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AS BASES SOCIAIS DA UNIÃO GERAL DOS TRABALHADORES THE SOCIAL BASES OF THE GENERAL WORKERS' UNION
Abstract
RESUMO O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o perfil socioeconômico, político e ideológico das bases sociais da central sindical União Geral dos Trabalhadores, surgida no bojo da Lei de reconhecimento das centrais no segundo mandato do governo Lula. Trata-se de uma análise dos dados obtidos por meio de um survey realizado junto a 347 delegados, presentes na 1 a Plenária Nacional da UGT, ocorrida na cidade de Praia Grande em agosto de 2009. Estes dados fazem parte de uma pesquisa mais ampla sobre as bases sociais das centrais sindicais no Brasil contemporâneo. Concluímos, dentre outros aspectos, que a UGT representa, majoritariamente, trabalhadores do setor privado situados no setor de serviços e no comércio, que exercem funções predominantemente não manuais de média e baixa hierarquia. A maioria dos delegados revelou-se apegada à estrutura sindical, não tinha uma clara vinculação partidária e possuía longa experiência nas entidades sindicais que representava. Palavras-chave: Centrais Sindicais, UGT, bases sociais ABSTRACT This article analyzes the socioeconomic , political and ideological bases of UGT (General Workers' Union), confederation that emerged during the debates about the legal recognition of trade unions confederations in Lula's second term. This is an analysis of data obtained through a survey conducted with 347 delegates present at the first National Plenary of the UGT, which occurred in August 2009 in the city of Praia Grande (SP). These data are part of a broader research on the social bases of trade unions confederations in contemporary Brazil. Our findings show that the UGT represents, mostly, private sector workers located in the service and trade economic sectors, who work predominantly in white collar middle and lower hierarchy activities. Most delegates were attached to the state corporatism, didn't have a clear political party linkage and had a long experience in the unions they represented.
... com a participação de pesquisadores, assessores sindicais e sindicalistas (Dau, Rodrigues e Conceição (2009). Para Marcelino (2009), apesar de um "norte claro" quanto ao tema da terceirização, o Sindicalismo CUT não teria conseguido ir além de uma postura "contraditória" e "ineficiente". Para estabelecer um contraste, chama a atenção para um dos dois casos estudados, o do Sindicatos dos Trabalhadores da Construção Civil da região de Campinas -SINTICOM, sendo representante, também, de trabalhadores terceirizados, que, embora filiado à CUT, se posicionava em oposição ao campo "majoritário", quando destaca: ...
... Conferindo às centrais, nacionalmente constituídas, a atribuição de coordenar políticas gerais de ação em nome de suas filiadas e da generalidade dos trabalhadores. Para ser reconhecida, é preciso atender aos requisitos de, no mínimo, 100 sindicatos filiados, atingindo pelo menos 5% dos trabalhadores sindicalizados no país(Galvão, 2009). ...
O objetivo deste artigo é propor uma perspectiva de interpretação sobre o sindicalismo face à terceirização no contexto atual, buscando apreender e sistematizar os posicionamentos das Centrais Sindicais, com foco na CUT, no tema em questão. Interessa-nos discutir a relação entre o sindicalismo brasileiro e o padrão segmentado das relações de trabalho no país, vistos em perspectiva histórica, tomando a terceirização como um processo que atualiza e ressignifica tal padrão. Afinal, o que está em disputa com o tema da terceirização? Que implicações tem trazido para os trabalhadores e para a agenda sindical e o futuro do sindicalismo? Levando-se em conta as características históricas das classes trabalhadoras e da organização sindical, que questões suscitam a terceirização e o presente momento de sua regulamentação? Assim posicionado, pretendemos propor algumas reflexões sobre como a terceirização – enquanto característica central das dinâmicas produtivas e do trabalho no capitalismo contemporâneo, no mundo e no Brasil – desafia o sindicalismo, colocando-lhe renovadas limitações e possibilidades.
This book analyses the conflicts that emerged from the Brazilian labour movement’s active participation in a rapidly changing political environment, particularly in the context of the coming to power of a party with strong roots in the labour movement. While the close relations with the Workers' Party (PT) have shaped the labour movement’s political agenda, its trajectory cannot be understood solely with reference to that party’s electoral fortunes. Through a study of the political trajectory of the Brazilian labour movement over the last three decades, the author explores the conditions under which the labour movement has developed militant and moderate strategies.
Marieke Riethof is Lecturer in Latin American Politics at the University of Liverpool, UK.
While Brazilian unions had struggled with the effect of economic crisis and ever-tightening macroeconomic reforms during the 1990s, the presidential election campaigns in 2002 provided unionists with new prospects for political change. However, after Lula’s breakthrough election victory, the PT’s emphasis on radical social transformation during the 1980s made way for a more pragmatic agenda, including the maintenance of the previous government’s economic policies, supported by a new programme of social policies aimed at poverty reduction. In this new political environment, significant sections of the trade union movement benefitted from increased access to political influence as unions moved closer to the government agenda and several senior trade unionists took up ministerial posts, thereby absorbing the party’s electoral and governmental logic. Yet the new union-party relations with the PT in power proved controversial as new unionism’s close ties with the party sparked significant conflicts in terms of pursuing either radical or gradualist strategies. By examining these conflicts during the PT-led governments (2003–2016), this chapter moves away from the emphasis on political moderation evident in much of the literature. Instead, the argument proposed here is that while the drive towards moderation was strong during this period, disagreements about political agendas and strategies as well as changing economic conjunctures sparked not only divisions but also a new wave of labour militancy from 2009 onwards.
The union movement’s success in influencing the transition left a legacy that emphasized the virtues of militancy and mobilization, one that viewed negotiation with the government, and “defensive” forms of bargaining with employers with suspicion. However, the economic crisis and the neoliberal reform programme of the 1990s limited the opportunities for this type of trade union opposition. The political debate no longer dealt with the deepening of democratic participation as the economic crisis focused government attention on macro-economic stabilization and institutional reform, which precluded the extension of social and labour rights. Widespread fears of joblessness also constrained the successful organization of strikes, while public sector reform and privatization undermined some of the most important constituent groups in the union movement. The consolidation of neoliberal reforms in the aftermath of democratization therefore created a paradoxical situation in which many unions developed a more flexible approach to capital-labour relations, but it also tried to maintain its identity built on the political successes of the 1980s. This paradox underlines the argument presented in this book that past experiences of successful militancy shaped union strategies, while political ideas began to shift from class conflict to a more accommodationist approach based on the new economic and political circumstances. Throughout the 1990s the balance between militant and moderate strategies therefore shifted, derived less from a deliberate choice than a response to an increasingly challenging economic and political context, posing novel challenges to the new unionist agenda.
Latin American trade unions have faced a range of challenges as a result of globalization and the particularities of the region’s politics and societies. Labour and globalization research often reaches the pessimistic conclusion that unions have lost the power to bargain and represent workers. This chapter contests this negative interpretation, arguing that this linear narrative obscures episodes of renewed labour militancy. Instead, trade union action should be considered inherently political, as evident in the union movement’s role in the region’s democratization processes. Using insights from labour and social movement theories, this chapter develops a framework to understand militancy and moderation in Brazilian labour politics.
This book analyses the conflicts that emerged from the Brazilian labour movement’s active participation in a rapidly changing political environment, particularly in the context of the coming to power of a party with strong roots in the labour movement. While the close relations with the Workers' Party (PT) have shaped the labour movement’s political agenda, its trajectory cannot be understood solely with reference to that party’s electoral fortunes. Through a study of the political trajectory of the Brazilian labour movement over the last three decades, the author explores the conditions under which the labour movement has developed militant and moderate strategies.
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