2004 and 2007. Their analysis, which confirmed in their great lines previous studies, nevertheless brought to light particular syntactic uses and modal values of capacity and necessity that have never been mentioned before. Section 2 presents a brief overview of the main Indicative (2.1) and Mood (2.2) paradigms in order to give the reader the basic knowledge required to better understand the morphology and the semantics of the Optative within the verbal system. Section 3 is dedicated to the analysis of the Optative Negative as an optative in independent clauses (3.1), as a dependent verb form in relative (3.2), completive (3.3) and conditional (3.4) clauses, and as a modality marker of capacity and necessity in exclamatory utterances (3.5). Section 4 proposes a tentative semantic map of the Optative Negative.
This study looks at the disparate developments of Latin post-tonic /Cr/ clusters within several Northern-Italian dialects. Specifically, the five dialects (Piemontese, Piacentino, Genovese, Milanese, and Bolognese) show four separate outcomes: deletion, epenthesis, metathesis, and no change at all. This paper utilizes an Optimality approach, predominantly drawn from Webb and Bradley 2009, Hume 2004, and Wilson 2001, to describe the changes but also incorporates word-frequency (cf. Bybee 2000, 2001; Phillips 2006) to account for the separate outcomes. The results show a distinct pattern of phonological process according to word frequency. High-frequency words favor deletion, mid-frequency words show metathesis, and low-frequency words remain unchanged. Epenthesis, on the other hand, operates as a default change at all frequencies.
Various claims from the previous literature about the way in which evaluative morphology (particularly diminutives and augmentatives) operates are tested on a large sample of languages. Evaluative morphology is seen as being less morphologically marginal than has been implied in some of the recent literature, but nevertheless as showing some interesting cross-linguistic tendencies.
In this paper, I propose an optimality-theoretic account of the generalisation that
deletion processes that apply to intervocalic biconsonantal clusters canonically
delete the first consonant (schematically, VC1C2V [rightward arrow] VC2V). The approach to
contextual neutralisation proposed here has two main components. First, I follow
the licensing-by-cue framework (e.g. Steriade 1997) in identifying ‘weak’ elements
as those without strong perceptual cues. Second, I argue that the constraints
responsible for contextual neutralisation ‘target’ weak elements. This approach
captures the deletion generalisation above, because the relevant targeted constraint
prefers only the correct output VC2V (from which the weak consonant C1 has been
removed), not the incorrect output VC1V. Intuitively, the representation containing
a weak element (VC1C2V) is compelled to neutralise to a representation that
is perceptually very similar (VC2V). The targeted-constraint approach is formalised
by replacing the standard violation-based definition of OT optimisation
with a new definition – which is equivalent except when ‘targeted’ constraints are
involved – based on harmonic orderings. The approach is shown to extend to
certain cases of (i) contextually determined feature neutralisation and (ii) phonological opacity.
Two factors have been proposed as the main determinants of phonological typology: channel bias, phonetically systematic errors in transmission, and analytic bias, cognitive predispositions making learners more receptive to some patterns than others. Much of typology can be explained equally well by either factor, making them hard to distinguish empirically. This study presents evidence that analytic bias is strong enough to create typological asymmetries in a case where channel bias is controlled. I show that (i) phonological dependencies between the height of two vowels are typologically more common than dependencies between vowel height and consonant voicing, (ii) the phonetic precursors of the height-height and height-voice patterns are equally robust and (iii) in two experiments, English speakers learned a height-height pattern and a voice-voice pattern better than a height-voice pattern. I conclude that both factors contribute to typology, and discuss hypotheses about their interaction.
The major assumption of notional grammar is that the syntactic classes established for each language on the basis of their distributional properties are labelled on notional grounds: the denotata of the prototypical members of classes meet universal ontological definitions. For example, one might suggest that: ‘As far as nouns are concerned, the prototypical denotata are persons, animals, and other discrete physical entities…’ (Lyons, 1989: 161). Despite the work of Lyons (notably also 1966, 1977) and others, involving a tradition of some antiquity, adequate explicit definitions for the range of classes are lacking; much remains intuitive. This should not prevent us, however, from examining the syntactic consequences of the notionalist assumption. Nor, of course, should the existence of non-prototypical class members (such as nouns which denote non-physical entities or whose denotata are of limited temporal extension - see further below). What follows explores the consequences for a specific area of classification of one articulation of a notional theory.
Supresedes "The p-map in Harmonic Serialism"
Semantic alignment refers to a type of language that has two means of morphosyntactically encoding the arguments of intransitive predicates, typically treating these as an agent or as a patient of a transitive predicate, or else by a means of a treatment that varies according to lexical aspect. This book presents a collection of new typological examinations and case studies. International typologists explore the differences and commonalities of languages with semantic alignment systems and compare the structure of these languages to languages without them. They look at how such systems arise or disappear and provide areal overviews of Eurasia, the Americas, and the south-west Pacific - the areas where semantically aligned languages are concentrated. © Editorial matter and organization Mark Donohue and Søren Wichmann 2008.
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