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Intellectual humility and religious tolerance
Abstract
The present study explored the relationship between (a) intellectual humility toward religious beliefs and values and (b) religious tolerance. Pastors who identified as Christian (N = 196) completed measures of conservatism, religious commitment, intellectual humility toward religious beliefs and values, and religious tolerance. Intellectual humility was a positive predictor of religious tolerance, even when controlling for conservatism and religious commitment. An interaction was found between exposure to religious diversity and intellectual humility, such that exposure to religious diversity was positively related to religious tolerance only for participants who reported high levels of intellectual humility. We conclude by discussing limitations, areas for future research, and implications for interfaith dialog and engagement.
... A number of studies have examined the social benefits of IH with regard to religion, specifically. A growing body of literature indicates that religious IH, i.e., IH about one's religious beliefs, is associated with beneficial social attitudes and behaviors, including more acceptance and warmth for those who are religiously different (Hook et al., 2017;Van Tongeren et al., 2016), less extreme reactions toward others' religious viewpoints (Hopkin, Hoyle, & Toner, 2014), greater likelihood of deriving a sense of belonging and meaning from ideologically diverse religious groups (Zhang et al., 2016), and greater forgiveness of religious conflicts (Zhang et al., 2015). Similarly, the closely related construct of Quest orientation to religion (Batson & Schoenrade, 1991) -involving the ability to face existential questions without reducing their complexity, the ability to be self-critical, an openness to change in religious beliefs, and an appreciation for religious doubt -has been associated with greater openness, compassion, and kindness toward others, even in comparison to other positive religious orientations (Batson, Eidelman, Higley, & Russel, 2001;Batson, Floyd, Meyer, & Winner, 1999). ...
... An a priori decision was also made to report findings with and without controlling right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), given that previous research has indicated that RWA accounts for links between religion and social outcome measures (Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1993;Hall, Matz, and Wood 2010;Johnson et al., 2010). This mirrors previous research on religious IH that has controlled for a variety of religious or political orientations, such as orthodoxy of religious beliefs , political conservatism and religious commitment (Hook et al., 2017), or religious orientation (Zhang et al., 2016). ...
... Variables such as spiritual maturity, quality of worshipping a deity, allowing sacred scriptures to decenter the self, engaging in intercessory prayer for perceived others, and exposure to religious diversity have each been related to qualities loosely associated with IH, such as mutual respect among diverse groups, increased love and humility towards perceived enemies, and religious tolerance toward others, mostly in theological writings (Bonhoeffer, 1996;Law, 1955;Thurman, 1996) but also in some empirical research (Hook et al., 2017). Therefore, these may be fruitful avenues for future exploration. ...
A US community sample of 302 adults completed surveys suggesting small, negative links between intellectual humility and a variety of religious/spiritual variables as well as parabolic relationships with highest levels of intellectual humility occurring among those with low and high levels of religion/spirituality. Longitudinal analyses (N = 100) indicated a number of religious/spiritual variables predicted less intellectual humility 3 years later. Right-wing authoritarianism accounted for most of the links between religion/spirituality and intellectual humility, suggesting that it is not religion/spirituality per se, but rather sociopolitical attitudes about authority that are associated with decreases in intellectual humility. After controlling right-wing authoritarianism, a small, negative relationship remained between religious participation and intellectual humility.
... Cultural humility, defined as the "ability to maintain an interpersonal stance that is other-oriented (or open to the other) in relation to aspects of cultural identity that are most important to the [person]" [1] (for a review see also [6]), is an emerging construct from the general domain of humility. The construct has been initially proposed in the context of the psychotherapeutic, educational, and health care professions [7][8][9][10], and has therefore been incorporated in multicultural competence training. More generally, cultural humility can be referred to as a "way of being" ( [11], p. 214) aware of the impact of cultural differences in individuals' experiences and perspectives, including an awareness about privilege and systemic oppression and a recognition of social injustices incorporated into social structures [12,13]. ...
... At the same time, they also found that when people with low cultural humility engaged in positive contact with immigrants and Muslims, their expression of prejudice was reduced. These findings were in line with earlier studies showing that embodying cultural humility can foster positive intergroup relations, for instance by reducing the dehumanization of immigrants [19], reducing prejudice and discrimination toward Syrian refugees [20], or by increasing openness toward religious, ethnic, and sexual minorities [6,9,13,21,22]. ...
... From an applied point of view, this research suggests the importance of cultural humility training in schools and educational contexts, healthcare contexts, and organizations [7][8][9][10]. Indeed, cultural humility training might contribute to the promotion of inclusive and egalitarian environments in the close context where cultural humility training takes place (e.g., schools, healthcare facilities, organizations), but also in societies in general. ...
With the rise of prejudice and discrimination against ethnic and immigrant minorities, strategies to reduce prejudice and discrimination, and to counteract the impact of intolerant, anti-egalitarian ideologies, are needed. Here we focused on cultural humility, i.e., the ability to have a humble and other-oriented approach to others’ cultural backgrounds, resulting from self-examination and critical thinking about structural privileges and inequalities. In this research we proposed that cultural humility might attenuate the effects of intolerant, anti-egalitarian ideologies such as social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) on negative intergroup attitudes and perceptions. In a correlational study conducted in Italy, we found that cultural humility moderated the associations between SDO and prejudice toward immigrants, as well as between SDO and perceptions of threat posed by immigrants. Specifically, the associations of SDO with prejudice and threat were lower among respondents with high cultural humility compared to respondents with low cultural humility. Conversely, cultural humility did not moderate the effects of RWA on prejudice and threat. Findings are discussed considering the motivations underlying prejudice of high-SDO and high-RWA individuals, and proposing cultural humility training to foster positive intergroup relations.
... Psychological research has demonstrated that virtues such as humility are positively correlated with mature alterity outcomes (Exline & Hill, 2012;Jankowski et al., 2013;Paine et al., 2016). Intellectual humility, in particular, is associated with psychological well-being (Hill et al., 2019) as well as increased tolerance toward outgroup members and openness to new ideas Hook et al., 2017). Based on this evidence, one may contend that seminary students could be more or less receptive to persons of different religious and sociocultural perspectives depending on how dogmatic they are regarding their own beliefs, which is a marker of a lack of intellectual humility . ...
... Another study suggested that intellectual humility may contribute to the maintenance of experienced belonging and meaning when interacting with others who share different ideological commitments (Zhang et al., 2018). The virtue has also been linked to higher levels of religious tolerance (Hook et al., 2017) and forgiveness related to religious conflict (Hook et al., 2017). Cuthbert and colleagues (2018) found that intellectual humility negatively predicted experienced superiority over others in a sample of religious leaders. ...
... Another study suggested that intellectual humility may contribute to the maintenance of experienced belonging and meaning when interacting with others who share different ideological commitments (Zhang et al., 2018). The virtue has also been linked to higher levels of religious tolerance (Hook et al., 2017) and forgiveness related to religious conflict (Hook et al., 2017). Cuthbert and colleagues (2018) found that intellectual humility negatively predicted experienced superiority over others in a sample of religious leaders. ...
Scholars and practitioners have increasingly called for the development of social justice commitment, intercultural competence, and appreciation of diversity among ministers and helping professionals. In religious contexts, individual factors may contribute to differences in the degree to which spiritual leaders emphasize intercultural and social justice initiatives. Personality factors, such as virtues and specific moral commitments, predict the degree to which people report positive attitudes and demonstrate mature alterity. In this study, we explored the degree to which intellectual humility predicted mature alterity outcomes after controlling for the effects of five moral foundations (care, fairness, loyalty, authority, purity) in a sample of Christian seminary students in the United States. Implications and suggestions for future research are discussed for ministry and the helping professions.
... Like general intellectual humility, religion-specific intellectual humility has shown a positive association with religious exploration (Zhang et al. 2016), and greater religion-specific intellectual humility uniquely predicted greater forgiveness of religious leaders who had offended the participants (Hook et al. 2015). Among religious leaders, greater religion-specific intellectual humility predicted greater religious tolerance, and greater exposure to religious diversity was associated with greater religious tolerance for those leaders higher in religion-specific intellectual humility (Hook et al. 2017). Finally, greater religion-specific intellectual humility lessened the negative influence of ideological diversity on sense of belonging, and at lower levels of religionspecific intellectual humility, greater ideological diversity was positively associated with lower sense of meaning (Zhang et al. 2016). ...
... Confronted with opposing influences for expressed humility relative to religion-specific intellectual humility in predicting well-being (i.e., attenuating effects for expressed humility compared to exacerbating effects for religion-specific intellectual humility; see Table 2), we explored the possibility that expressed humility might condition the indirect associations between intellectual humility and well-being through insecure God attachment. This model was also prompted by prior evidence that general humility altered the influence of general intellectual humility predicting religious beliefs , and the call to examine different ways general humility and religion-specific intellectual humility might be associated (Hook et al. 2017). As such, we estimated a fully saturated model with expressed humility as a moderator of the significant indirect effects reported in Table 2. Data were univariate and multivariate normal, and so we estimated the model using MLE in AMOS 22, controlling for age, level of trauma, spiritual impression management, and gender. ...
... Taken together, findings highlight the complexity of the humility-narcissism paradox among religious leaders. It would seem perhaps for those religious leaders scoring higher on intellectual humility (i.e., greater openness to new information, greater recognition about not knowing everything) and who engaged in greater religious exploration (i.e., seeking), there was a consistent epistemic approach (i.e., the way in which one navigates differences between self and other in terms of values and beliefs; Hook et al. 2017;Leary et al. 2017) which had a salutary influence, lowering levels of grandiosity. It seems difficult to maintain an exaggerated sense of one's own uniqueness and importance, including in one's relationship to God, when one's religious beliefs are held with openness, tentativeness, and ambiguity. ...
Prior research has demonstrated positive associations between general humility and well-being, and posited a protective effect for intellectual humility against maladjustment among religious leaders. We tested a model that extended findings on general humility to include intellectual humility among religious leaders (N = 258; M age = 42.31; 43% female; 63.7% White; 91.9% Christian affiliation). We observed a positive general humility–well-being association. Contrary to expectations, we observed risk effects for religion-specific intellectual humility. Our findings also point to the possibility that these risk effects might be attenuated by the integration of high levels of general and intellectual humility.
... Humility has been found to be (a) positively associated with openness, forgiveness, religious tolerance, positive attitude change, and lower levels of power seeking and (b) negatively associated with dogmatism, closed-mindedness, and pride (Haggard et al., 2018;Hook, Farrell et al., 2017;Krumrei-Mancuso, 2017;Leary et al., 2017;Rodriguez et al., 2017). ...
... It involves an ability to maintain a supervisor stance that is open with regard to (a) aspects of the supervisee's or client's cultural identity and (b) those aspects of culture that are accordingly most important to the respective other (cf. Hook, Farrell et al., 2017). Culturally humble supervisors by definition champion a culturally self-aware mind-set and attitude of cultural respect (cf. ...
We propose that supervisor humility is a critical variable for effective supervisory practice, fundamental, foundational, and potentially transformational in its impact. We examine humility, and the different types of humility (e.g., intellectual humility), that can impact supervision practice. Supervisor humility is considered to be supportive of supervision best practices by (a) enhancing multicultural competence, (b) fortifying the
supervisory alliance, (c) rendering receptivity to supervisee feedback more likely, and (d) fostering engagement in peer consultation. Brief case examples are used to show humility in action.
... religious tolerance (e.g. Ekici & Yucel, 2015;Hook et al., 2017;Putnam & Campbell, 2010;Van der Straten Waillet & Roskam, 2013;Van Tongeren et al., 2016), interreligious favourability (e.g. Ciftci, Nawaz, & Sydiq, 2015), ecumenism as a dimension of a seeking attitude (Beck & Jessup, 2004), attitude towards religious diversity (e.g. ...
... This, in turn, may be correlated with the ,3+6reflection inspired by religious teaching, which includes incentives to have love for everybody. Alternatively, high centrality of religion may be related to the conviction that one's religious views are true and to a more intensive defensive attitude in contact with other views, which facilitates barriers to symmetry of a dialogue (Hook et al., 2017;Watson et al., 2015). The RCRT factor is related positively to other dimensions, which potentially facilitate and hinder READINESS TO ENGAGE IN INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE 27 interreligious dialogue. ...
The aim of this paper is to present the structure of the measurement method for psychological readiness to engage in interreligious dialogue. The definition of a dialogue in a democratic society forms the theoretical framework for the test construction. The readiness to engage in interreligious dialogue was defined as a mental readiness to exchange views on religious topics, based on a symmetrical exchange of thoughts, aimed at creation of mutual understanding by people with different religious affiliations, involved in cooperation to meet this objective.
The Readiness to Engage in Interreligious Dialogue Test (REIDT) consists of 36 items, factor analysis (N = 642) revealed four dimensions of interreligious dialogue: (1) readiness to exchange views on religious topics, (2) readiness to seek mutual understanding, (3) internal barriers for the symmetry of a dialogue, (4) readiness to communicate with representatives of other religions. The paper includes a brief description of the stages of work on the structure of the method and the reliability and validity indicators.
... Research on dual processing and moral dilemmas has shown that individual differences in cognitive deliberative tendency, openminded thinking, analytical thinking, and rational decision-making style influence moral judgments (Pennycook et al., 2015;Stanovich, 2011). Relatedly, research shows that people tend to be more accepting of others and controversial policies when they habitually engage in dialectic thinking (Ma-Kellams et al., 2011), paradoxical thinking (Hameiri et al., 2019;Swann et al., 1988), balanced thinking , exhibit greater wisdom (Staudinger & Glück, 2011), intellectual humility (Hook et al., 2017), and recognize their lack of understanding of controversial policies (Fernbach et al., 2013). ...
... Our framework would suggest that learning to recognize rationalizations of oneself and others, establishing ground rules for thinking and debate, moral perspective taking, and reducing fears and self-uncertainties are likely to be useful and important (e.g., Feinberg & Willer, 2015). Furthermore, our framework would suggest that tolerance may be increased by encouraging people to think about the amplified, exaggerated, and even absurd implications of one's beliefs (paradoxical thinking; Hameiri et al., 2019), by thinking in terms of contradictions (dialectical thinking; Ma-Kellams et al., 2011), by thinking about pros and cons of things (balanced thinking; , or by stimulating intellectual humility (Hook et al., 2017) and wise reasoning (Grossman, 2017;Staudinger & Glück, 2011). We may also be able to increase tolerance of controversial practices and policies by confronting people with their illusion of explanatory depth and their tendency to prefer single-cause, rather than more complex, interpretations (Fernbach et al., 2013;Kuhn, 2020). ...
Tolerance is widely considered to be a key response to the challenge of managing diversity in pluralistic societies. However, tolerance comes in a number of different forms with distinct psychological profiles and societal implications. Drawing on research from political science, philosophy, sociology, and several subdisciplines within psychology, we discuss tolerance as a process of forbearance, which has received little attention in psychology. We propose a dual-process model of moral reasoning to differentiate between two distinct forms of tolerance and intolerance: intuitive and deliberative. Specifically, intuitive tolerance results from gut-level objection toward difference that is overridden (or not, in the case of intolerance) by more careful processing of the reasons to tolerate. By contrast, deliberative tolerance involves reflective thinking in which there is a weighing of one’s reasonable objection to dissenting conduct against reasons to nevertheless tolerate, leading either to tolerance or intolerance. We further consider individual differences and situational factors that influence threat versus adjustment responses to living with diversity. Finally, we consider cultural differences involved in tolerance before exploring the implications of different meanings of tolerance and intolerance for living with cultural, religious, and ideological diversity. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved)
... From the beginning, cultural competences were aimed to overcome health inequities related to race and ethnicity by forming knowledgeable professionals about the others and their culture. However, cultural competence places the power in the professional's hands, and as a result they are the ones who define the problem and decide how to solve it (Isaacson, 2014;Hook et al., 2017). Moreover, expertise on the others and their culture does not necessarily result in culturally safe interactions (Brascoupé and Waters, 2009). ...
... Moreover, expertise on the others and their culture does not necessarily result in culturally safe interactions (Brascoupé and Waters, 2009). In fact, expectations based on expertise may interfere in the intercultural learning process because the fear of being perceived as incompetent surpasses the possibilities of learning by recognizing what we do not know about the others (Hook et al., 2017). ...
In the context of the 2016 Peace Agreement signed between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo), several challenges for society and academia have emerged: (1) overcoming the gap between the rural and urban settings, which has been one of the roots of the Colombian armed conflict, and (2) training psychologists and transforming traditional educational practices, which have not been designed to fulfill community needs in a post-conflict setting. One of the strategies from academia to overcome these difficulties is to create alliances with rural communities where students learn key competences to foster a horizontal approach while actively working with the community. In the region of Caquetá, Colombia, two Territorial Spaces for Training and Reincorporation (ETCR) were created in order to provide a space for former guerrilla members’ reintegration to civil society. In the ETCR Héctor Ramírez, 27 students and two faculty participated in a service-learning project (2 weeks in December 2018 and two in June 2019) where they engaged in local daily practices and social projects based on the community’s prioritized needs. The aim of this study was to analyze the learning process of undergraduate psychology students in this community psychology service-learning project in the context of peacebuilding in Colombia. This study is grounded in a Participatory Action Research (PAR) approach and data collected include reflective narratives and video diaries by students before and during the course, and two focus groups after the experience. Findings suggest that students who participated in the experience are in the process of developing cultural humility, through affective understandings and the consolidation of communities of practice that include the former guerrilla members and their knowledges. Preparing psychologists to lead peacebuilding and reconciliation processes is of importance to the field because the professional competencies gained in this context surpass the professional practice as they become part of the students’ abilities as citizens. The social impact is twofold: the students learn to create partnerships where purposes are co-constructed and trust-based, while the community takes the lead of their processes creating alliances with an academia that recognizes their knowledge and practices.
... Islamic education subject in PU did not discuss pillars of faith and Islam (even this portion was too limited). It dominantly studied Islam related to such contemporary issues as human rights, dmeocracy, law, political system, madani (civil) society and inter-religious tolerance (Hook et al., 2017). ...
Since the Reformation Era, the curriculum of Islamic Education in public universities has gone through such three modifications as Islamic Education Curriculum of 2000, 2002, and 2013. The objective of this research is to analyze the construction of the three kinds of the curriculum as well as the changing of the paradigm related to them comparatively. The paradigm of Islamic Education Curriculum 2000 was the continuity of the curriculum in the New Order era which was purely oriented to normative Islamic concepts (aqidah, syari’at, akhlak). In the opposite, Curriculum 2002 indicated a radical changing in its paradigm and material. Religion was not only a set of norms, but it also existed in reality and it was dynamic in responding the development of human being. Meanwhile, Curriculum 2013 tried to emphasize the scientific learning approach by activating the students in building their knowledge. In other words, the learning activity is activity base-oriented, not content base-oriented.
... For example, prior research demonstrates that people high in intellectual humility are less willing to perceive their religious views as superior and are more likely to label essays arguing the opposing religious view as accurate (Leary et al., 2017). Relatedly, researchers have found that intellectually humble pastors were more tolerant of diverse religious views (Hook et al., 2017). Regarding politics, research indicated that intellectually humble people were more likely to seek dissenting opinion articles about a contentious topic than articles confirming their own views (Porter & Schumann, 2018). ...
Vaccinations are critical to public health but uptake levels remain suboptimal. Intellectual humility, a virtue characterized by nonjudgmental recognition of one’s own intellectual fallibility, may support the promotion of favorable vaccine attitudes. The current study investigated whether intellectual humility is related to anti-vaccination attitudes and intentions to vaccinate against the flu. Through an online survey management system, participants (N = 246, Mage = 39.06 years, SDage = 10.57, 50.80% female, 79.20% White, 6.50% Black/African American, 7.80% Asian, 1.20% Hispanic/Latino, and 5.30% Other) completed a measure for intellectual humility, the anti-vaccination attitudes (VAX) scale, and a three-item flu vaccine intention scale. We found that intellectual humility negatively correlated with anti-vaccination attitudes. This correlation was largely driven by openness to revising one’s viewpoint and lack of intellectual overconfidence. Additionally, we found that intellectual humility did not relate to flu vaccination intentions. Finally, we discuss the implications of these findings and their potential to support the eventual development of strategies to leverage intellectual humility into a health promotion strategy.
... The claims usually trigger competition, radicalism, extremism, violence, intolerance, and even terrorism. All of them are the cause of an unfavorable situation characterized by religious divisions and conflict [4] [5]. It is a suffering that will not stop until people feel the importance of togetherness. ...
Studying the understanding of religious tolerance among students is very important for the continuity of community peace in the future. No matter the number of research that have been done, there is an unfilled gap from unexplained angles of understanding. The younger generation, especially, does not yet have the capacity to explain the solutions offered in the shortest time ahead in the life of the people. This study aims to examine and inspect critically the understanding to get the latest solutions for problem caused by the outbursts of the present multidimensional conflicts. The results of the study show that there is a tendency of students to increase their religious tolerance when they understand the meaning of religious tolerance in Islamic teachings exemplified in history by the Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him). A few other students are intolerant in religion because they are more likely to be religious exclusively with a legal-style ideology that selects only black or white options over the truth. These results indicate that students are generally able to understand good religious tolerance during the course of the investigation when they understand the actual inclusiveness of Islam from different religious societies.
... Constructive communication on a wide range of issues related to religion is a necessary condition for civil and interethnic accord, which is built on the understanding that any religion is based on universally recognized moral, ethical, and spiritual values. Constructive interaction should be aimed at preventing interethnic and interfaith conflicts, eliminating causes contributing to the emergence and spread of religious extremism, increasing interfaith understanding, forming tolerance between ethno-confessional associations [10][11][12][13] and creating a supportive environment for human development and life [14][15][16][17]. ...
... IH involves having an accurate view of one's intellectual strengths and weaknesses, as well as the ability to negotiate different ideas in an interpersonally respectful manner . In previous research on IH and religion, IH has been linked to higher levels of forgiveness about a religious conflict Zhang et al., 2015), as well as higher levels of religious tolerance (Hook et al., 2017). Individuals with high levels of IH may be more open-minded to different viewpoints and thus, they may be better able to function in ideologically diverse groups. ...
Participation in religious groups may help religious individuals experience higher levels of belonging and meaning. The current study explored how the makeup of religious groups as either ideologically homogeneous or diverse influences belonging and meaning, and also tested religious intellectual humility as a possible moderator of this relationship. Participants (N = 229) were randomly assigned to imagine themselves participating in an ideologically homogeneous or diverse group, and then completed a series of questionnaires. Participants in the ideologically diverse condition reported lower levels of belonging and meaning than did participants in the ideologically homogenous condition, but this effect was not as large for participants high in intellectual humility. High levels of religious commitment and intrinsic religious orientation predicted lower levels of intellectual humility, and high levels of quest religious orientation predicted higher levels of intellectual humility. We conclude by discussing limitations and areas for future research.
... Deprovincialization implies a more multicultural orientation (Verkuyten, Thijs, & Bekhuis, 2010), less ethnic boundary drawing (Green, Visintin, & Sarrasin, 2018), and a more inclusive understanding of the national community (Verkuyten et al., 2016). Further and similar to cultural humility (Hook, Davis, Owen, Worthington, & Utsey, 2013) and intellectual humility (Hook et al., 2017), deprovincialization implies an openness to see things from other perspectives which has been found to be associated with social tolerance (Eller & Abrams, 2004;Martinovic & Verkuyten, 2013;Tausch et al., 2010). Thus, we hypothesized that stronger deprovincialization is positively associated with higher support for cultural practices and rights of immigrant-origin groups (Hypothesis 1). ...
This research examines the role of deprovincialization, conceptualized in terms of a nuanced perspective on one’s in‐group culture, for majority members’ support for immigrants’ cultural practices and expressive rights. In three studies using data from samples drawn from nationally representative panels in the Netherlands (additionally analyzed in an internal meta‐analysis of N = 1,791), it was found that deprovincialization is a unique and robust predictor of support for immigrant rights, above and beyond prejudicial feelings, political orientation, level of education, gender, age, and religious affiliation. Furthermore, deprovincialization was found to be independent of national identification, which in previous research has been used as a proxy for deprovincialization. Additionally and in trying to conceptually replicate the pattern of findings (Studies 2 and 3), two different measures of perceived concern about the continuity of the in‐group culture and identity were found to weaken the deprovincialization‐support association. The findings go beyond existing research by focusing on the cultural openness understanding of deprovincialization and demonstrating the robust importance of how majority members understand their in‐group for their support of immigrants’ practices and rights.
... Thus far, most studies of specific IH have focused on the domain of religion (e.g., Hook et al., 2017;Hopkin, Hoyle, & Toner, 2014;Van Tongeren et al., 2016;Zhang et al., 2015;Zhang et al., 2016), with research in the political domain starting to catch up. Extant research on IH and politics has found that IH is relevant to political attitudes, having focused primarily on topics such as evaluations of political candidates who changed their stance on an issue (Leary et al., 2017), openness to new arguments about issues like gun control (Porter & Schumann, 2018), or the degree to which someone thinks his/her group should be dominant in society (Krumrei-and political outcomes (Leary et al., 2017;Porter & Schumann, 2018), whereas other studies have framed assessments of IH in terms of knowledge specific to the political domain Krumrei-Mancuso & Newman, 2019). ...
A growing body of research has demonstrated the relevance of intellectual humility to a variety of interpersonal and social attitudes and behaviors. There is a need for further replication and expansion of findings about the role of intellectual humility in the sociopolitical domain. We examined sociopolitical intellectual humility (SIH), i.e., a non-threatening awareness of the fallibility of one’s views about sociopolitical topics in relation to attitudes toward specific political groups and issues in a U.S. sample of adults (N = 587). We found SIH was distinct from political apathy and indifference and unrelated to belief in under-supported political claims. SIH was associated with less affective polarization with regard to political and religious groups. In addition, SIH was related to more responsiveness to information on the topic of immigration among individuals primed to think from a defense rather than accuracy motivated perspective. Finally, for individuals primed to think about the fallibility of their knowledge specific to immigration, having higher trait levels of SIH was associated with more responsiveness to information on the topic of immigration.
... Over the last decade, a substantial literature has emerged in philosophy, theology, and psychology, seeking to (a) define intellectual humility (Baehr, 2011;Davis et al., 2016;Gregg, Mahadevan, & Sedikides, 2017;Roberts & Wood, 2003;Whitcomb, Battaly, Baehr, & Howard-Snyder, 2015;Wright et al., 2017), (b) develop measurement tools (Hoyle, Davisson, Diebels, & Leary, 2016;Krumrei-Mancuso & Rouse, 2016;Leary et al., 2017;McElroy et al., 2014;Meagher, Leman, Bias, Latendresse, & Rowatt, 2015), and (c) link intellectual humility to other personality traits such as openness (McElroy et al., 2014;Porter & Schumann, 2018;Leary et al., 2017), prosociality (Krumrei-Mancuso, 2017), dispositional attachment orientation (Jarvinen & Paulus, 2017), and religiosity and religious tolerance (Hopkin, Hoyle, & Toner, 2014;Hook et al., 2017;Krumrei-Mancuso, 2018;Leary et al., 2017;Rodriguez et al., 2017;Van Tongeren et al., 2016;Zhang et al., 2018). So far, research on the psychological roots of intellectual humility has been primarily the concern of social and developmental psychology. ...
Intellectual humility has been identified as a character virtue that allows individuals to recognize their own potential fallibility when forming and revising attitudes. Intellectual humility is therefore essential for avoiding confirmation biases when reasoning about evidence and evaluating beliefs. The present study investigated the cognitive correlates of intellectual humility. The results indicate that cognitive flexibility, measured with objective behavioural assessments, predicted intellectual humility. Intelligence was also predictive of intellectual humility. These relationships were particularly pronounced for the facets of intellectual humility associated with respect for opposing opinions and openness to revising one's attitudes in light of new evidence. The data revealed an interaction: high cognitive flexibility is particularly valuable for intellectual humility in the context of low intelligence, and reciprocally, high intelligence was beneficial for intellectual humility in the context of low flexibility. Notably, there was evidence of a compensatory effect, as participants who scored highly on both flexibility and intelligence did not exhibit superior intellectual humility relative to individuals who scored highly on only one of these cognitive traits. These findings are suggestive of dual psychological pathways to intellectual humility; either cognitive flexibility or intelligence are sufficient for high intellectual humility, but neither is necessary.
... Indeed, several studies have adapted the Cultural Humility Scale (Hook, Davis, Owen, Worthington, & Utsey, 2013) in order to measure intellectual humility regarding religious beliefs (e.g. Hook et al., 2017). How are these subdomains similar or different from each other? ...
We conclude the special issue by addressing some ongoing limitations within scholarship on humility and cultural humility that ought to temper our reading of the extant literature. We also discuss four critiques of initial scholarship in this area. We end with some suggestions for future research on cultural humility.
... Initial empirical evidence suggests some potential advantages of holding one's religious/spiritual beliefs with cultural humility. For example, religious humility was associated with higher levels of forgiveness of religious conflict Zhang et al., 2015), lower levels of aggressive behavior toward a religious out-group member , and higher levels of religious tolerance (Hook et al., 2017). Furthermore, individuals with higher levels of religious humility were able to experience belonging and meaning in a religious group, even when ideological differences were present (Zhang et al., 2018). ...
This issue of the Journal of Psychology and Theology focuses on cultural humility. Cultural humility is an important domain of general humility that focuses on cultural differences. In this introduction to the special issue, we first define cultural humility, and briefly share some history for how the construct has developed over time. Then, we present some theory and research that has explored cultural humility in the context of religious, spiritual, and ideological differences and conflict. After sharing some background theory and research on cultural humility, we summarize the subsequent articles in this special issue.
... Future research is needed to examine the development of IH and AP and potential cognitive and affective mechanisms underpinning their linkage. In addition, IH is associated with tolerance and forgiveness toward individuals holding differing religious views (Hook et al., 2015(Hook et al., , 2017, and may bear implications for religious polarization and allied constructs, such as prejudice. Research should investigate whether our findings generalize to other domains of ideological extremism. ...
The extent to which individual differences in personality traits and cognitive styles diminish affective polarization (AP) is largely unknown. We address this gap by examining whether intellectual humility (IH) buffers against AP. We examined the associations between domain-general and domain-specific measures of IH, on the one hand, and AP, on the other, in two community samples. Measures of IH were robustly negatively associated with AP. Moreover, IH significantly incremented measures of allied constructs, including general humility, in the statistical prediction of AP. There was some evidence that IH buffered the relationships between strong political belief and AP. Future research is needed to clarify whether IH is sufficient to protect against AP in the presence of ideological extremity.
... Such research could also clarify whether increases in domain-general IH, politics-specific IH, or both are sufficient for mitigating against political myside bias. Our results are consistent with a burgeoning literature on the links between IH and religious tolerance (Hook et al., 2017). Our findings, thus, may bear implications for religious myside bias; we encourage researchers to investigate whether our findings generalize to other domains of bias and ideological extremism. ...
In recent years, an upsurge of polarization has been a salient feature of political discourse in America. A small but growing body of research has examined the potential relevance of intellectual humility (IH) to political polarization. In the present investigation, we extend this work to political myside bias, testing the hypothesis that IH is associated with less bias in two community samples ( N 1 = 498; N 2 = 477). In line with our expectations, measures of IH were negatively correlated with political myside bias across paradigms, political topics, and samples. These relations were robust to controlling for humility. We also examined ideological asymmetries in the relations between IH and political myside bias, finding that IH–bias relations were statistically equivalent in members of the political left and right. Notwithstanding important limitations and caveats, these data establish IH as one of a small handful psychological features known to predict less political myside bias.
... For example, people who are high in intellectual humility are less willing to perceive their religious views as superior and are more likely to label essays arguing opposing religious views as accurate (Leary et al., 2017). Additionally, intellectually humble pastors were found to be more tolerant of diverse religious views (Hook et al., 2017). Moreover, intellectually humble people were more likely to seek knowledge that disavow their views rather than confirming it (Porter & Schumann, 2018). ...
Vaccinations remain a critical, albeit surprisingly controversial, health behavior, especially with the promise of widely available COVID‐19 vaccine. Intellectual humility, a virtue characterized by nonjudgmental recognition of one's own intellectual fallibility, may counter rigidity associated with anti‐vaccination attitudes and help promote vaccine‐related behaviors. This study investigated whether intellectual humility is related to anti‐vaccination attitudes and intentions to vaccinate against COVID‐19, and whether intellectual humility can predict unique variance in these outcomes beyond participant demographic and personal factors. Participants (N = 351, 57.23% male, mean age = 37.41 years, SD = 11.51) completed a multidimensional measure for intellectual humility, the anti‐vaccination attitudes (VAX) scale, and a two‐item COVID‐19 vaccination intention scale. Bivariate correlations demonstrated that intellectual humility was negatively related with anti‐vaccination attitudes overall, r(349) = −.46, p < .001, and positively related to intentions to vaccinate against COVID‐19, r(349) = .20, p < .001. Hierarchical multiple regression revealed that intellectual humility predicted all four types anti‐vaccination attitudes, overall anti‐vaccination attitudes, and COVID‐19 vaccination intentions above and beyond demographic and personal factors (i.e., sex, race/ethnicity, age, education, socioeconomic status, and political orientation), ΔR2 between .08 and .18, ps < .001. These results bolster intellectual humility as a malleable psychological factor to consider in efforts to combat anti‐vaccination attitudes and promote COVID‐19 vaccination uptake.
... Primarily, IH was found to be associated with religious exploration, religious tolerance and lower fundamentalism (Hodge et al., 2019(Hodge et al., , 2020Hook et al., 2017;Jankowski et al., 2019). These characteristics can be generally understood as a manifestation of open-mindedness. ...
Though having been emphasised by philosophers and theologians for centuries, it is only in the last few years that the concept of intellectual humility has been explicitly defined and studied by empirical psychology. However, it has been long enough to recognise the prominent role that being intellectually humble plays for humane functioning, both at an intra-and inter-individual level. Having started with a broader philosophical and historical context, the present paper discusses the psychological conceptualisa-tions of intellectual humility. Then the recent empirical studies are reviewed, including four strands of research referring to personality traits, cognitive functioning, social relations and religiosity. After presenting selected results, the prospects of psychological research on intellectual humility are discussed, including the limitations and challenges of measurement techniques as well as possible directions for future studies.
key words intellectual humility; modesty; virtues; accuracy of self-knowledge
Intellectual humility: an old problem in a new psychological perspective
corresponding author-Wacław Bąk, Ph.D.
... Although intellectual humility reflects people's assessments of their beliefs, it can manifest in an openness to other people's views and in a flexibility in one's beliefs and opinions, especially in the light of persuasive evidence. For example, when discussing contentious topics, such as religion, people high in intellectual humility are more tolerant of diverse views [50], less willing to perceive their own views as superior [49], and more likely to seek knowledge that disavows rather than confirms their views [51]. Low intellectual humility, by contrast, may manifest in a disregard of viewpoints that differ from one's own and an unfounded insistence that one's own beliefs are accurate. ...
In multiple academic disciplines, having a perceived gender of `woman' is associated with a lower than expected rate of citations. In some fields, that disparity is driven primarily by the citations of men and is increasing over time despite increasing diversification of the profession. It is likely that complex social interactions and individual ideologies shape these disparities. Computational models of select factors that reproduce empirical observations can help us understand some of the minimal driving forces behind these complex phenomena and therefore aid in their mitigation. Here, we present a simple agent-based model of citation practices within academia, in which academics generate citations based on three factors: their estimate of the collaborative network of the field, how they sample that estimate, and how open they are to learning about their field from other academics. We show that increasing homophily -- or the tendency of people to interact with others more like themselves -- in these three domains is sufficient to reproduce observed biases in citation practices. We find that homophily in sampling an estimate of the field influences total citation rates, and openness to learning from new and unfamiliar authors influences the change in those citations over time. We next model a real-world intervention -- the citation diversity statement -- which has the potential to influence both of these parameters. We determine a parameterization of our model that matches the citation practices of academics who use the citation diversity statement. This parameterization paired with an openness to learning from many new authors can result in citation practices that are equitable and stable over time. Ultimately, our work underscores the importance of homophily in shaping citation practices and provides evidence that specific actions may mitigate biased citation practices in academia.
... Research on cultural humility has tested and found that cultural humility can improve intergroup relations, reduce intergroup aggression, and increase tolerance toward religious, ethnic, and sexual minorities outgroups (AlSheddi, 2020; Choe et al., 2019;Hook, Farrell, et al., 2017;Mosher et al., 2017;Van Tongeren et al., 2016). For instance, Van Tongeren et al. (2016) measured (Studies 1 and 2) and manipulated (Study 3) humility and found that it was associated with reduced behavioral aggressions and increased tolerance and positive attitudes toward religious outgroup members. ...
Despite the effectiveness of intergroup contact in reducing prejudice, opportunities for contact are not always associated with positive mutual intergroup perceptions. This might be due, at least partly, to negative contact, i.e., intergroup encounters perceived as unpleasant, and to individual characteristics which might shape reactions to opportunities for contact and to actual contact. Here we considered cultural humility, i.e., a subdomain of humility referring to the ability to have a humble and other-oriented approach to others’ cultures. We propose that cultural humility might orient individuals to successfully and non-judgmentally interact with outgroup members. Therefore, cultural humility might be associated with positive contact and with reduced negative contact, and might favor beneficial effects of opportunities for contact in terms of prejudice reduction. In a cross-sectional study conducted among Italian participants considering immigrants and Muslims as outgroups, we found that cultural humility was associated with positive contact and with reduced negative contact. Furthermore, opportunities for contact were associated with negative contact only among respondents with low cultural humility. Cultural humility also moderated the valenced contact-prejudice associations. However, disconfirming our predictions, positive contact was associated with reduced prejudice mainly for people with low cultural humility, while negative contact was associated with more prejudice mainly for people with high cultural humility. Findings will be discussed emphasizing the role of cultural humility for intergroup contact and the possible contribution of cultural humility training to foster harmonious intergroup relations.
... Кроме того, показано, что интеллектуально скромные люди более эффективны в когнитивной обработке информации, противоречащей их убеждениям [7]. Находясь в неопределенной (например, культурно-разнообразной) среде, человек с высоким уровнем интеллектуальной скромности не старается защититься от нее в поиске порядка и предсказуемости (потребность в когнитивной завершенности), а меняется, понимая и принимая неопределенность как составную часть мироустройства [13]. Таким образом, интеллектуальная скромность неизбежно будет снижать потребность в когнитивной завершенности, обозначая, с одной стороны, принципиальную невозможность достижения предсказуемости и, с другой стороны, снижая дискомфорт от ситуации неопределенности. ...
Objective. Analysis of the relationship between loss of personal significance, intellectual humility, the need for cognitive closure, and support for radicalisation. Background. Psychological studies of the process of radicalization make a significant contribution to the explanation of this negative socio-political phenomenon. One of the questions from these studies is how cognitive rigidity is related to ideological extremism. Study design. The study examined the relationship between loss of personal significance, intellectual humility, and support for radical views mediated by the need for cognitive closure. The presence and nature of the relationship were checked using a path analysis performed in the AMOS 23 program. Participants. 365 residents from Russia (78.5% women), age from 20 to 66 years (M=42.11; SD=11.62). The majority of the sample has a higher education (94.1%), the rest have secondary or specialized secondary education. 41.8% of the respondents identified themselves as Christians, 17.8% as Agnostics, 11.7% as atheists, 10.1% as Muslims, the rest-as other faiths or chose to skip this item of the questionnaire. Measurements. Russian-language versions of the short scale of scales of the need for cognitive closure by D. Webber and A. Kruglansky; the scale of intellectual humility by M. Leary et al. and the scale of loss of personal significance. A questionnaire for assessing support for radical violence. Results. The direct effect of loss of personal importance on the support of radical views is mediated by the need for cognitive closure. The reverse effect of intellectual humility on the support of radical views is mediated by the need for cognitive completeness. Conclusions. The study demonstrates the significance of the “cognitive vulnerability” of supporting extremist ideology, which is extremely important for understanding the personal aspects of both radicalization and deradicalization.
... Islam respected religious freedom and believers of other religions, and non-Muslims who lived in the Islamic region were entitled to the same rights and treatment as Muslim citizens Untung and Sutrisno (2015). Besides, religious tolerance in Indonesia, especially in Muhammadiyah Universities, was caused by religious diversity exposure and intellectual modesty Hook et al. (2017). The second was the education model policy adopted by each PTM. ...
Education in Indonesia, especially higher education institutions, has a role to build interaction between religious adherents. How is this experience of tolerance in religiously based higher education institutions where the majority of students and staff are religious according to the institution. One of the largest religious-based higher education networks in Indonesia is the Muhammadiyah Universities or Perguruan Tinggi Muhammadiyah (PTM) network. Muhammadiyah as one of the largest Islamic organizations in Indonesia which has a network of higher education spread across various parts of Indonesia where students studying have diverse religious backgrounds. This study aimed to examine the dynamics of social identity in the experience of non-Moslem students at Muhammadiyah College. This research uses qualitative research methods using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). Six participants, Christian, Catholic, Hindu, and Buddhist from four Muhammadiyah College in the province of Central Java - Indonesia, were interviewed and analyzed to obtain core themes. The results of this study produced five superordinate themes, namely the influence of the environment, personal characteristics, perceptions of the religion adopted, experience as a Muhammadiyah College Student, and perceptions of Islam and Muhammadiyah. The conclusion of this study shows the psychological dynamics of non-Muslim students shape the perception of Islam itself as a religion, also Muhammadiyah as an Islamic organization.
... Hook et al.'s (2017) tolerance scale was adopted from a study that investigated the open-mindedness and tolerance displayed by residents of the United States towards non-Christian religions. Hook et al. (2017) implemented statements developed by Putnam and Campbell (2012), using four items pertaining to participant attitudes towards a specific group. ...
National discourses that are acceptable by the alienated groups determine the level of public tolerance towards those groups. This study thus examined the relationships between religious schema and tolerance of two alienated groups in Indonesia, namely, the atheists and believers in indigenous faiths. Additionally, the study explored the differences in tolerance of these two groups across university cohorts encompassing discrete social climates and curricula. This cross-sectional study involved several universities with differing demographic makeup. The analysis results revealed that the characteristics of the evaluated target group determined the significance of the associations between the dimensions of religious schema and tolerance. Moreover, students in homogeneous educational and social environments tended to exhibit low levels of tolerance towards alienated groups. This study highlighted the importance of scrutinising the functions of intergroup exposure and dialogues in improving intergroup understanding, acceptance, and tolerance within a plural society.
... Finally, Hook et al. (2017) explored the relationship between religious IH and religious tolerance. Self-reported religious IH was positively related to religious tolerance, even when controlling for religious commitment. ...
This study explored the role of intellectual humility (IH) in promoting attitude change and relationship closeness in the context of religious disagreement. Participants (N = 174) completed a preliminary survey that assessed their attitude on several contentious religious issues (e.g. gay marriage, abortion). Participants who disagreed about a contentious religious issue were then paired and engaged in a 10-min discussion. After the discussion, participants completed a series of questionnaires. The greatest degree of attitude change was seen in pairs with mutually high levels of IH, in which the participant self-reported high levels of IH and also perceived the discussion partner to have high levels of IH. Higher perceptions of the IH levels of the discussion partner predicted higher levels of closeness and trust. We discuss limitations, areas for future research, and practical implications.
... We anticipated SIH would be associated with more inclusive, accepting, and benevolent attitudes toward individuals and groups in the political arena. Previous research on religious outcomes has highlighted IH is associated with more tolerance toward different religious beliefs, more moderate reactions to others' religious views, less judgment of others' religious opinions, experiencing more belonging and meaning in imagined ideologically diverse religious groups, and more forgiveness of religious offenses (Hook et al., 2017;Hopkin, Hoyle, & Toner, 2014;Leary et al., 2017;Van Tongeren et al., 2016;Zhang et al., 2015;Zhang et al., 2018). With regard to political outcomes, Porter and Schumann (2018) found IH was associated with people offering more respectful attributions for differences in views on often contentious issues (e.g., same-sex marriage, gun control, tax increases funding education), viewing the issues as complex rather than viewing the other person as less intelligent. ...
Recent research has highlighted the relevance of intellectual humility to politics. Among a U.S. sample (N = 852), we examined self-reported sociopolitical intellectual humility (SIH), a nonthreatening awareness of the fallibility of one’s views about topics central to society and politics. SIH was associated with being less likely to dislike/avoid political discussion, and with more political tolerance, less social dominance orientation, and more values and behavioral intentions focused on social equality, even when controlling political orientation and other relevant factors. SIH was also associated with more positive and less negative views of an individual expressing a political viewpoint. Further, SIH moderated the extent to which initial agreement with a political statement resulted in opinion change on the basis of hearing another person's arguments on the topic. These findings may point to ways SIH is relevant to people's attitudes toward others in society.
... Intrapersonal humility involves an accurate view of self and an awareness of one's limitations whereas interpersonal humility involves an other-oriented stance. Humility may be especially difficult to practice in certain situations, such as when ideas are held very strongly (Hook et al., 2015), and initial work has linked humility with religious tolerance (Hook et al., 2017;Van Tongeren, Stafford, et al., 2016). These findings are consistent with theory that it is not just religious beliefs but their combination with low humility that lead to lower religious tolerance (Hopkin, Hoyle, & Toner, 2014). ...
This exploratory qualitative study examined how individuals’ religious beliefs and values influence how they engage with individuals who have different religious views. Graduate students in their first year at Christian seminaries (N = 205) were asked to describe how their religious faith affects their attitudes and behaviors toward individuals with different religious beliefs and values. Respondents completed an open-ended item in an online survey, and 9 themes emerged: love and acceptance, evangelism, listen and learn, respect others’ beliefs, develop relationships, prayer, viewing others as lost, relational tension and distance, and distrust of others. Themes suggest a mix of positive and negative attitudes and behaviors toward those holding different religious beliefs. We conclude by discussing limitations and directions for future research.
... Tolerance is an attitude to provide space and not interfere with the rights of others to believe, express their beliefs, express opinions, even though it is different from what we believe [5], [6], [7]. Thus, tolerance refers to openness, grace, voluntary, and tenderness in accepting differences [8], [9], [10]. Another pillar of strengthening religious moderation is the commitment to the nation which recognizes the state constitution as the regulator of national life [11], [12]. ...
... It concerns a less parochial worldview whereby ingroup traditions, norms, and values are not considered to be the only way to deal with the social world. Like cultural humility (Hook et al., 2013) and intellectual humility (Hook et al., 2017), deprovincialization implies an openness to see things in a less ingroup-centric way. Identity exploration is expected to encourage individuals to have a more critical and constructive orientation to their ingroup by putting their own cultural standards into perspective. ...
Social identity exploration is a process whereby individuals actively seek information about their group membership and show efforts to understand its meaning. Developmental theory argues that exploration-based ingroup commitment is the basis for outgroup positivity. We tested this notion in relation to national identity and attitudes towards immigrants. The results of five experimental studies among German adolescents and early adults ( N = 1,146; 16–25 years) and one internal meta-analysis suggest that the positive identification–prejudice link is weaker when participants are instructed to explore the meaning of their identity (Study 1). This is not mediated via self-uncertainty (Study 2), but via a reduction in intergroup threat (Study 3) and an increase in deprovincialization (Study 4). In addition, identity exploration enabled strong identifiers to oppose descriptive ingroup norms (Study 5). We conclude that identity exploration can contribute to a further understanding of the identification–prejudice link.
... In addition, it is worth noticing that humility can manifest in some specific contexts. Nowadays, there are such subdomains known as intellectual humility (Gregg et al., 2017;Krumrei--Mancuso & Rouse, 2016;Leary et al., 2017), cultural humility (Danso, 2018), domain related to political issues (Krumrei-Mancuso & Newman, 2020;Stanley et al., 2020), and to spiritual/religion context (Hodge et al., 2019;Hook et al., 2017). In each one, the main aspects of humble attitudes are accurate self-awareness, openness, and respect for others. ...
Empirical science terminology generally understands humility as a self view grounded trait charac-terized mainly by accurate self awareness and manifested respect for others. Related studies have been carried out for almost 20 years; however, it is still a quite new area in psychological research. Moreover, this seems to be an interesting area because of rising egocentric and narcissistic tenden-cies that are inconsistent with humble attitudes. Handbook of Humility: Theory, Research, and Applications, reviewed here, offers an adequate basis for understanding humility. It presents main aspects of interdisciplinary approach to humility related issues like definitions, measurement, and its manifestations in different contexts. Readers may find there many questions and thesis broaden-ing their perspectives, which is a good starting point to carry out own research.
... Existing empirical studies offer preliminary support for the MCO framework (1,44): "the future [indeed] looks bright" (1). Research thus far suggests that (a) cultural humility is viewed by clients as a positive therapist attribute, is positively associated with perceived working alliance and client improvement, and is negatively associated with (and can buffer against engaging in) cultural ruptures or microaggressions (41,(44)(45)(46)(47); (b) cultural comfort can affect the rate of treatment terminations by racial/ethnic minority clients (42); and (c) missed cultural opportunities can negatively affect treatment outcomes (27). These studies have included more than 5,000 clients, from a range of cultural backgrounds, who were in treatment for a variety of concerns. ...
As a complement to multicultural competence, the multicultural orientation (MCO) perspective has been proposed as a pragmatic way to enhance cultural understandings about psychotherapeutic dynamics, processes, and outcomes. Consisting of three core components—cultural humility, cultural comfort, and cultural opportunities—the MCO is
considered relevant for both individual and group treatment. However, the MCO perspective has yet to be specifically applied to psychotherapy supervision. Because supervision often provides multicultural oversight for individual and group psychotherapy services, considering the ramifications of MCO for psychotherapy supervision (MCO-S) is important. In this article, the implications of MCO-S are reviewed, with attention given to the impacts of cultural humility, cultural comfort, and cultural opportunities on the supervisor-supervisee relationship. Case examples are provided to illustrate the ways in which MCO can affect the psychotherapy supervision process and outcome. Supervision research possibilities are also proposed.
... Existing empirical studies offer preliminary support for the MCO framework (1,44): "the future [indeed] looks bright" (1). Research thus far suggests that (a) cultural humility is viewed by clients as a positive therapist attribute, is positively associated with perceived working alliance and client improvement, and is negatively associated with (and can buffer against engaging in) cultural ruptures or microaggressions (41,(44)(45)(46)(47); (b) cultural comfort can affect the rate of treatment terminations by racial/ethnic minority clients (42); and (c) missed cultural opportunities can negatively affect treatment outcomes (27). These studies have included more than 5,000 clients, from a range of cultural backgrounds, who were in treatment for a variety of concerns. ...
As a complement to multicultural competence, the multicultural orientation (MCO) perspective has been proposed as a pragmatic way to enhance cultural understandings about psychotherapeutic dynamics, processes, and outcomes. Consisting of three core components-cultural humility, cultural comfort, and cultural opportunities-the MCO is considered relevant for both individual and group treatment. However, the MCO perspective has yet to be specifically applied to psychotherapy supervision. Because supervision often provides multicultural oversight for individual and group psychotherapy services, considering the ramifications of MCO for psychotherapy supervision (MCO-S) is important. In this article, the implications of MCO-S are reviewed, with attention given to the impacts of cultural humility, cultural comfort, and cultural opportunities on the supervisor-supervisee relationship. Case examples are provided to illustrate the ways in which MCO can affect the psychotherapy supervision process and outcome. Supervision research possibilities are also proposed.
The study of positive psychology provides a strong opportunity for interdisciplinary work that integrates theorizing from theology and psychology of religion. The purpose of the current article is to provide a systematic review of empirical work on humility and religion/spirituality. We review definitions and key research questions that have driven work in this area, including work examining whether more religious people tend to be more humble, as well as work examining whether humility helps soften some of the ways that religion can lead to ideological conflict or entrenchment. We discuss key limitations from both a psychological and theological perspective before providing a research program to guide future work.
This chapter explicates the concept of xenosophia, detailing its philo-sophical roots and its psychological profile as opposite to xenophobia and preju-dice. The Bielefeld Study on Xenosophia and Religion in Germany is based con-ceptually and empirically on a model which opens the perspective beyond the focus on the “pathogenic” outcomes such as xenophobia, Islamophobia and other inter-religious and inter-cultural prejudice. Instead, our research design has in-cluded attention also to the “salutogenic” predictors and outcomes. With reference to philosophical-phenomenological reflection about alienness/strangeness, this chapter explicates the concept of xenosophia as the wisdom that might emerge from the encounter with the alien/the strange. The chapter concludes with an out-look on our operationalization of xenosophia for psychology of religion research.
In a time of societal acrimony, psychological scientists have turned to a possible antidote — intellectual humility. Interest in intellectual humility comes from diverse research areas, including researchers studying leadership and organizational behaviour, personality science, positive psychology, judgement and decision-making, education, culture, and intergroup and interpersonal relationships. In this Review, we synthesize empirical approaches to the study of intellectual humility. We critically examine diverse approaches to defining and measuring intellectual humility and identify the common element: a meta-cognitive ability to recognize the limitations of one’s beliefs and knowledge. After reviewing the validity of different measurement approaches, we highlight factors that influence intellectual humility, from relationship security to social coordination. Furthermore, we review empirical evidence concerning the benefits and drawbacks of intellectual humility for personal decision-making, interpersonal relationships, scientific enterprise and society writ large. We conclude by outlining initial attempts to boost intellectual humility, foreshadowing possible scalable interventions that can turn intellectual humility into a core interpersonal, institutional and cultural value. Intellectual humility involves acknowledging the limitations of one’s knowledge and that one’s beliefs might be incorrect. In this Review, Porter and colleagues synthesize concepts of intellectual humility across fields and describe the complex interplay between intellectual humility and related individual and societal factors.
Cultural humility has been shown to enhance cross-cultural relationships, but little research has explored how individuals perceive the cultural humility of a salient group. In the current study, we examined how perceptions of the cultural humility of a religious community affect the well-being of sexual minorities, who frequently experience discrimination, minority stress, and relational conflict in faith communities. As predicted, results indicated higher levels of perceived cultural humility in religious communities were associated with less depression, less anxiety, and more sense of belonging. Furthermore, minority stress mediated the relation between group cultural humility and depression, anxiety, and sense of belonging, even after controlling for the religious community’s stance on LGB issues. We discuss our findings, limitations, and future directions for research, as well as offer practical applications for how cultural humility can benefit religious communities and sexual minorities.
Intellectual humility (IH) has been proposed to be a critical factor facilitating civil discourse. However, wide variability exists concerning what IH actually entails. In this paper, we report a pair of studies investigating how self-ratings and peer-ratings of IH differ in terms of their behavioral associations. In Study 1, students provided round-robin judgments of peers following months of cooperative course work. Self-reported IH was associated with both self-rated and peer-rated openness, whereas peer judgments were primarily associated with self-rated and peer-rated agreeableness. In Study 2, small groups from a community sample were formed for 30-minute conversations about a contentious sociopolitical issue. These recorded interactions revealed that although self-reported IH was associated with high levels of engagement, peer-reported IH was characterized by low negativity and positive, supportive statements. These studies provide evidence that the social and epistemic dimensions of IH are used differently when forming either self or peer judgments.
Spiritual and religious (S/R) competence is an important yet under-studied area of clinical multicultural competence. In a sample of clinicians who attended seminars on a specific S/R group training model, we examined the roles of humility and differentiation of self (DoS) in predicting S/R attitudes and S/R self-efficacy, as well as perceived barriers to implementing this training model in clinical settings. DoS mediated the relationship between humility and S/R self-efficacy, but not between humility and S/R attitudes. Further, four barriers emerged to implementing the presented training model. A discussion of the findings and implications for training are included.
As the current political environment in the United States and around the world becomes more polarized, it is important to better understand the intrapersonal and interpersonal effects of engaging political discourse with political humility. Across two studies, we explored the predictors of political humility (Study 1), and how political humility might impact engagement with different viewpoints (Study 2). In Study 1 (N = 311), political humility was positively related to openness, but negatively associated with political commitment. In Study 2 (N = 194), controlling for political commitment, political humility was positively associated with identifying positives in the opposite political perspective, identifying the results of a neutral essay as inconclusive, and having more favorable ratings of a political essay contrary to their own views. On the other hand, political humility was negatively related to experiential avoidance. We conclude by discussing limitations and suggestions for future research.
Interreligious Dialogue is needed to reduce prejudice and conflicts in Korean society as a multi-religious society. This study examined validated the Korean version of the Readiness to Engage in Interreligious Dialogue Test(REDIT) that measures readiness to engage in dialogue on religious topics and to understand other religious affiliations. Using exploratory factor analysis with 254 participants, it was found that a three factors(curiosity on religious topics, attitude towards mutual understanding, emotion involvement) with 25 items. Confirmatory factor analysis conducted with 245 participants and a three factor model has acceptable model fit. Further, associations with other variables supported criterion, convergent, predictive validity of the K-REDIT. The incremental validity was also supported. The K-REDIT can contribute to address incidents of religious discrimination and inequality in Korea. It has an implication that it provides information on what characteristics are needed as a factor to prepare for dialogue between religions. Finally, there is a limitation in that the possibility of generalization should be increased through sampling including various age groups.
Psychologists’ interest in humility has increased in recent years. This paper provides the first review on the role of humility in the context of diversity. The results of the nine studies reviewed here, which were identified through a systematic literature search, show a lack of agreement among researchers on the conceptualisation of humility and how it can be measured. Additionally, humility has been found to be associated with less prejudice towards Syrian refuges, sexual minorities and religious groups. It also seems to play a positive role in the context of religious conflicts, disagreements and conflicting views. These promising findings on humility in relation to various domains of diversity are discussed, and the limitations of this review and recommendations for future research are provided.
The study aimed to Explore the level of intellectual humility among
university students, the correlation between intellectual humility and the quiet
ego, and identify the effectiveness of the counseling program based on the
quiet ego skills in developing intellectual humility. The descriptive study
sample consisted of (315 male students; Mage= 20.49, SD= 1.28) were
selected from college of education at King Khalid University. the experimental
sample was derived from those with low intellectual humility, it was randomly
divided into two groups, experimental group (n=12) and control group (n=13).
The researchers prepared intellectual humility scale, quiet ego scale, and the
counselling program. The results indicated that the level of intellectual
humility was within the middle level, there was a statistically significant
positive correlation between quiet ego skills and intellectual humility in the
study sample, and there were statistically significant differences (0.01) between
the means scores of experimental group at the pre-test and post-test on
intellectual humility. These differences in favor of post-test. There were
statistically significant differences (0.01) between the means scores of
experimental group and control group at post-test on intellectual humility.
These differences in favor of experimental group. There were no statistically
significant differences between the means scores of experimental group at post�test and follow up-test on intellectual humility. The results indicated that the
effectiveness of the counseling program in developing intellectual humility
among the university students.
For years, religious tolerance between religious groups has been a critical sociopolitical problem throughout the world. To date, there has been no study that has investigated psychological mechanisms which might underlie the emergence of tolerance in religious people. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the roles of intellectual humility and cognitive flexibility in mediating the relationship between religiosity and religious tolerance are dependent on the levels of aggressiveness. We employed mediation analyses over data of religiosity, intellectual humility, cognitive flexibility, religious tolerance, and aggressiveness from 226 Indonesian-Muslim students to test our predictions. Results showed that intellectual humility and cognitive flexibility significantly mediated the influence of religiosity in increasing religious tolerance. As predicted, intellectual humility was the more potent mediator in religious people who possess a high level of aggressiveness, while cognitive flexibility was the more potent mediator in religious people with a low level of aggressiveness. The aggressiveness of a religious person also determines whether intellectual humility or cognitive flexibility would be an influential factor in increasing his/her religious tolerance. Our findings suggest the importance of developing intellectual humility and cognitive flexibility to promote tolerant behavior among religious people.
Based on the premise that psychologists of religion and spirituality tend to define our objects of interest only on our own terms and not on the terms of the people we study, it is suggested that we need to be more intellectually humble in our work. The empirical study of intellectual humility is provided as a case in point. Recent research by the author and his colleagues provide evidence that research findings showing that religious people are less intellectually humble than non-religious people may be a function of how intellectual humility is being measured. When theistic humility is accounted for in the measure of intellectual humility, religious people not only demonstrate intellectual humility, but such humility predicts well-being. Implications and recommendations for the study of religiousness and spirituality are provided.
In this article, we examined how ideological diversity affects one’s sense of belonging and meaning in a religious group, as well as how intellectual humility about one’s religious beliefs moderates these relationships. Participants (N = 113) were randomly assigned to imagine themselves attending a religious small group that was ideologically homogeneous or diverse, and then they rated the amount of belonging and meaning they anticipated receiving from the group, as well as their level of intellectual humility. Being in an ideologically diverse small group was negatively associated with belonging and meaning, but intellectual humility moderated these relationships, such that the relationships were weaker at higher levels of intellectual humility. Thus, intellectual humility preserved a sense of meaning and belonging when individuals interacted with ideologically dissimilar others.
In this chapter, we explore the construct of humility, specifically focusing on its connections with religion, spirituality, and well-being. First, we review how the major world religions conceptualize and teach about the role of humility in living a virtuous life. Second, we review definitions of humility in psychological literature and summarize empirical research examining the associations between humility and well-being. Third, we explore the connections between religiousness and humility. Specifically, although religiousness may be one avenue to promote humility, we examine the paradox that, although most world religions teach and advocate for humility as a virtue, maintaining humility about one’s religious convictions is often challenging. Finally, we explore the role of intellectual humility for addressing the challenges involved in remaining humble to divergent belief systems and as a mechanism for reducing between-group conflict among individuals who hold dissonant beliefs.
This article focused on how perceptions of intellectual humility (IH)-humility regarding one's knowledge or influence over ideas affect relationships with religious leaders. We developed an informant report measure of IH perceptions using exploratory (Study 1; N = 213) and confirmatory (Study 2; N = 213) factor analyses, as well as a basic manipulation of IH (Study 3; N = 139). Then in Study 4 (N = 105), we examined IH in the context of a major betrayal by a religious leader (i.e., aligning with several factors theorized to strain the practice of IH). The results provide preliminary evidence for the psychometric soundness of the scale, including reliability and content validity of the scores. The scale was able to distinguish between IH and other constructs. Furthermore, the results provide initial evidence that IH is related to social bonds, as perceptions of IH were related to trust and higher forgiveness toward the religious leader, and positive attitudes towards the Sacred.
Some of the most interesting works in virtue ethics are the detailed, perceptive treatments of specific virtues and vices. This chapter aims to develop such work as it relates to intellectual virtues and vices. It begins by examining the virtue of intellectual humility. Its strategy is to situate humility in relation to its various opposing vices, which include vices like arrogance, vanity, conceit, egotism, grandiosity, pretentiousness, snobbishness, haughtiness, and self-complacency. From this list vanity and arrogance are focused on in particular. Humble persons are not distinguished from arrogant persons by being unaware of or unconcerned with entitlements; rather, they lack the arrogance that entails a specific kind of motivation called 'ego-exalting potency'. Humble people are motivated by pure interests regarding entitlements given their ability to serve as means to some valuable purpose or project. The chapter ends by considering a wide variety of ways intellectual humility can promote the acquisition of epistemic goods.
Humility is marked by the regulation of selfish impulses for the sake of others, including holding a modest view of one’s beliefs (and their relative strengths and weaknesses). In three studies, we evaluated the extent to which humility attenuates negative attitudes, behavioral intentions, and behaviors toward religious out-group members. In Study 1 (N = 159), humility regarding religious beliefs was associated with positive attitudes toward religiously different individuals. In Study 2 (N = 149), relational and intellectual humility were associated with less aggressive behavioral intentions in a hypothetical situation in which their cherished beliefs were criticized. In Study 3 (N = 62), participants implicitly primed with humility administered significantly less hot sauce (a behavioral measure of aggression) to a religious out-group member who criticized their cherished views relative to participants in the neutral prime condition. We highlight the importance of humility in promoting positive attitudes and behaviors toward religious out-group members.
This article presents two studies that examined how perceptions of intellectual humility affect response to a transgression by a religious leader. In Study 1, participants (N = 105) rated the religious leader on intellectual humility regarding different religious beliefs and values, as well as general humility and forgiveness of the leader for a transgression. Perceived intellectual humility was positively associated with forgiveness, even when controlling for perceived general humility. In Study 2, we replicated the findings from Study 1 on an independent sample (N = 299). Also, the type of offense moderated the association between perceived intellectual humility and forgiveness. For participants, who reported an offense in the area of religious beliefs, values, or convictions, the association between perceived intellectual humility and forgiveness was stronger than for participants, who reported a different type of offense. We conclude by discussing limitations and areas for future research.
Previous research has highlighted the social nature of humility. In three studies, we provide evidence that humility facilitates the initiation and maintenance of romantic relationships. In Study 1, very humble potential dating partners, relative to less humble partners, were rated more favorably and were more likely to elicit intentions to initiate a romantic relationship. Study 2 was a conceptual replication of Study 1 that provided evidence that participants find humble potential dating partners more attractive than arrogant dating partners. In Study 3, we examined perceptions of humility in participants in proximal or long-distance relationships. We found that humility buffers against unforgiveness in long-distant relationships. Although long-distance relationships were associated with greater unforgiveness, this effect was only present when partners were viewed as having low humility. Together, these findings highlight the social benefits of humility in initiating and maintaining romantic relationships.
One problem in forgiveness research is the reliance on one method (i.e. having people recall an offense and complete self-report measures). Thus, we present two strategies for studying forgiveness-related behavior. First, we adapted the Cyberball paradigm, which is a game of toss where two computer players (ostensibly virtual players) exclude the participant from play. We adapted Cyberball to include a second round that gave participants the opportunity to retaliate or forgive the player who excluded them. Self-reported forgiveness predicted the first toss and total number of tosses to the offender in the subsequent round. Second, we had participants describe an offense (as is typical with the recall method), but then also complete an activity in which they listed as many positive qualities as they could about the offender. Self-reported forgiveness predicted the number of positive qualities listed. We discuss the contribution of these studies to the multimodal study of forgiveness.
A theory of relational humility asserts that humility can promote strengthening social bonds. To complement prior, cross-sectional research on this topic, two longitudinal studies were conducted. In Study 1, college students in romantic relationships (N = 123), all of whom had been hurt or offended by their partners within the last two months, completed measures of humility and unforgiveness for six consecutive weeks. Relational humility predicted unforgiving motives (lagged by one time-point). In Study 2, we examined college students (N = 84) in small groups that did three tasks intended to challenge humility. Round-robin ratings were used over the course of three measurement occasions to evaluate whether trait humility predicted formation of strong social bonds. As predicted, trait humility was associated with greater group status and acceptance. We concluded that, by using longitudinal methods, there is support for the proposition that humility can help repair and form relationships with strong social bonds.
Building on recent theory stressing multicultural orientation, as well as the development of virtues and dispositions associated with multicultural values, we introduce the construct of cultural humility, defined as having an interpersonal stance that is other-oriented rather than self-focused, characterized by respect and lack of superiority toward an individual's cultural background and experience. In 4 studies, we provide evidence for the estimated reliability and construct validity of a client-rated measure of a therapist's cultural humility, and we demonstrate that client perceptions of their therapist's cultural humility are positively associated with developing a strong working alliance. Furthermore, client perceptions of their therapist's cultural humility were positively associated with improvement in therapy, and this relationship was mediated by a strong working alliance. We consider implications for research, practice, and training. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).
Since the rise of the religious right, scholars have become increasingly interested in studying conservative Protestantism. Not only do conservative Protestants (CPs) make up at least a quarter of the US population; they differ from many Americans in gender-role attitudes, childrearing styles, political orientation, and other ways as well. In fact, religious factors often predict people's political views better than do either class or gender, even though the latter two have received far more attention in the scholarly literature (Manza & Brooks 1997, Kellstedt et al 1996b). Unfortunately research in this area has been hampered by imprecise measurement and poor understanding of the various movements grouped together as CPs. This has muddied statistical results, stifled theoretical development, and blinded researchers to promising areas of analysis. Thus, in this chapter we first discuss the history and distinctive qualities of the various CP movements, then we use these insights to propose better survey me...
Humility is an understudied virtue in positive psychology. Both conceptual and methodological challenges have retarded its study. In this article, we discuss how humility has been defined. Specifically, researchers disagree whether humility refers to the accuracy of an individual's view of self, or whether humility primarily describes someone's interpersonal stance toward others. We critique four approaches that researchers have used to measure humility: self-reports, implicit measures, social comparisons of self to others, and informant ratings of humility. We then theoretically elaborate on the later method, which has been mostly overlooked. Accordingly, we present a model of relational humility. We define humility as a relationship-specific personality judgment, and we describe the relationship factors that affect how humility is perceived [Funder, D.C. (199515.
Funder , DC . 1995 . On the accuracy of personality judgment: A realistic approach . Psychological Review , 102 : 652 – 670 . [CrossRef], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [CSA]View all references). On the accuracy of personality judgment: A realistic approach. Psychological Review, 102, 652–670.]. Finally, we provide next steps for researchers using a relational approach.
The authors report the development of the Religious Commitment Inventory--10 (RCI-10), used in 6 studies. Sample sizes were 155, 132, and 150 college students; 240 Christian church-attending married adults; 468 undergraduates including (among others) Buddhists (
n= 52), Muslims (
n=12), Hindus (
n=10), and nonreligious (
n= 117); and 217 clients and 52 counselors in a secular or 1 of 6 religious counseling agencies. Scores on the RCI-10 had strong estimated internal consistency, 3-week and 5-month test-retest reliability, construct validity, and discriminant validity. Exploratory (Study 1) and confirmatory (Studies 4 and 6) factor analyses identified 2 highly correlated factors, suggesting a 1-factor structure as most parsimonious. Religious commitment predicted response to an imagined robbery (Study 2), marriage (Study 4), and counseling (Study 6). (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The study of humility has progressed slowly due to measurement problems. We describe a model of relational humility that conceptualizes humility as a personality judgment. In this set of 5 studies, we developed the 16-item Relational Humility Scale (RHS) and offered initial evidence for the theoretical model. In Study 1 (N = 300), we developed the RHS and its subscales—Global Humility, Superiority, and Accurate View of Self. In Study 2, we confirmed the factor structure of the scale in an independent sample (N = 196). In Study 3, we provided initial evidence supporting construct validity using an experimental design (N = 200). In Study 4 (N = 150), we provided additional evidence of construct validity by examining the relationships between humility and empathy, forgiveness, and other virtues. In Study 5 (N = 163), we adduced evidence of discriminant and incremental validity of the RHS compared with the Honesty-Humility subscale of the HEXACO–PI (Lee & Ashton, 200427.
Lee , K. and
Ashton , M. C. 2004. Psychometric properties of the HEXACO personality inventory. Multivariate Behavioral Research, 39: 329–358. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®]View all references).
In this article, we attempt to distinguish between the properties of moderator and mediator variables at a number of levels. First, we seek to make theorists and researchers aware of the importance of not using the terms moderator and mediator interchangeably by carefully elaborating, both conceptually and strategically, the many ways in which moderators and mediators differ. We then go beyond this largely pedagogical function and delineate the conceptual and strategic implications of making use of such distinctions with regard to a wide range of phenomena, including control and stress, attitudes, and personality traits. We also provide a specific compendium of analytic procedures appropriate for making the most effective use of the moderator and mediator distinction, both separately and in terms of a broader causal system that includes both moderators and mediators.
The present article presents a meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory. With 713 independent samples from 515 studies, the meta-analysis finds that intergroup contact typically reduces intergroup prejudice. Multiple tests indicate that this finding appears not to result from either participant selection or publication biases, and the more rigorous studies yield larger mean effects. These contact effects typically generalize to the entire outgroup, and they emerge across a broad range of outgroup targets and contact settings. Similar patterns also emerge for samples with racial or ethnic targets and samples with other targets. This result suggests that contact theory, devised originally for racial and ethnic encounters, can be extended to other groups. A global indicator of Allport's optimal contact conditions demonstrates that contact under these conditions typically leads to even greater reduction in prejudice. Closer examination demonstrates that these conditions are best conceptualized as an interrelated bundle rather than as independent factors. Further, the meta-analytic findings indicate that these conditions are not essential for prejudice reduction. Hence, future work should focus on negative factors that prevent intergroup contact from diminishing prejudice as well as the development of a more comprehensive theory of intergroup contact.
This article helps counselors understand the values of highly religious clients. In the first section of the article, distinctions are made between therapeutic values (inherent in a theory) and therapy values (held by particular therapists) and between clients' specific value positions and their principles for valuing. I suggest that value conflicts involving religious clients often occur because of client perceptions of therapeutic versus therapy values and because of counselors' confusing specific values and principles of valuing. In the second section of the article, three propositions concerning value dimensions of religious clients are stated. Three primary factors are hypothesized to be important to highly committed religious clients—their approach to human authorities, their approach to scripture or doctrine of their faith, and their identification with their religious group. In the final section six hypotheses are derived from the application of the model to clients and counselors.
This article focuses on the central problem of religious epistemology for monotheistic religions. It is divided into two main sections. The first section discusses arguments for God's existence. It explores what epistemic conditions such arguments would have to satisfy to be successful and whether any arguments satisfy those conditions. The second section examines the claims of Reformed Epistemology about belief in God. It assesses Alvin Plantinga's claim that belief in God is for many theists properly basic, that is, has positive epistemic status even when it is not based on arguments or any other kind of propositional evidence. This article distinguishes two versions of this claim. According to the first, theistic belief is properly basic with respect to justification or rationality. According to the second version, theistic belief is properly basic with respect to warrant.
A series of studies was conducted to create the 22-item Comprehensive Intellectual Humility Scale on the basis of theoretical descriptions of intellectual humility, expert reviews, pilot studies, and exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses. The scale measures 4 distinct but intercorrelated aspects of intellectual humility, including independence of intellect and ego, openness to revising one's viewpoint, respect for others' viewpoints, and lack of intellectual overconfidence. Internal consistency and test-retest analyses provided reliable scale and subscale scores within numerous independent samples. Validation data were obtained from multiple, independent samples, supporting appropriate levels of convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity. The analyses suggest that the scale has utility as a self-report measure for future research.
Intellectual humility, a recognition of the fallibility of one's own views and an openness to changing those views when warranted, is a construct with roots in philosophy that is only now beginning to receive attention from psychological scientists. We focus on intellectual humility in the domain of religious belief and conduct an initial test of the hypothesis that the influence of religious beliefs on evaluations of written opinions about religious matters is moderated by intellectual humility. We find that our ad hoc measure of intellectual humility in the religious domain is best characterized in terms of four correlated dimensions, allowing for focused tests of our hypothesis. We find some support for the hypothesis. Individuals with strong religious beliefs who are low in intellectual humility in the religion domain, regardless of dimension, react more strongly than their high humility counterparts to written opinions regarding religious beliefs both opinions that support and contradict their own beliefs. Ancillary analyses show a moderate curvilinear relation between strength of religious beliefs and intellectual humility in the religion domain, with lower humility accompanying stronger views in favor of and against religious beliefs.
The author discusses the concept of privilege in terms of the benefits enjoyed by Whites and men (P. McIntosh, 1998). This article presents a new theoretical perspective focusing on religious privilege and includes a list of privileges that are enjoyed by members of the dominant religious group (i.e., Christians) in the United States.
El autor discute el concepto del privilegio en cuanto a los beneficios que disfrutan los Blancos y los hombres (P. McIntosh, 1998). Este artículo presenta una nueva perspectiva teorética que enfoca al privilegio religioso e incluye una lista de privilegios que disfrutan miembros del grupo religioso dominante de los Estados Unidos, los cristianos.
Teacher-education students attending a state university in the Southeastern United States responded to measures of Christian conservatism (theological fundamentalism and political evangelicalism) and sociopolitical values (e.g., nationalism, internationalism, patriotism, respect for civil liberties, and tolerance of dissent). Most of the measures demonstrated adequate internal consistency. Although both Christian conservatism measures correlated significantly with all sociopolitical measures except internationalism, political evangelicalism was more strongly related to the comparison sociopolitical perspectives than was theological fundamentalism. The Christian conservatism measures correlated most strongly with (a) respect for civil liberties and (b) tolerance of dissent. In both cases, the relationships were negative.
Preface and Acknowledgments Introduction 1. Terror and God CULTURES OF VIOLENCE 2. Soldiers for Christ 3. Zion Betrayed 4. Islam's "Neglected Duty" 5. The Sword of Sikhism 6. Armageddon in a Tokyo Subway THE LOGIC OF RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE 7. Theater of Terror 8. Cosmic War 9. Martyrs and Demons 10. Warriors' Power 11. The Mind of God Notes Interviews and Correspondence Bibliography Index
Introduction Prologue Globalisation and its Discontents The Dignity of Difference: Exorcising Plato's Ghost Control: the Imperative of Responsibility Conscience: the Moral Dimension of Economic Systems Compassion: the Idea of Tzedakah Creativity: the Imperative of Education Co-operation: the Institutions of Civil Society Conservation: a Sense of Limits Conciliation: the Power of a Word to Change the World A Covenant of Hope.
This study investigated 3 broad classes of individual-differences variables (job-search motives, competencies, and constraints) as predictors of job-search intensity among 292 unemployed job seekers. Also assessed was the relationship between job-search intensity and reemployment success in a longitudinal context. Results show significant relationships between the predictors employment commitment, financial hardship, job-search self-efficacy, and motivation control and the outcome job-search intensity. Support was not found for a relationship between perceived job-search constraints and job-search intensity. Motivation control was highlighted as the only lagged predictor of job-search intensity over time for those who were continuously unemployed. Job-search intensity predicted Time 2 reemployment status for the sample as a whole, but not reemployment quality for those who found jobs over the study's duration. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This article helps counselors understand the values of highly religious clients. In the first section of the article, distinctions are made between therapeutic values (inherent in a theory) and therapy values (held by particular therapists) and between clients' specific value positions and their principles for valuing. I suggest that value conflicts involving religious clients often occur because of client perceptions of therapeutic versus therapy values and because of counselors' confusing specific values and principles of valuing. In the second section of the article, three propositions concerning value dimensions of religious clients are stated. Three primary factors are hypothesized to be important to highly committed religious clients—their approach to human authorities, their approach to scripture or doctrine of their faith, and their identification with their religious group. In the final section six hypotheses are derived from the application of the model to clients and counselors. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Our article portrays religion as a double-edged sword that can both encourage and discourage world change, and can facilitate both violent and peaceful activism. The article demonstrates how the meaning system approach to religion can shed light on the complicated relationship between religion and world change by illuminating the meaning of world change and the means to achieve it, inherent differences across religious groups, the complexity and malleability of religious meaning systems, and processes that can facilitate either the status quo or violent and peaceful activism. The article discusses context and personality variables that may determine whether religion supports world change and either violent or peaceful activism. It recommends intensive collaboration between researchers, policy–makers, and religious leaders in the contexts of national and international conflicts and religious terrorism.
As we estimate here, 68% of human beings--4.6 billion people--would say that religion is important in their daily lives. Past studies have found that the religious, on average, have higher subjective well-being (SWB). Yet, people are rapidly leaving organized religion in economically developed nations where religious freedom is high. Why would people leave religion if it enhances their happiness? After controlling for circumstances in both the United States and world samples, we found that religiosity is associated with slightly higher SWB, and similarly so across four major world religions. The associations of religiosity and SWB were mediated by social support, feeling respected, and purpose or meaning in life. However, there was an interaction underlying the general trend such that the association of religion and well-being is conditional on societal circumstances. Nations and states with more difficult life conditions (e.g., widespread hunger and low life expectancy) were much more likely to be highly religious. In these nations, religiosity was associated with greater social support, respect, purpose or meaning, and all three types of SWB. In societies with more favorable circumstances, religiosity is less prevalent and religious and nonreligious individuals experience similar levels of SWB. There was also a person-culture fit effect such that religious people had higher SWB in religious nations but not in nonreligious nations. Thus, it appears that the benefits of religion for social relationships and SWB depend on the characteristics of the society.
Successful psychotherapy with rural fundamentalist Christians requires psychologists to understand the clients' culture and worldview. They often rely heavily on religious authorities, interpret Scriptures literally, adhere to strict moral codes of behavior, and believe that they should evangelize those around them. Common therapeutic challenges include: spiritualizing problems, relational conflicts related to gender role expectations, addiction problems, and the religious agendas of family and clergy. We recommend that psychotherapists evaluate their own attitudes, collaborate with community gatekeepers, sensitively address clients' rigid beliefs, address religious differences, and take a holistic approach to treatment. A case example illustrates this approach.
American grace: How religion divides us and unites us
- R D Putnam
- D E Campbell
Putnam, R. D., & Campbell, D. E. (2012). American grace: How
religion divides us and unites us. New york, Ny: Simon &
Schuster.
Benefit of the doubt: Breaking the idol of certainty
- G A Boyd
Boyd, G. A. (2013). Benefit of the doubt: Breaking the idol of
certainty. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books.
The righteous mind: Why good people are divided by politics and religion
- J Haidt
Haidt, J. (2013). The righteous mind: Why good people are divided
by politics and religion. New york, Ny: Vintage.