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Minority cultures and the cosmopolitan alternative
... Note, primero, que este argumento se construye sobre una falacia de composición (Waldron 1992). La falacia consiste en que, del hecho de que para decidir requiramos opciones y criterios de valoración, no se sigue que haya un espacio cultural (la 'cultura societal') definido por el origen y la lengua, que incluya todas las opciones y criterios de valoración. ...
... Pero también se fijan las prácticas humanas, y así se desarma lo que hace que las culturas sean valiosas y admirables: la posibilidad de reaccionar creativamente e innovar frente a los cambios en las circunstancias y frente a los desafíos que plantea el mundo humano y no humano; la posibilidad de interpretarse, reinterpretarse, evolucionar y cambiar. En fin, la posibilidad de hacer una historia (Waldron 1992). ...
El artículo examina cómo se debe responder en las democracias liberales a la diversidad de las sociedades plurales contemporáneas. Critica una respuesta común e influyente en la actualidad que recurre a las políticas de identidad y a la ciudadanía diferenciada, que sancionan diferentes derechos, libertades y deberes según la identidad y pertenencia de las personas. El artículo sostiene que esta respuesta se basa en malas teorías y tiene consecuencias sociales deplorables y peligrosas. Para ello se examinan críticamente diversas propuestas teóricas y sus implicancias prácticas: los argumentos igualitarios, los que recurren a la autonomía, los del reconocimiento, las propuestas convencionales constitucionales y las revoluciones culturales. El resultado del análisis es que, según los casos, las políticas de la identidad y las ciudadanías diferenciadas destruyen la igualdad ciudadana, generando privilegios según el origen; restringen la libertad y autonomía de los miembros de los grupos; se basan en concepciones reduccionistas de los seres humanos; conducen a políticas conservadoras y reaccionarias; son una fábrica de conflictos sociales; sancionan positivamente prácticas inaceptables, y aspiran mediante mecanismos ingenieriles a controlar totalitariamente a las personas y la sociedad. En las democracias liberales la integración social debe ocurrir de forma que se instale una ciudadanía igualitaria en la cual se establezcan y garanticen los mismos derechos, libertades y deberes para todos los ciudadanos, independientemente de su origen. Esta es una respuesta emancipadora que permite a las personas perseguir los fines que estimen valiosos, sean estos culturales, religiosos o idiosincráticos, desligando lo que cada cual puede alcanzar de su origen.
... As Appiah put it, 'cultural purity is an oxymoron' (Appiah 2007, 113). Jeremy Waldron (1992) echoes this idea when arguing that there is no good empirical reason to think that one's social identity can be mapped onto singular cultural communities. Such a mistake, argues Waldron, conflates the trivially true claim that all identities are formed within cultural contexts with the inaccurate claim that therefore all individuals gain their identities from one single culture (Waldron 1992). ...
... Jeremy Waldron (1992) echoes this idea when arguing that there is no good empirical reason to think that one's social identity can be mapped onto singular cultural communities. Such a mistake, argues Waldron, conflates the trivially true claim that all identities are formed within cultural contexts with the inaccurate claim that therefore all individuals gain their identities from one single culture (Waldron 1992). Instead, life options come to us 'as items or fragments from a variety of cultural sources' (Waldron 1992, 91). ...
There is a growing consensus that the study of literature in English secondary schools is suffering a crisis: a fixation with knowledge and facts, a loss of creativity, and a denigration of students’ own experience, to name a few. This article argues that this is, in part, a result of the conception of culture embedded in the current National Curriculum; a conception in which the study of literature exists primarily to valorise and maintain a clearly definable national culture. In response to this, I suggest that recent thinking in the tradition of cultural cosmopolitanism can expose the inadequacies of this model and offer a set of conceptual resources for thinking about the role of identity and culture in relation to literary study in the secondary school. I also suggest that, as far back as the 1921 Newbolt report, fragments of this more capacious understanding of culture run through much of the most important thinking about the subject.
... In een recent provocatief artikel daagt Jeremy Waldron deze visie uit en verdedigt hij wat hij het "kosmopolitisch alternatief' noemt. (Waldron, 1995) Volgens dit kosmopolitisch alternatief kunnen mensen 'culturele fragmenten' uitpikken die afkomstig zijn van een veelheid aan etnoculturele bronnen, zonder op één of andere manier een gevoel van lidmaatschap of afhankelijkheid van een bepaalde cultuur te hebben. In de moderne wereld leven mensen "in een caleidoscoop van culturen", vrij bewegend tussen de producten van ontelbare culturele tradities. ...
From Enlightenment Cosmopolitanism to Liberal Nationalism - Many Enlightenment liberals endorsed a form of cosmopolitanism which rejected the privileging of national identities in political life, and which rejected the principle that political arrangements should be ordered so as to reflect and protect national identities. Many liberal heirs of the Enlightenment continue to assume that nationalism is an irrational and illiberal attachment to an ascriptive group identity, which is inconsistent with Enlightenment values. Yet nation-states have, to date, proven to be the only effective mechanism for implementing liberal-democratic values. And over the past few years, several theorists have argued that national cultures and polities provide the best context for promoting Enlightenment values of freedom, equality and democracy. What we increasingly see, therefore, is not a debate between liberal cosmopolitanism and illiberal particularism, but a debate between liberal cosmopolitanism and liberal nationalism. In exploring this debate, I begin by identifying the actual points of conflict between cosmopolitanism and nationalism. I then discuss several reasons why national societies might provide the best context for Enlightenment values of freedom and democracy. However, this is not to reject all cosmopolitan principles. I conclude the paper with suggestions about how to reconcile liberal nationalism with the more attractive features of Enlightenment cosmopolitanism.
... However, communitarians do not give a clear definition of the community. It is portrayed as a set of relationship between persons; an entity with boundary and a particular location or a thinking subject (Frazer, 1998: 118;Bell, 2005& Waldron, 1995. A further question is "what is being promoted when we promote community?" ...
In the last few decades there has been a great push toward the recognition of group rights for minorities. Besides a number of reasons which explain this rising interest in the issue, the general criticism of the liberal theory is the prime one. Liberalism is criticized for ignoring the issue of how belonging to groups affects individual autonomy and equality. Group rights are seen as a device legitimating a wide range of claims raised by minorities in pluralist states. The striking fact is that plurality has become a major source of political clash and violence in the world. Most conflicts of our time are internal arising out of ethno-cultural strife, which often deteriorate into massive violations of human rights and incalculable suffering. It was believed that liberal education and modern means of communication would link people together across states and continents and the relevance of cultural identity would progressively vanish. Moreover, the application of the universal framework of rights would properly address the demands of minorities and would cause a steady assimilation of citizens resulting in blending of all cultures and the emergence of a single cosmopolitan society. However, this optimism was flawed and identity consciousness has increased rather than decreased. Neither globalization nor democratic transformation has helped to avoid ethno-cultural conflicts. This paper tries to explore the available literature in the field by addressing the issue of minority rights and minorities accommodation in the pluralist society for the sake of justice, hormone and stabilities of these societies. The study is qualitative in nature based on secondary data.
... Against the romantic idea of community, queer community logics are activated in contemporary Galiza: a we that does not exist yet, between social networks and dance floors, between music and politics, advances towards the common through dissent. Queer cultural action goes beyond communitarian and cosmopolitan understandings of (minority) cultures (Waldron 1992) in a move towards a cultural preservation that does not claim national purity, on the one hand, and that does not romanticize individual genuine choices, on the other hand. However, it is not all good news. ...
In this article, I reflect on how contemporary queer cultural production affects the sociolinguistic and cultural landscape of the stateless nation of Galiza. Focusing on ethnographic research I carried out with new speakers of Galician-or neofalantes-and with self-defined LGBT+ youth from different socio-geographic backgrounds, I discuss the possibilities of a linguistic and cultural revitalization driven by queer artworks, actors, and communities. The music of artists such as Rodrigo Cuevas, Xisco Feijóo, Mondra, Mercedes Peón and As Tanxugueiras, among others, will help us to delineate the possibilities and the problematic aspects of a ‘cosmopolitan alternative’ for minority cultures (Waldron 1992). As we know, the tensions caused by the linguistic substitution of Galician language and the marginalization of Galician culture in the Spanish state cause social movements of ‘normativity rejection’. Do these dynamics rethink the sense of a community? Do they soften the ‘center-vs-periphery’ binary (Colmeiro 2017)? Do they challenge common narratives of belonging?
... ORCID Nanna Lilletvedt Saeten https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2022-5448 ENDNOTE 1 Gilroy's concept of "diaspora" refers to identities where the territorial rootedness, that is often the primary marker of communities, is no longer present for a population that still share communal ties (Gilroy, 2000;Waldron, 1992). Although the term "the Black Atlantic" originated in the scholarship of historian Robert F. Thompson (McNeil, 2023: 72), Gilroy was a pioneer in conceptualising the Black Atlantic as a diaspora, expanding the diasporic concept by moving away from the idea of a unified community towards an appreciation of its heterogeneity (Chivallon, 2002). ...
Nationalism studies have only recently started to grapple with the Anthropocene as a foundational shift for the discipline. One of the effects of climate change is the forced displacement of large populations, and if access to rights cannot be ensured outside the structures of territorial sovereignty, this migration could easily translate into widespread rightlessness. I argue that this necessitates a rethinking of how communities become rights‐bearing and how such rights‐bearing communities have existed outside the structures of the nation‐state. Specifically, I propose looking to Paul Gilroy's account of the Black Atlantic diaspora as an example of a rights‐bearing community that successfully claimed “the right to have rights” through a concerted effort of vocalising experiences of displacement. Reading Gilroy through rights‐scholarship in political theory I argue that the Black Atlantic can inform work on climate diasporas and their latent political potential as rights‐bearing communities.
... This is the sense of 'community' implicated in nineteenth-and twentieth-century nationalism.» (Waldron 1995, 96). 10 See Waldron (1995), 105, referring to Kymlicka (1989). «(…) membership in a particular community, duties -including utilitarian ethics and Kantian ethics -, the existence of a duty-obligation results from the requirement of a rule, law or principle, in any domain, as in the case of morals, and in that of law, for the ethics of virtues this determination, at the moral level, the ought-to-be, comes from a supra-human entity, thus establishing the distinction between morality and law starting from a historical review of the emergence of the idea of "moral obligation" 11 . ...
Regarding law as a necessarily exclusive and/or inclusive discourse, and the juridical text as a specific narrative expression of certain fractional form(s) of life, the continuously required translation of the meaning(s) and intention(s) of each word within it allows for innumerable different possibilities, according to the interpretive communities in presence and to the different identities they assume and express. Conceiving, therefore, the meanings of law and of the juridical materials and the intentions of legal thinking as multipolar conglomerates of partial convictions and understandings. Exemplarily, some contemporary Feminist Jurisprudences and LGBT-GNCcrits, as derivations of the so-called third Critical Legal Scholar’s generation, in militant empowering sights, face law as an originally and intentionally exclusive normativity and discourse. Involving specific identity deflections in the definition of juridical intersubjectivity, and in the meaning, intent, and content of law, in order to get the recognition of some partially affirmed inclusive normativity and discourse. And, therefore, requiring specific juridical narratives, and translation frames, within prescriptive contents, both substantively – in the answers offered by law to gender problems and to subjects of different gender identity – and linguistically – in the concomitantly mobilised vocabulary and interpretation. Which offer new components and delimitations to the notion of subject of law, transferring the core of the discussion on the meaning(s) and content(s) of law from comparability and tertiality to incomparability and singularity… Drawing alternative images, and distinct statements, on identity and difference, beyond equality, as intrinsic features of law – subjectively, in the meaning and structure of the concept of juridical person, and, objectively, in the meaning and structure of juridical normativity and discourse.
... This politics is evinced in multiculturalist policies which stress cultural distinctiveness in order to secure civil and political rights for particular "groups". A major concern with multiculturalism, however, is that this mode of politics can homogenise and reify complex differences within these cultural "groups" (Hall, 1991;Waldron, 1992;Gilroy, 1993;Appiah, 2005;Sen, 2006;Phillips, 2007). As Appiah (1994:26) warns, rights-based approaches that emphasise distinctiveness can essentialise, and in doing so risk replacing "one kind of tyranny with another". ...
Education policies in different countries recognise the needs and abilities of newcomer students in different ways, with consequences for their social inclusion and academic progress at school. We highlight the importance of context to debates around the politics of recognition in newcomer education by drawing on qualitative research in Norwegian and English secondary schools. Taylor’s (1994) political theory of “recognition” provides the analytical lens through which we explore how teachers perceive newcomer students to be recognised (or not) in national education policies in each country. We underscore teachers’ agency in responding to these policies through their own politics of recognition at school.
... Future generations are part of the pattern of social norms, practices, and beliefs in which the individual is embedded, and which influence (more or less pervasively depending on the case) and give meaning to the latter's actions. We are not simply individuals living in a specific local space (marked by certain norms, practices and beliefs), which in turn is part of a larger global space characterized by cultural, economic, and political interaction-and possibly also by a global culture, which in some cases is more prominent than the local one (see Waldron 1992). Indeed, we are also individuals living in a given time, marked, on the one hand, by all that has happened before and that we learn about through historical narratives, and on the other by future individuals to whom we assign, in our narratives, behaviors, preferences, needs, and vulnerabilities. ...
The notion of transgenerational community is usually based on two diachronic interactions. The first interaction consists of present generations taking up the legacy (not only economic, but also institutional, artistic, cultural, and so forth) of past generations and giving it continuity, exercising a form of active agency. The second interaction occurs when present generations pass on their legacy to future generations. This is supposed to expand the boundaries of the community in a transgenerational sense (both backward- and forward-looking). In this article we argue that the transgenerational community can be grounded on a different ontological insight: future generations play the role of fictional actors for present generations, i.e., present generations entertain a present-time interaction with future generations, insofar as future generations are functional for the realization of transgenerational actions. This lays the foundations for more solid community-based bonds of intergenerational justice.
... The proposal here is that regardless of whether the term 'cosmopolitan' is used in particular settings or not, there are instances in which it is a useful analytic descriptor for research purposes. In this, I am concerning myself less with an "institutionalized system of cosmopolitan governance" and more with "cosmopolitan attitudes," or, put differently, "cosmopolitanism as a way of being in the world" (Appiah, 2006;Waldron, 1995). This is also to speak of cosmopolitanism more in its cultural and civic dimensions. ...
... In recent times, the notion of cosmopolitan right has been at the centre of a flourishing and vast literature which I won't even attempt to survey here-from discussions about justice (O'Neill, 2000) to questions about nationhood (Benhabib, 2006) and identity politics (Waldron, 1992); from global order (Held, 1995) and globalization -see essays in (Bohman & Lutz-Bachmann, 1997) to the political idea of a federation of states (Caranti, 2022) and rights for migrants (Ypi, 2014) Jakob Huber depicts "a more antagonistic kind of community of agents capable of physically interacting with one another in real time and space" (Huber, 2022), p. 16, and spells out "Kant's argument from earth dwellership" whereby "This is not a common possession in the sense of common ownership, but a disjunctive community of mutual exclusion, i.e. a straightforward implication of the fact that wherever I am, nobody else can be" (Huber 2022, p. 34). Huber argues for a grounded "spatial cosmopolitanism" (ibid., p. 87) whereby as "earth dwellers, we do not simply relate to one another as juridical equals, but we relate to one another as juridical equal who coexist on the spherical surface of the earth" (ibid., p. 60). ...
Kant’s philosophy of natural science has traditionally concentrated on a host of issues about the role of laws of nature and teleological judgments, among several others. However, so far, the literature has made virtually no contact with the no less important tradition in Kant’s legal and political philosophy. This paper explores one aspect of such connection in relation to the normative foundations of Kant’s notion of cosmopolitan right. I argue that Kant’s argument for cosmopolitan right is based on two main premises: the first is what I call the law of equilibrium, and the second is the premise of physical interaction (commercium in Latin) at work behind what Kant called the original “community of land”. The paper argues that the relevant notion of community qua commercium should be understood in the context of Kant’s metaphysics of nature as a “real community of substances” governed by a dynamical law of equality of action and reaction. This metaphysical-causal interpretive reading has far-reaching implications for the foundations of cosmopolitan right and its scope of applicability well beyond Kant’s envisaged right to universal hospitality.
... So this pluralism -and the wider secular society -was a white (White & Tadesse, 2007), male, European (and 1 At the start of the 21 st century there was a rapidly expanding body of work-and debate-on cosmopolitanism across a variety of disciplines. As well as the texts directly referenced below, other writings that influenced the pre-history of article include: Kwame Anthony Appiah (2006), Ulrich Beck (2002Beck ( , 2006Beck ( , 2007, Robyn Eckersley (2007), Catherine Edwards & Greg Wolf (2003), Ulf Hannerz (1990), Walter Mignolo (2000), Mica Nava (2002), Bryan S. Turner (2002) and Jeremy Waldron (1991). Of course there is in fact a cosmopolis of texts and views on cosmopolitanism. ...
The return of religion in western society has resulted in the expression of what is often termed post-secular socio-politics, closely linked to increasingly pluralistic societies that result from globalization. While the public sphere has, in the West, tended to follow a ‘WASP’- derived model of post-Westphalian secular public sphere and the privatization of religion, this model is increasingly under critique and complaint. How might pluralism and the expression of religion be re-thought and re-encountered? This paper, engaging with the work of Ulrich Beck (2004) on “realistic cosmopolitanism” argues for a more localised, urbanised approach and understanding. The public sphere is actually a series of everyday pragmatic engagements and experiences that require a more nuanced evaluation. Critiquing the utopian agendas of much cosmopolitan theory, this paper asks two questions: Firstly, what can the return of religion tell us about late modern society? Secondly, what changes may be necessary to re-engage (with) pluralistic public spheres – and societies? Arising in response to the increasing discussion and debate as how societies can seek to engage with growing religious pluralism, using the central metaphors of ‘the iceberg’ and ‘the canary’ as hermeneutic tools, undertaken within a wider Taubesean hermeneutical reading, it argues for a rethought, pragmatic cosmopolitics that is intermestic; that is, both international and domestic in focus and response.
... Pero ciertamente el "amor" cosmopolita no es amor patológico universal, sino que se caracteriza por sostener ciertos principios normativos universales y tratar de actuar correspondientemente. Ser cosmopolita no significa sentirse en casa en muchos países, comer comidas exóticas o ser políglota. A un nivel basal, ser cosmopolita es una manera de pensar, y puede ser una disposición de vida (Waldron 1995). Recelar del ciudadano cosmopolita y sus lealtades, y por tanto proponer otorgar centralidad en la vida política al sentimiento del orgullo nacional y de una identidad nacional compartida (Rorty 1994), otorgar más preponderancia a los símbolos nacionales (Fletcher 1993) o proponer un "panteón de héroes" (Galston 1991) a ser honrado es injustificado. ...
Resumen El artículo analiza y critica el uso político de la psicología de colmena propuesto por Jonathan Haidt que recurre a los "empujoncitos" del paternalismo libertario. El artícu-lo presenta el paternalismo y discute la teoría de los empujoncitos, y en base base a esa discusión examina el uso político de la psicología de la colmena y sostiene que (i) los empujoncitos no respetan a las personas como seres autónomos, y (ii) las políticas de la colmena son peligrosas. En su lugar, bien valdría asumir una perspectiva cosmopolita. Palabras clave: Jonathan Haidt, paternalismo libertario, ciencia de la felicidad, utilita-rismo, uso político de la felicidad. Abstract The article analyzes and criticizes the political use of hive psychology proposed by Jon-athan Haidt who appeals to the "nudges" of libertarian paternalism. The article introduces paternalism and discusses the nudge theory, and on the basis of that discussion examines the political use of hive psychology and holds that (i) nudges do not respect people as autonomous beings, and that (ii) hive politics are dangerous. Instead, a cosmopolitan perspective would be well worth pursuing.
... Nor do the many of the various substate groups reconstructed by colonial and liberal governance in the New Commonwealth, many of which straddle the boundaries between politics/economics/culture, nation/national minority, and even indigenous/alien. 23 This volume therefore suggests that claims to self-government on the basis of culture are not necessarily limited to peoples subject to colonization, or to minority national groups such the Québécois who were co-colonizers. Rather, immigrants from former colonies, and a wide variety of autochthonous groups within them, may have a plausible claim to more substantive rights, including political autonomy. ...
El presente artículo analiza los principales argumentos de la reacción comunitarista frente al liberalismo, debido a su enfoque individualista y su defensa del modelo contractual. Se destaca la presencia de una triple raíz que se hunde hasta la filosofía política de Aristóteles, Hegel y Marx. Finalmente, se analizarán los límites de la frontera entre ambas comprensiones de la política, así como los riesgos en que incurren las democracias modernas al omitir la presencia del libertarismo como ideología depositaria de principios tanto liberales como comunitaristas.
Pretendemos neste artigo explorar uma aparente chegada a Portugal de uma dinâmica de prossecução de políticas de integração cívica enquanto forma de promoção da integração de nacionais de países terceiros. Para tanto, partiremos de uma revisitação do conceito de integração e procuraremos destacar os momentos mais relevantes da evolução da política correspondente levada a cabo pela União Europeia. Finalmente, discutiremos as possibilidades deixadas em aberto pelo novo Plano de Ação para as Migrações, recentemente apresentado pelo governo português.
One of the major limitations of the cultural relativist contention is its property to rank group rights above and beyond individual rights. This paper, however, contends that such a postulation is utilitarian in character. It suggests that what is good for the many is conclusive as to the justness of an outcome. The paper further underscores that IHRs regime must be seen as an indivisible structure of interconnected sets of rights and freedoms within which the significance of each right and/or freedom is augmented or guaranteed by the synchronous protection of all other rights and/or freedoms. This proposition is pertinent to the enduring tension between IHRs standards and cultural practices in the African debate on human rights. Indeed, when juxtaposed against IHRs standards, certain cultural practices are evidently inimical to the inherent human dignity, contrary to the universal vision for the human rights regime. It stands to reason that, in the event of an irreconcilable friction between individual and group rights, the former must supersede the latter. The paper concludes that the long-standing normativity of specific traditional or cultural practices cannot plausibly be invoked as a defense for the continuation of harmful cultural practices, such as FGM, considering that such practices hardly ever fall within the meaning of the group right to culture under IHRL and are, therefore, pernicious to the IHRs standards as culturally constituted.
In recent years there has been growing scholarly interest in education for cosmopolitanism, a normative social and political theory that views all human beings as citizens of a single global community. Based on the premise that changes in the world are reflected in changes occurring in discourse, this article explores the changes in the concept of cosmopolitanism from the dawn of history, through its rejection in Soviet Russia, to its re-emergence today as a viable educational response to the challenges of globalisation. In the last few decades, the slur of ‘rootless cosmopolitanism’ has turned into ‘rooted cosmopolitanism’ corresponding to a ‘both-and’ approach to both nationalism and cosmopolitanism. It has thus become a driver of educational change in an era marked by hybridity, uncertainty and dialectical non-binary ways of thinking and living in the world.
Este ensayo lo realizó Williams Galston por su interés del caso de Wisconsin v. Yoder. En donde la Corte Suprema de Estados Unidos determinó que los niños de la comunidad Old Older Aminsh no podían ingresar al sistema educacional obligatoriamente después del octavo grado. En donde el derecho fundamental de los padres a la libertad religiosa, está sobre el deber del Estado de educar a sus hijos. El autor está de acuerdo con la posición de Yoder, desde el punto de la equidad sin restricciones y constitucional. Esta posición ha sido atacada por Conservadores y Liberales. Los primeros piensan el estado debe hacer exenciones afirmativas para religiones particulares. Los Liberales argumentan que los padres Amish pueden socavar a la autonomía de los niños. Galston, de estos argumentos, desarrolla su tesis sobre dos conceptos que forman el marco liberal: Autonomía y Tolerancia. Síntesis En el ensayo, Galston, señala que vivimos en una nación cosmopolita y diversa, quiere responder a los conservadores que la diversidad no enflaquece la unidad y libertad del estado. Y a los liberales, no les quita autonomía a las personas. En el texto cita el pensamiento John Rawls a través de su obra "Liberalismo Político", no les da suficiente fuerza a los conceptos de diversidad en el caso original y el modelo de religión. Galston, define que existen dos corrientes del pensamiento liberal: autonomía y diversidad. La autonomía la delimita, a la autodirección individual, ese compromiso individual racional sobre uno mismo, que ha sido descrito por Kant, Locke y Mill. La diversidad se refiere: discrepancias entre individuos y su entorno (grupos) sobre temas naturales: autonomía, la razón moral, la fe, entre otros. Sobre el argumento, si esta acción Estatal debilita la autonomía individual y grupos, sin socavar las fuentes más profundas de su identidad. Piensa, que nunca se podría contar el número de diferentes formas de vida dentro de una sociedad, den fuerza ese argumento. Este compromiso de autonomía estatal, contra tipos específicos de vidas, pueden generar una desaparición de la diversidad social.
This paper aims to offer a critical discussion of the representation of the cosmopolitan stranger (Marotta 2010) in Muriel Spark’s last novel, The Finishing School (2004). A category taken from the social sciences, mostly from the work of G. Simmel and Z. Bauman, the stranger as a literary figure has been associated with binary modes of relationship, whose versatile presence is usually responsible for destabilising socio-cultural spaces through his/her permeability and ambivalence. This notion will provide a valuable background for a better understanding of the game of doubles played in Spark’s novel through which the author challenges binary logic in character development and trespasses symbolic boundaries involving the encounter of otherness and a re-evaluation of the self.
Our study re-examines Spark’s avant-gardism and foresight in her perception of a figure who reflects contemporary, multiple, playful and hybrid identities, one who may occupy this interstitial and ambivalent space which problematises social and cultural boundaries as unstable and permeable rather than reinforcing them. It adds a new perspective on Spark’s final novel which, as most of her later ones, may be said to be permeated by a sense of hybridity as a synonym for completeness, and a yearning for transition by implying the acceptance of new forms of interpretation and in-between spaces where fictional representation is negotiated and the intersection of opposites may enhance the inherent duality of existence.
Recent philosophical work on settler colonialism has attempted to account for the distinctive wrong in these practices in terms of the violation of exclusionary territorial rights held by inhabitants of colonised areas. If it turns out that such rights are needed to account for this distinctive wrong, that appears to be a significant cost for views sceptical of territorial rights. This paper sets out to explore the possibility of accounting for this wrong without invoking exclusionary territorial rights and puts forward an account of sociocultural stability rights that allow us to do so (thereby indirectly supporting sceptical views of territorial rights).
Civil rights are individual entitlements that protect a variety of interests and freedoms that have special significance in the context of civil society, such as antidiscrimination rights, rights of free speech and religious exercise, and rights of criminal due process. It has been said that civil rights are the rights that a person has in virtue of membership in society. This aphorism is helpful to an extent but fails to capture the concept of civil rights insofar as it represents a normative ideal. Civil rights are not reducible to the positive rights actually recognized by a state or implicit in its institutions. Civil rights are rights that protect the individual dignity of a society's members, guaranteeing equal access to its central institutions. Civil rights, properly conceived, are entitlements that collectively constitute free and equal membership in a civil society.
El objetivo del presente trabajo consiste en analizar las conceptualizaciones en torno a las minorías y su relación con la cultura hegemónica occidental. A partir de la delimitación del concepto mismo de minoría y de re pensar los diferentes modos de interacción entre las culturas, se enfatizará la necesidad de articulación de políticas de Estado tendientes a asegurar no solo la supervivencia de las mismas sino también la evaluación de los aportes qué estás pueden brindar al desarrollo global. A partir de la definición del concepto de minoría haremos énfasis en su el carácter peyorativa del termino y su referencia meramente cuantitativa como modo de respuesta a una visión del mundo hegemónico. Nos referiremos a los procesos de construcción de identidad y la necesidad de reconocimiento de la otredad en la constitución de nuestra propia identidad. Por último vamos a señalar la necesidad de intervención de la política de públicas en el reconocimiento y la supervivencia de ciertas identidades.
This chapter asks how different moral frameworks we have raised in earlier chapters, whether the economic approach to public policy, liberal egalitarianism, communitarianism, and different conceptions of what constitutes equality, are influenced by the presence in societies of multiple distinct cultures, especially when a majority culture sits alongside minority cultures that to some degree face a constant pressure to be assimilated into the majority. I begin by looking at what we know about practical aspects of policymaking when there are ethnic or cultural divisions; in particular, that it is more difficult to form policies on public goods when preferences differ widely, and when citizens of one group are reluctant to fund programs that would confer benefits upon other groups. I then turn to policies accounting for cultural pluralism, sometimes called multiculturalism, and whether there is theoretical justification for them, whether through a liberal egalitarian framework (where the most prominent advocate has been Will Kymlicka), or communitarian approaches, where, as in Chap. 5, we look to the analysis of Charles Taylor. This chapter also examines how funding for cultural minorities works in the world, whether for a small-scale immigrant cultural center, or at the larger scale of national arts council programs on cultural minorities, with particular focus on the Canada Council for the Arts’s programs for Indigenous artists. I conclude the chapter with the critique from cosmopolitanism, which holds that in a globalized world of cultural omnivores, multicultural policies are increasingly dated.
The construction of novels is a creative process that involves putting signs together that evoke certain signifying meaning emerging from the psyche of the author. How the meaning is assembled in text and how different identities are erected is a topic significant to study about. This paper attempts to study this aspect by analysing the novel '2 States' by Chetan Bhagat using the tools of Semiotic and Psychoanalytic analysis. The findings of the study revealed that different strategies are used to construct a particular culture. Code-switching is one of them; it allows use of two or more linguistic varieties in the same conversation or interaction. Another strategy deduced is Cultural representation and signifying practices that is representation of culture through signifying practices. The paper finds that in any novel, the construction of identity and multiculturalism is not as simple as putting few words in one sentence. It demands using precise words in a precise structure of sentence with more precise direction to do that so as to communicate the desired meaning. This paper also attempts to decode and analyze latent meaning encoded in act of communication as made out in the novel.
In the archetypal settler-colonial states of the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, Indigenous peoples have joined the ‘rights revolution’, pressing for self-determination. They have been met by a ‘settler-rights backlash’, contraposing settler and Indigenous rights. This article makes two contributions. First, it presents a scoping study of settler-rights challenges in Anglo-settler states, revealing the extent and means of the settler backlash. Second, working within mainstream Anglo-settler political theory, it theorizes settler-rights challenges, exploring what liberal principles settlers invoke, what Indigenous protections they impugn, and what contrapositions of rights ensue. This article shows settlers invoke the liberal principle of universalism to impugn Indigenous sovereignty, the liberal principle of individualism to impugn differentiated citizenship, and the liberal principle of egalitarianism to impugn Indigenous decision-making and territorial control. In doing so, this article reveals the normative dynamics and internal contradictions of settler-rights challenges. By showing the extent, dynamics and contradictions of such challenges, it is hoped to help public decision-makers better understand and resolve them.
The author analyses positionings in space, time and society that inhabitants of Sauris and Timau, German language pockets in Friuli, construct in qualitative interviews about food. Positionings of the self are immanent when interviewees speak about, represent and relate to times they, their parents or grandparents have experienced, as well as frequented localities and known persons. Relations, which outreach the places, are established through the preparation and consumption of specific foods because it evokes memories, emotions, feelings, and transmits values. Dishes with dialectal German names that are associated with the place and food, which had been consumed daily in the agrarian past became particular. In order to negotiate meanings and to identify with places and people, common food preparation, consumption and reflections are necessary, and individual interpretations need to be accepted.
This piece replies to a recently published article in the European Journal for Philosophy of Religion by J. L. Schellenberg and Paul Draper. They contend that the field of African philosophy of religion needs renewal, and they make several recommendations on how to achieve this. I agree with their recommendations, but I argue they have omitted a crucial problem and solution to renew the field; namely, a fundamental problem of the field is that it systemically excludes non-Western philosophies and scholars and, therefore, the field needs to be decolonised.
Although a supposed right to preserve culture is frequently invoked in normative debates, philosophical literature has produced scarcely any attempt to treat it as a particular claim that differs from other cultural rights and, for that reason, is in need of a particular justification. Only by clarifying the content and the normative reasons underlying the supposed right, however, is it possible to evaluate the numerous political claims that have been based on it, ranging from the protection of minorities to restrictions on immigration into nation states. This article argues that the right to preserve culture should be seen as the right of a cultural group to enjoy the framework conditions and to enact supporting political measures that make it likely that its culture will continue to exist through an authentic and continuous path of development. Although some of the possible justifications of that supposed right fail, there is an approach that makes it at least plausible that the right to preserve culture is justified within certain limits.
Resumo Os intercâmbios acadêmicos têm se tornado uma das principais políticas de internacionalização do ensino superior no Brasil e no mundo. Além de permitir aos estudantes a experiência de viver em outro país, aprender uma nova língua e adquirir novas habilidades, a eles estão associadas esperanças de renovação, atualização e modernização das universidades brasileiras. O presente artigo busca compreender as dinâmicas desse processo, articulando-o ao debate sobre cosmopolitismo, que sustenta parte do discurso acerca da ciência como projeto universal. Pretende ainda analisar a experiência de estudantes brasileiros que, financiados por sua própria universidade, puderam cursar parte de sua graduação em uma instituição estrangeira. Observa-se, em suas experiências, ganhos tanto em relação a suas trajetórias quanto às percepções sobre a universidade e a vida acadêmica.
The principle of cultural nationalism holds that every national community, simply by being a national community, has a prima facie right to self-government. Given that national communities are singled out as the right-holder, proponents must explain why this particular type of group is entitled to the right to self-government. In this paper, I analyze the strategies that a cultural nationalist may adopt to demand the right to self-government. We can distinguish between four types of arguments for cultural nationalism–the Argument from Historical Injustice, the Argument from Inequality, the Instrumental Value Argument, and the Intrinsic Value Argument. I consider the merits and limitations of each. After critically examining these arguments, I conclude that none of the arguments successfully justifies the generalized claim that every national group enjoys a prima facie right to self-determination. Proponents of cultural nationalism may respond to my objections by suggesting that, even assuming that all my objections are sound, this only shows that existing arguments in favor of cultural nationalism are unsound. That is, they can find new ways to defend the principle and I have not proven that cultural nationalism must be rejected. To this, I discuss further three reasons to reject cultural nationalism: it lends moral support to colonialism, undermines inter-group cooperation, and is incompatible with a deep and genuine commitment to multiculturalism. Therefore, although we should embrace multiculturalism—policies that support different national heritages—cultural nationalism ought to be rejected.
ETNİK, DİNİ, SOSYAL VE K LT REL FARKLILIKLARIYLA DEĞER ALGISI (MARDİN İLİ RNEĞİ)
Anjum Hasan is a novelist, short story writer, poet and editor. Her third novel The
Cosmopolitans (2015) deals with modern life of a cosmopolitan woman named Qayenaat
who lives in a cosmopolitan city Bangalore. In cosmopolitanism, a person is free from
the local or national bias and becomes a citizen on a global scale. This paper focuses on a
sophisticated, fashionable, stylish and cultured woman who is a part of the cosmopolitan
world. She is familiar with globalisation, Europeanisation and social process of
transformation within the nation and beyond specific societies and cultures – the woman
crosses the symbolic boundaries of national communities in India. The novel questions
the place of art in modern life and portrays a lonely woman who is at odds with the
world. As a cosmopolitan woman, she likes to work outside home and travels freely to
different places. Concerned about commercialisation of art and culture and cosmopolitan
citizens, she lives lonely in her father’s house, and leads her life as a freelance editor and
writer. Thus, the main objective of the study is to explore unconventionality and nomadic
life of Qayenaat, who has failed as an artist in her life.
Keywords: Gender, cosmopolitan identity, culture, mobility, relationship
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