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Double Negation and the Genesis of Afrikaans

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... 1 Some basic patterns are illustrated in the sentences in (1). N-words are translated with any purely for expository pur poses; for data on NC and recent discussions see inter alia, Laka (1990) for Basque and Spanish, Aronovich (1996) for Spanish, Zanuttini (1991Zanuttini ( , 1997, and Acquaviva (1993Acquaviva ( , 1996 for Italian, Quer (1993) for Catalan, Giannakidou (1997a) for Greek, Haegeman (1995) and den Besten (1986) for West Flemish and Afrikaans, Progovac (1988Progovac ( , 1994 for Serbian/Croatian, Brown (1996) for Russian, Przepiórkowski and Kupsc (1997) and Richter and Sailer (to appear) for Polish, and Haspelmath (1997) for an overview. ...
... The first variety, which is usually referred to as NC proper (cf. den Besten 1986), involves the combination of a sentential negative marker (NM) with an n-word. Sometimes the NM is "light", and sometimes it is "heavy". ...
... Quebecois French, Bavarian, and Afrikaans exhibit NC with a heavy NM, as we see in the examples below (from Déprez 1995, Bayer 1990and den Besten 1986, respectively): ...
... The sigmatic plural marker in boebas (3) reflects the gratuitous addition of the Dutch writer; the actual pidgin form is boeba in (4). Den Besten (1986Besten ( : 197, 1987Besten ( : 15, 1989: 219) derives boeba from Dutch boe 'moo', to which the Khoikhoi inflectional morphemes -b-(masc. sg.) and -a (acc.) ...
... Resolution of moscoqua has been a traditional crux, and arguments buttressing the present interpretation are reserved for a full discussion elsewhere. The constituent qua may be plausibly seen as Dutch kwaad 'angry' (Godée Molsbergen, ed., 1916: 54n;Den Besten, 1986: 214-15, 1987, the apocope of final -d being a common phonotactic adjustment among Khoikhoi speakers (Nienaber, 1963: 361). The morpheme mosco, which alternates with moeske and musku in our Cape Dutch Pidgin source material, represents the agglutination of Khoikhoi mu-ts ko (see-2 sg. ...
... Cf. Nienaber, 1963: 214-15, 411-12, 447;Den Besten, 1986: 197, 1987: 15, 1989 ...
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Botha (2004:3) characterizes language evolution as a process comprising various phases, central to which are the first appearance of language in the human species and its subsequent development. It has been suggested that language phylogeny can be "seen" through the window of other processes by which linguistic objects are created. One may reasonably suppose that the formation of pidgins in some sense recapitulates a critical phase in language evolution. The problem, however, is that the crystalliza- tion of a pidgin (as opposed to its secondary expansion) has never been studied in situ and is itself recoverable only through reconstruction. Moreover, the extent to which pidgins are of heuristic value depends on one's view of pidgin formation, which is itself contested. Pidgin formation is best theorized as language construction (cf. Baker 2000). Common to all pidgin situations is a social encounter between people who have need for a medium for intergroup communication (MIC). The real if unconscious aim of in- terlocutors is to construct a single, shared MIC rather than to acquire a target language or adapt matrilectal languages as whole systems. Agents of pidgin construction create and elaborate the MIC not only by drawing on resources available in the languages at hand but also by innovating. The more diverse the group that bears the burden of cre- ating a MIC, the greater the degree of discontinuity between the developing system and languages in the mix. If the construction of modern MICs is parallel to the bridge between first lan- guage and interconnected language systems, then one envisions a hypothesis that begins with the emergence of discrete communication systems among small groups between which there was little contact. The establishment of cross-group communica- tion networks implies a competition among linguistic features, which were selected and grouped together according to their communicative efficacy and social functions.
... The sigmatic plural marker in boebas (3) reflects the gratuitous addition of the Dutch writer; the actual pidgin form is boeba in (4). Den Besten (1986Besten ( : 197, 1987Besten ( : 15, 1989: 219) derives boeba from Dutch boe 'moo', to which the Khoikhoi inflectional morphemes -b-(masc. sg.) and -a (acc.) ...
... Resolution of moscoqua has been a traditional crux, and arguments buttressing the present interpretation are reserved for a full discussion elsewhere. The constituent qua may be plausibly seen as Dutch kwaad 'angry' (Godée Molsbergen, ed., 1916: 54n;Den Besten, 1986: 214-15, 1987, the apocope of final -d being a common phonotactic adjustment among Khoikhoi speakers (Nienaber, 1963: 361). The morpheme mosco, which alternates with moeske and musku in our Cape Dutch Pidgin source material, represents the agglutination of Khoikhoi mu-ts ko (see-2 sg. ...
... Cf. Nienaber, 1963: 214-15, 411-12, 447;Den Besten, 1986: 197, 1987: 15, 1989 ...
... . Clausal negators in this context are post-verbal adverbs that immediately follow the conjugated verb; n-words convey negation (they occur in fragment answers, with constituent scope, and can communicate double negation readings, Giannakidou 2007;Larrivée 2011), and they refer to an ontological category such as animate, time, place and so on (Haspelmath 1997). The joint use of clausal negator and n-word is called doubling, as opposed to the negative spreading of jointly used n-words in the widely accepted terminology of den Besten (1986). While strictly speaking use of a n-word with ne would correspond to doubling, given that ne is a marker of normative practice since at least the 18th century when it starts being dropped (Martineau 2011;for earlier French ne-drop, see Ingham 2011), it cannot meaningfully be used to track the continuity of the vernacular. ...
... One of these is the possibility for several negatives to concord in a clause that retains a negative interpretation, rather than a positive one through cancellation of the negatives. Two types of negative concord are identified by den Besten (1986) as negative spread and negative doubling. Negative spread concerns the multiplication of n-words in a clause: ...
... This debate is relevant here for two reasons: firstly, various West Germanic languages (nota- bly, Dutch, German and English) have passed through JC, developing new senten- tial negators during the course of their recorded history; and secondly, the Afrikaans negation system has been shown to differ quite substantially from those in Dutch varieties or, more generally, in the European languages with which Afrikaans was in contact during its formative period (cf. Ponelis & Roberge op.cit and also particularly den Besten 1986& Roberge 2000. Specifically, none of the European varieties exhib- ited an obligatorily clause-final negative reinforcer of the kind required in Standard Afrikaans. ...
... Let us briefly consider this question (cf. den Besten 1986& Roberge 2000 for more detailed discussion). ...
... NC can take different syntactic shapes, notably the co-occurrence of several n-indefinites and the co-occurrence of the sentential negation and an n-indefinite (cf. den Besten 1986;van der Wouden & Zwarts 1993). These two types are called N-spread (1) and N-doubling (2) (cf. ...
... For this reason I would like to propose the classification I already introduced in terms of the four speaker grammars of Alemannic. The classification is based upon den Besten (1986) and renews a claim already made by van der Wouden & Zwarts (1993: 202) that languages may show either (a) N-spread or (b) N-doubling or (c) none of them or d) both. 13 In other words, my underlying assumption is that N-spread and N-doubling are two completely different structures that do not have any (implicational) relationship or typological correlation with each other. ...
Chapter
The article focuses on variation in negative concord (NC) between and within the grammars of speakers of Alemannic. Based on a broad data set, partial grammars from individuals are extracted, and four different systems are attested: Grammar 1 with obligatory negative spread (N-spread), Grammar 2 with optional negative doubling (N-doubling), Grammar 3 with N-spread and N-doubling, and Grammar 4 without NC. My proposal in the framework of Optimality Theory (OT) is based upon two assumptions: the generation of syntactic structures is unmarked in comparison to the generation of morphological structures (cf. Ackema & Neeleman 2001; Vogel 2016); weak indefinites and negative indefinites (n-indefinites) are not different lexemes, but only allomorphs (cf. Weiß 2002a).
... (3) N-word An expression is an n-word iff: (a) it can be used in structures containing sentential negation or another expression yielding a reading equivalent to one logical negation; and (b) it can provide a negative fragment answer. (Giannakidou 2005: 328) Negative concord takes two forms: negative doubling and negative spread (Den Besten 1983). We speak of negative doubling when negation is expressed by the element standardly expressing sentential negation (the negation particle) and additionally by an indefinite in the scope of negation. ...
... It is, however, important to note that Afrikaans has two elements nie, one, sometimes called nie 1 , expressing sentential negation and occurring in the middle field, much like Dutch niet or German nicht, and one, nie 2 , occurring in strictly sentence-final position, whether the sentence is negated by nie 1 or a negative indefinite (cf. Besten 1983, Robbers 1992and Bell 2004. This nie 2 is unable to express sentential negation on its own. ...
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This paper offers a formal account of the diachronic changes in the interaction between indefinites in the scope of negation and the expression of sentential negation in the history of Low German. Different types of negative concord develop at the different historical stages. Parallel to that, the language underwent Jespersen’s Cycle. In addition, I argue that, against common belief, Jespersen’s Cycle is at best indirectly related to the type of interaction between indefinites and negation. Changes in the type of indefinites used in the scope of negation arise due to changes in the lexical properties of the indefinites involved, not as a result of changes in the expression of negation. Conversely, changes in the type of indefinites do not trigger changes in the expression of negation.
... Afrikaans negation has the oft-noted property that every negative sentence, regardless of whether it contains an n-word or a negative marker, ends with the (extra) negative marker nie (cf. Waher 1978, Den Besten 1986, Robbers 1992, Oosthuizen 1998, Biberauer 2008a,b, 2009 for discussion). This is illustrated below: In principle, then, Afrikaans negative sentences consist either of an n-word and a negative marker or of a combination of two negative markers. ...
Article
Many languages exhibit Negative Concord (NC), with multiple morphosyntactic instances of negation corresponding to one semantic negation. Traditionally, NC languages are distinguished as Strict and Non-strict (cf. Giannakidou 2000). In the former (e.g. Czech), multiple negative elements may or even must precede the finite verb, whereas in Non-strict NC languages, like Italian, only one negative element may precede the finite verb. In a recent analysis of NC (Zeijlstra 2004, 2008b), NC is analysed as an instance of syntactic agreement between one or more negative elements that are formally, but not semantically, negative and a single, potentially unrealized semantically negative operator. On this analysis, the difference between Strict and Non-strict NC languages reduces to the semantic value of the negative marker: in Strict NC languages, both negative indefinites and negative markers are semantically non-negative; in Non-strict NC languages, by contrast, only negative indefinites are semantically non-negative, negative markers being semantically negative. This analysis predicts the existence of a third type of NC language, namely one where negative indefinites are semantically negative, but negative markers are not. This paper demonstrates that a particular variety of Afrikaans (the standard) instantiates a language of exactly this type: while pairs of negative indefinites always yield a Double Negation reading in this variety, negative markers can be stacked incrementally without giving rise to a new negation. © The Author 2012. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.
... Die verhouding tussen Nederlands en Afrikaans verskil in talle opsigte van dié tussen Engels, wat binne die konteks van Soueif se roman gesien word as 'n koloniseerderstaal, en Arabies, wat die taal van die gekoloniseerdes is. Afrikaans het tydens die Nederlandse kolonisering van Suid-Afrika vanaf die 17de eeu uit Nederlands ontwikkel met die inwerking van 'n verskeidenheid ander tale, soos Maleis, Kreools-Portugees, die inheemse tale van die Khoi en San, Duits en Frans, asook Arabies, Afrikatale en Engels(Den Besten 1986, Ponelis 1993, Roberge 1995 en 2003. Dat daar 'n magswanbalans tussen Nederlands en Afrikaans was, blyk uit die feit dat Nederlands die taal van formele omgang in die kerk, reg en opvoeding was en Afrikaans as die "kombuistaal" beskou is.Die feit dat die Nederlandse elemente in Van Niekerk se bundel in een geval ervaar is as pretensieus, suggereer dat Nederlands steeds gesien word as die belangriker taal wat vanweë sy geskiedenis en plasing in Europa beskik oor groter kulturele kapitaal as Afrikaans. ...
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Opsomming Verskeie lesers het kommentaar gelewer op die wyse waarop die gebruik van Afrikaans in Marlene van Niekerk se verhaalbundel Die sneeuslaper deur ander tale, veral Nederlands, " geperforeer " of " geïnfiltreer " is. In hierdie artikel word daar aandag gegee aan die intertalige en kruiskulturele verkeer tussen Afrikaans en Nederlands in hierdie bundel, spesifiek in die verhaal " Die sneeuslaper ". Dit word gedoen aan die hand van Waïl Hassan (2006) se insigte oor die " translational text " en Rebecca Walkowitz (2015) se werk oor tekste wat volgens haar " in vertaling " gebore is (born translated). Die artikel ondersoek die wyse waarop Afrikaans in die verhaal " Die sneeuslaper " geperforeer word deur Nederlands en die wyse waarop 'n Suid-Afrikaanse leefwêreld die Nederlandse verhaalruimte in hierdie verhaal infiltreer. Hierdie eienskap van die verhaal word in verband gebring met die figuur van die sneeuslaper wat geïnterpreteer word aan die hand van Marlene van Niekerk se opvattings oor die rol van die skrywer en die literêre teks, soos uiteengesit in onderhoude, toesprake, lesings en die artikel " The literary text in turbulent times: an instrument of social cohesion or an eruption of 'critical bliss'. Notes on J.M. Coetzee's Life and times of Michael K " wat in 2013 in Acta Academica verskyn het. Abstract Interlingual and cross-cultural movement between Afrikaans and Dutch in Marlene van Niekerk's volume of stories Die sneeuslaper [The snow sleeper] (2010) When Marlene van Niekerk's volume of stories Die sneeuslaper [The snow sleeper] (2010) was published, several reviewers commented on the fact that the Afrikaans used in the text was " perforated " or " infiltrated " by other languages, especially Dutch. This article explores
... Die verhouding tussen Nederlands en Afrikaans verskil in talle opsigte van dié tussen Engels, wat binne die konteks van Soueif se roman gesien word as 'n koloniseerderstaal, en Arabies, wat die taal van die gekoloniseerdes is. Afrikaans het tydens die Nederlandse kolonisering van Suid-Afrika vanaf die 17de eeu uit Nederlands ontwikkel met die inwerking van 'n verskeidenheid ander tale, soos Maleis, Kreools-Portugees, die inheemse tale van die Khoi en San, Duits en Frans, asook Arabies, Afrikatale en Engels(Den Besten 1986, Ponelis 1993, Roberge 1995 en 2003. Dat daar 'n magswanbalans tussen Nederlands en Afrikaans was, blyk uit die feit dat Nederlands die taal van formele omgang in die kerk, reg en opvoeding was en Afrikaans as die "kombuistaal" beskou is.Die feit dat die Nederlandse elemente in Van Niekerk se bundel in een geval ervaar is as pretensieus, suggereer dat Nederlands steeds gesien word as die belangriker taal wat vanweë sy geskiedenis en plasing in Europa beskik oor groter kulturele kapitaal as Afrikaans. ...
... In the literature on negation, Afrikaans is generally categorised as a negative concord language, a language which makes use of multiple instances of negation to express a single negation, as Afrikaans sentences typically contain a sentence-medial negative marker nie, or a negative indefinite as well as a sentence-final negative marker nie (indicated by SN in the gloss), as illustrated in (1) 'We didn't see anybody there.' Van der Wouden (1994), following and expanding on Den Besten (1986), characterises this pattern of negative concord as "negative doubling", defining it as the situation in which "a distinguished negative element shows up in all sentences that contain a negative expression". This type of negative concord is contrasted with "negative spread", in which "the negative feature is 'spread' or distributed over any number of indefinite expressions within its scope" (Van der Wouden 1994:95). ...
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In the literature on negation, Afrikaans is generally categorised as a negative concord language. Unlike most other negative concord languages though, utterances containing multiple indefinites in the scope of negation are typically produced with a combination of one negative indefinite and one (or more) non-negative indefinite, or negative polarity item, as in (i). (i) Ons het niemand ooit daar gesien nie. we have nobody ever there pst-see sn ‘We never saw anybody there.’ However, although prohibited in formal, standard Afrikaans, where such utterances are prescriptively assigned a double negation meaning (Ø$x1Ø$x2) and produced with a specific prosodic contour, in colloquial Afrikaans it is also possible to produce multiple negative indefinites with a single, or negative concord, meaning, as in (ii). (ii) Ons het niemand nooit daar gesien nie. we have nobody ever there pst-see sn ‘We never saw anybody there.’ (¬$x1$x2) Standard analyses of negative concord as presented in the literature do not account for the alternation of indefinites and negative indefinites in (i) vs. (ii), or the potential availability of both negative concord and double negation readings for the utterance in (ii). Perception experiments show that grammaticality judgements, by native speakers of Afrikaans, of multiple negative indefinites presented as auditory stimuli exhibit gradient acceptability in relation to combinations of negative indefinites and non-negative indefinites. Furthermore, this experimental data indicates that listeners use sentence prosody to assist in the interpretation of potentially ambiguous sentences containing multiple negative indefinites. The gradience of acceptability of multiple negative indefinite combinations is mirrored in turn by the frequency of such constructions in a written corpus of Afrikaans. In this paper, we account for this variation in the expression and interpretation of multiple indefinites in the scope of negation within the framework of stratified bidirectional Optimality Theory (OT). Such an analysis fills a gap in the typology of negation in accounting for alternation between negative and non-negative indefinites in the production of standard and colloquial Afrikaans, as observed through corpus and experimental data, and allows for a prosodically constrained ambiguity between single and double negation readings.
... 49) Negation typology couched in terms of semantic (non-)negativity([i/uNEG]) are semantically negative([iNEG]). Expressed in terms of the NC types identified by denBesten (1986Besten ( , 1989, what distinguishes the missing system from the other NC systems is the absence of Negative Spread, i.e. co-occurring negative indefinites producing a single negative meaning; the other NC systems both have Negative Spread. Since sentential negation always (with the exception of the haplology contexts; cf. ...
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This article has three major objectives. Firstly, it aims to describe and account for the peculiarity of the modern Afrikaans negative concord marker nie2 in the familiar Western European context. I appeal to Roberge’s (2000) diachronic proposals as the initial starting point for this oddness, showing how nie2’s putative origins as a discourse-oriented particle are synchronically reflected in the modern language, producing, among other things, what appears to be inertness in the context of Jespersen’s Cycle. This inertness leads to the interface-driven hypothesis that systems in which a structurally very high element becomes grammaticalised as a sentential Negative Concord element will not progress to the next stage of Jespersen’s Cycle, i.e. a structurally very high Negative Concord element will never take over as the “real” negation element. The article’s second objective is to demonstrate, on the basis of data from Brazilian Portuguese, Santomé, and a subset of Bantu languages, that the predictions of this hypothesis appear to be correct. At the same time, I show how crucial it is to distinguish the cyclic negation-reinforcing developments associated with Jespersen’s Cycle from non-cyclic reinforcement developments; as they may draw on the same lexical resources, this can be a challenging task, particularly where less well-studied languages are the object of investigation. The final part of the article broadens the focus, considering Afrikaans’s overall negation profile in the context of negation typology and learnability. The conclusion drawn here is that this system, which owes some of its properties to prescriptive stipulations, is a highly unusual and possibly not even naturally acquirable one.
... Three different kinds of NC-constructions have been discussed in the literature. These include Negative Doubling, Negative Spread, and Negative Doubling and Spread (Den Besten 1986; Van der Wouden & Zwarts 1993; Van der Wouden 1997; Zeijlestra 2004): ...
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This study investigates the licensing conditions on Negative Sensitive Items (NSIs) in Jordanian Arabic (JA). JA exhibits both types of NSIs that are discussed in the literature: Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) and Negative Concord Items (NCIs). Although these two sets of items seem to form a natural class in the sense that they show certain sensitivity to negation, they display important distributional differences that call for different analyses. First, NCIs can sometimes express negation on their own as in fragment answers; whereas NPIs cannot do so. Second, the licensing of NCIs is clause-bound; whereas the licensing of NPIs is not. Third, NPIs are acceptable in a number of contexts that do not involve overt negation; whereas NCIs are acceptable in only a subset of these contexts, namely without-clauses and before-clauses. The licensing of NPIs and NCIs in JA is discussed in light of previous theories that are mainly based on the distribution of these items in English and European languages. The investigation of NPI licensing in JA shows that the distribution of these items can best be captured by the semantic notion of (Non-)veridicality (Giannakidou 1998, 1999, 2000, 2002, 2006, 2011). Data from JA show that NPIs in the language need to be in the c-command domain of a non-veridical function at LF as proposed by the (Non)-veridicality Approach. The investigation of NCI licensing in JA shows that none of the NCI licensing theories previously proposed in the literature extends to JA. Alternatively, an account is proposed that is basically a crucial modification of the Non-negative Indefinites Approach (Zeijlstra 2004, 2008; Penka 2007, 2011) which takes Negative Concord to be a manifestation of syntactic agreement between an NCI and a semantic negation in the clause, where syntactic agreement is defined in terms of feature checking following recent assumptions within Minimalism (Chomsky 1995, 1998, 2000, 2001). I argue that NCIs are non-negative indefinites that are endowed with an [uNEG]-feature that needs to be checked against an [iNEG]-feature of a semantic negation that can be either overt or abstract in the clause. I also propose that Spec-head agreement and Head complement agreement exist side by side with c-command as licensing configurations for NCIs. I further argue that the level of representation at which NCI licensing takes place is not the same among all NCIs: while some NCIs are licensed at LF, other NCIs are licensed in the surface syntax. I show that this alternative account can capture the distribution of NCIs in JA. I also show that this account extends to NCIs in other languages such as Moroccan Arabic, Polish, and Spanish and is thus supported cross-linguistically.
... I' I ignore here the Wlfesalved and ongoing debate about the 'status aparte' of Mrikaans in the sense that its creoUde histor)" eroded its Germanic character to such an extend a!l to disqualliY it as a purely Germanic language (for this matter see: Den Besten 1986, Raidt 1983. In this paper I will treat Mrikaans as a continental West Germanic language like its 'parent language' Dutch. ...
Article
In his Morphosyntax of verb movement: a minimalist approach to the syntax of Dutch (1997) zwart argues for an alternative analysis to the traditional analysis2 of the word order variation that exists in West Gennanic subject initial main clauses and embedded clauses. This alternative analysis is a heavily revised version of the one Zwart presented in his 1993 dissertation. The revised version focuses on a smaller section of Dutch syntax than the preceding work and revolves crucially around a proposal of feature movement and the interaction between syntax and morphology. It also deviates from the traditional analysis in the assumption that the underlying word order for Dutch is SVO and that all functional projections are head initial. Zwart (1997) furthermore claims that the analysis presented for Dutch can be carried over to the other West Germanic languages. At least one of these languages, Afrikaans, is not discussed by Zwart and my main interest in this article is to see whether Zwart's proposed analysis holds when applied to this language.
... Het is overigens voor een Vlaming wat vreemd om het dialect van Aarschot zo dikwijls opgevoerd te zien in de Afrikaanse taalkundige vakliteratuur. Pauwels (1958) heeft in zijn Aarschotse dialect weliswaar dubbele negaties opgetekend die aan de Afrikaanse doen denken, maar ik kan mij moeilijk voorstellen dat een Belgisch-Brabants dialect als dat van Aarschot iets met Afrikaans te maken gehad zou kunnen hebben (zie ook Den Besten 1986). Bij een zoektocht naar een 'stichtingsdialect' voor het Afrikaans, moet men mijns inziens in elk geval aan de kust van Nederland blijven. ...
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Standardization and de-standardization among Flemings and Afrikaners. Analogies and diff erences' compares the (nineteenth-century) language history of both Fle-mings and Afrikaners. Both 'Dutch-speaking' peoples had to decide on what policy to follow with regard to the Dutch standard language. Both peoples share(d) the situation that their language had and has to be defended against a more powerful one: French for the Flemings, English for the Afrikaners. Remarkably, Flemings and Afrikaners took an opposite decision in their language struggles: the Flemings adopted standard Dutch as it existed in the Netherlands; the Afrikaners codifi ed their own language variety which had developed in South Africa. Afrikaans, indeed, is the only example of a colonial language variety which has developed into a fully-fl edged cultural language. It is maintained that the diff erent language attitudes of Flemings and Afrikaners can be explained by a diff erence in the social background of the two language struggles: the Flemish Movement was a middle-class movement, whereas Afrikaner nationalism was a lower-class movement. Th e Flemish middle class could not speak French nor did they want to speak a dialect; hence adoption of standard Dutch was the only option left. In South Africa, the Afrikaner lower class codifi ed their own variety in a reaction against both English and Dutch. In a fi nal paragraph, atttention is paid to the destandardization process of both standard (Belgian) Dutch and standard Afrikaans. Th is phenomenon is explained as a consequence of emancipation: the cultural emancipation of the Flemings and the political emancipation of the coloured Afrikaans speakers has brought about new attitudes towards the 'of-fi cial' language standards.
... It is well known that Medieval French, contemporary European French and Quebec French differ with respect to negative doubling, the negative concord observed between negative indefinites and the negation in a clause having a single negation reading (den Besten 1986). Medieval French classifies as a strict negative concord language (Giannakidou 2006): in Old and Middle French, the marker of clausal negation ne cooccurred with both preverbal and postverbal negative indefinites. ...
Chapter
French is a classical example of Jespersen’s cycle. The term cycle suggests that the endpoint of the cycle is identical to the initial point. By discussing the various historical changes underlying the French cycle, we will show that the evolution is more spiral-like than cyclic: the language that seems to have completed the cycle has properties different from that of the initial language. We will also argue that, while a number of authors view the evolution as linear, going from Old French to Standard French, then to Colloquial French, Quebec French illustrating the end of the cycle, the facts rather suggest that a split between two dialects had occurred during the 16th century One dialect corresponds to Standard French, the other one led to Quebec French. We will propose an analysis of the facts.
... See for example denBesten (1986) andBiberauer (2008). ...
... If there is more than one NCI, the former can license the latter. This is a phenomenon called negative spread (den Besten, 1986) and is illustrated in (50) and (51). ...
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This paper is concerned with the nature of negative sensitive items such as hiçkimse 'no one' and asla 'never' in Turkish. It is well attested in previous studies that these negative sensitive elements require the obligatory presence of sentential negation or some other licensor in the structure. However, there is still an ongoing controversy as to what these negative sensitive elements actually are and why they behave the way they do. Some researchers proposed that these elements are negative polarity items (NPIs) whereas others suggested that they are (existential) n-words or negative concord items (NCIs). Therefore, the question remains as to which category these elements belong to in the language. In this work, I address this question by using a comprehensive set of diagnostic tests proposed in prior work to find out the true characteristic of these elements. I argue that their syntactic and semantic behavior strongly indicate that they should be classified as NCIs, and not as NPIs in Turkish. I also show that these negative sensitive items display the characteristics of both the universal quantifier and the existential quantifier. This is because they can be interpreted either way in the language. This finding is compatible with the cross-linguistic predictions that NCIs are able to display the behavior of different quantificational elements across languages.
... Romance varieties, and it can take two different forms: the first (36a) is the combination of Nwords with the sentential negative marker; the second (36b), also referred to as negative spread (den Besten, 1986), describes sentences with multiple N-words stacked: ...
Chapter
Negation in Romance offers a wide array of cross-linguistic variation. For what concerns sentential negation, three main strategies are employed depending on the position of the negative marker with respect to the finite verb: some varieties (e.g., Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese) adopt a preverbal particle, others (e.g., Gallo-Italic varieties) a postverbal one, and some others (e.g., French) a combination of both. Negation can also surface in the left-most clausal positions, generally carrying an additional meaning expressed by emphatic polarity particles. The diverse options available in contemporary varieties stemmed from their common ancestor, Latin, through a sequence of (potentially) cyclical grammatical changes captured by the Jespersen’s cycle. A further dimension of variation concerns negative indefinites (N-words) and their interpretation when combined with negation, resulting in strict and nonstrict negative concord depending on the availability of double negation readings in both pre- and postverbal positions or only postverbally. In addition, the evolution of indefinites from Latin to modern Romance languages constitutes its own quantifier’s cycle. This cycle classifies the continuous diachronic changes that have occurred through the centuries into a sequence of discrete steps, imposing constraints on the transition of indefinites from one stage to the next. Despite the great variability in the ways negation is expressed, its interpretive properties are not fully constrained by superficial variations. Logical scope in particular is not bound to the syntactic position where negation surfaces and inverse scope readings are generally possible.
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The main claim of this paper is that a general theory of negative concord (NC) should allow for the possibility of NC involving scoping of a universal quantifier above negation. I propose that Greek NC instantiates this option.Greek n-words will be analyzed as polarity sensitive universal quantifierswhich need negation in order to be licensed, but must raise abovenegation in order to yield the scoping ∀¬. This gives thecorrect interpretation of NC structures as general negative statements.The effect is achieved by application of QR, and the account is fullycompositional, as only sentence negation is the vehicle of logical negation¬. Greek n-words are also compared to n-words in Romance, Slavic,and Hungarian. This analysis, if correct, has two important consequences.First, theanalysis will provide a strong argument for retainingQR in the syntax-semanticsmapping: we need it in order to interpret NC. Second,by employing a mechanismwhich is present in the grammar for the scopeof quantifiers anyway, we have asimpler theory which makes NC look less anomalous; appeal to a mechanisminvoked just to account for NC, asin the ``negative absorption'' tradition, isthus rendered unnecessary.
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Aim of the talk: 1. To place the discontinuous/final negation patterns in the Gulf of Guinea creoles (GGC) in a typological/historical perspective; 2. To explain how these patterns appeared historically in the GGC, with focus on the final marker.
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This chapter integrates the results on sentential negation (from Chapter 3) with the analysis of negative concord and double negation (from Chapter 4). Section 1 develops the classification of co-occurrence restrictions between sentential negation and negative indefinites in negative concord and double negation languages. The grammar of negative spread supports the claims made by de Swart and Sag’s (2002) that in the presence of n-words, the marker of sentential negation in negative concord languages is semantically redundant (Section 2). Even though the marker of sentential negation is not needed to convey negation in negative concord contexts, many languages combine it with n-words. In line with much current literature, I take sentential negation to serve as a scope marker in such cases. Two syntactic constraints governing the scope of negation account for the contrast between strict and nonstrict negative concord languages. Section 3 shows how the preverbal/postverbal asymmetry exploits NegFirst. Section 4 introduces a new constraint in order to capture strict negative concord languages in which a marker of sentential negation always accompanies an n-word. Sections 5 through 10 treat in more detail the complex situations found in Catalan, French, Welsh, Hungarian, West Flemish, and Afrikaans. Section 11 concludes the chapter.
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Chapter 1 introduces the empirical scope of the study on the expression and interpretation of negation in natural language. Background notions on negation in logic and language are introduced, and a range of linguistic issues concerning negation at the syntax–semantics interface are discussed. Cross-linguistic variation is a major topic, in both synchronic (typology) and diachronic (language change) perspectives.
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This article describes the use of negation in three corpora representative of early to mid-19th century African American English: the Ex-Slave Recordings (Bailey, Maynor, & Cukor-Avila, 1991), the Samaná Corpus (Poplack & Sankoff, 1981), and the African Nova Scotian English Corpus (Poplack & Tagliamonte, 1991). The specific structures studied are the negative form ain't, negative concord to indefinites and to verbs, negative inversion, and negative postposing. It is found that Early African American English (i) is far more conservative than modern African American Vernacular English; (ii) is generally similar to Southern White Nonstandard English; and (iii) displays no distinct Creole behavior. In other words, our study suggests that the negation system of Early African American English derived directly (i.e., without approximation or creolization) from colonial English, contrary to the findings of Rickford (1977, 1995), Labov (1982), Winford (1992), De Bose and Faraclas (1993), DeBose (1994), and others.
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In ’n soeke na die wortels van Afrikaans het vroeë taalkundiges op die raakpunte tussen Afrikaans en Nederlands gefokus. Die invloed van die nie-Europese tale het min aandag gekry. Gaandeweg is ’n rigtingverandering in hierdie studies opgemerk. Taalkontaksituasies in verskillende streke waarby nie-Nederlandssprekendes sowel as Nederlandssprekendes betrokke was, is van nader bekyk. Daaruit het taalgegewens na vore gekom wat daartoe bygedra het om die ontstaan en geskiedenis van Afrikaans beter te verstaan, en het al hoe meer antwoorde op vroeër onopgeloste vrae duidelik geword. Die besonderhede en die belangrikheid van taal in die kontaksituasie in die binnelandse Grensgebied word hier bespreek. In hierdie kontakgebied is in die periode vanaf 1700 tot 1800 Khoi-Afrikaans en Veeboerafrikaans gepraat. Dit kon moontlik die belangrikste fase in die geskiedenis van Afrikaans gewees het, waartydens die manier waarop dit gepraat is, indringend gewysig is. Die omstandighede waarin hierdie kontak plaasgevind het en die veranderende rolle van die twee tale word bespreek. Vorme wat eers as Khoi-Afrikaans gestigmatiseer is, het later die Afrikaans geword wat algemeen gebruik is. Hoe dit gebeur het, is die sentrale vraag wat ter sprake kom. Hierdie normverandering in die Grensgebied kan verstaan word deur die sosiohistoriese omstandighede waarin die variëteite van Afrikaans gepraat is van nader te bekyk. Een van die gevolge van hierdie taalkontak en gepaardgaande normverandering word ter illustrasie bespreek, te wete die Khoi-gebruik van ‘ons’ in onderwerpsposisie en die inskakeling daarvan by algemeen erkende Afrikaans.
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This paper investigates the interpretation and processing of simple transitive Catalan sentences with multiple negative expressions experimentally. Our results provide empirical confirmation that Negative Concord (NC) is the preferred and faster interpretation for negative sentences that either omit or contain the overt negative marker no ‘not’. However, they also reveal that, in contrast to traditional descriptions of Catalan and independently of particular favouring contexts, a non-negligible amount of Double Negation (DN) readings arises, mainly when the negative marker co-occurs with pre-verbal Negative Concord Items (NCIs), and when these NCIs have a complex DP structure. Our results further suggest that two populations could be distinguished: one for whom the negative marker is optional and leaves the favoured NC reading essentially unaffected, and another where the co-presence of no significantly increases DN readings. We account for these findings within a micro-parametric approach that features ambiguous NCIs (non-negative vs. negative) and a possible ambiguous negative marker no (negative vs. expletive) variably available for Catalan speakers. The nuanced empirical NC landscape that our experimental work reveals serves to stress the importance of taking DN readings into consideration for a better understanding of the nature of negative constructions in Catalan and cross-linguistically.
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The Middle Dutch negative clitic en/ne disappeared from standard Dutch in the 17th and 18th centuries (in Flemish dialects it is still around). The factors favoring the deletion of the clitic in the initial stages of this change have been well-studied (cf. 0210, 0120, 0065, 0170, 0440, 0355 and 0055), and show interaction of syntactic with phonological factors. The negative clitic is syntactically a proclitic on the finite verb, but phonologically an enclitic, which creates problems in V1 contexts (questions, conditionals and imperatives), precisely the contexts where ne-drop is most frequent. In the present paper, using a large database of occurrences from 1200 to 1800 covering most of the Dutch-speaking regions, we go over the evidence for this account, and look at some complications (some texts have phonological as well as syntactic proclisis when the clitic element is ne, rather than en) and refinements (difference between niet ‘not’ and n-words). Alongside factors favoring deletion, there are also factors favoring retention to consider, especially for the later periods (16th–18th centuries). In particular string adjacency of niet + en turns out to matter greatly in preventing deletion of the clitic element. As a result, we see mostly SOV-clauses retaining clitics. We argue that the adjacency effect is an interface effect, as a result of syntactic chunking: reanalysis of a frequently recurring string as a unit. Both types of effect, V1, and string adjacency in SOV-clauses, are still reflected in dialect patterns in the SAND atlas ( Barbiers et al., 2008): SOV clauses with clitic negation are more wide-spread in Belgium than main clauses, and V2 main clauses with clitic negation in turn are more wide-spread than V1 clauses. The main new findings of this paper are (1) differences between niet and n-words, and (2) the importance of adjacency in accounting for the longer retention of clitic negation in SOV contexts. In addition, the paper uses a broader data spectrum (more dialects) and more data points (3800 negative sentences) than previous studies. Two recent theoretical proposals regarding the loss of clitic negation in Dutch ( 0440 and 0055) are discussed and criticized.
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Afrikaans is a West Germanic language that originated in South Africa as a descendent of Dutch. It displays discontinuous sentential negation (SN), where negation is expressed by two phonologically identical negative particles that appear in two different positions in the sentence. The negation system is argued to be an innovation that came about through the reanalysis of a discourse-dependent (pragmatically conditioned) structure in Dutch, reinforced by proponents of the standardisation of Afrikaans who prescriptively imposed a negative concord structure onto the Dutch negation system. The Afrikaans negation system is therefore argued to be artificially created, making it crosslinguistically rare and syntactically complex, the latter possibly having a delaying effect on acquisition. This study investigates both the comprehension and production of negation by young child speakers of Afrikaans. Sentences containing negative indefinites (NIs) ( niks ‘nothing’ and geen ‘no’/ ‘none’ with a final negative particle) are compared with those containing two negative particles (referred to as SN), which are syntactically less complex. We examined (1) whether the comprehension of sentences with NIs is more difficult to acquire than that of sentences using SN and (2) when and how negation is produced by young children. Data were collected through a picture selection task (comprehension) and recordings of spontaneous speech during free play (production). Results show that the comprehension of SN was acquired before that of NI, indicating that sentences containing NIs were indeed more difficult to comprehend than those containing SN. The production data showed that even the youngest participants (age 3;0) could produce grammatically well-formed negated constructions, but that errors occurred until age 4;3. In comparison with that found for other West Germanic languages, Afrikaans’ complex system of expressing negation seems to have a delaying effect on the comprehension of negation, specifically NIs, but not on production.
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With Steyn's 2014 publication We are going to make a language (Ons gaan'n taal maak) as stimulus, the beginning of organised writing of Standard Afrikaans since 1875 is discussed, as well as its consequences for the continued creation of Afrikaans. In particular, in this paper comments are made on some of the points that Steyn made. Plans for an Afrikaans Bible translation were initially unsuccessful because Afrikaans was not yet serving a written function at the time. The written language subsequently established by the Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners ("GRA") (Association of Real Afrikaners) was able to fill this gap, as illustrated by the many publications that appeared under the banner of the GRA. Steyn points out that many people were enthusiastically involved in the creation of Afrikaans, then indicates what many of them had done, and continues to mention the expectations some of them had of Afrikaans. The way in which this publication shows how people were involved in the creation of Afrikaans makes it an exceptional document on the development of Afrikaans. The fact that people create standard languages, of which Standard Afrikaans is an example, is highlighted. People often start this process by developing written forms of spoken languages. The title of Steyn's work refers to this human endeavour. In the history of Afrikaans as a written language, a start was made as early as the nineteenth century with the development of a written form of some varieties of Afrikaans. A written tradition where Muslim Afrikaans was written in religious scriptures, in Arabic script, has possibly been in existence since 1830. This movement had a large readership and was based on the Cape variety of Afrikaans. At Genadendal Afrikaans was possibly written from 1859, and in Paarl from 1875. All these ways in which Afrikaans was written were close to the spoken variety. Patriot Afrikaans, as the GRA's written Afrikaans in the Paarl was also known, was based on the farmer's dialect of the area. It did not enjoy a high status, and developed speakers did not want to associate themselves with it. This Afrikaans was nevertheless made known by means of a large number of publications, which were read across the country. Up to 1895 no fewer than 81 000 copies were printed under the GRA banner. Afrikaans was also written from time to time by newspapers, but not uniformly, with Afrikaans being written the way it was spoken by the various speech communities whom these newspapers wished to reach. The Afrikaans written in this newspaper tradition made the dialectal Afrikaans of their target group a little more dignified by adding some Dutch to it. The farmer's variety on which GRA Afrikaans was based, was closely interwoven with the Khoi Afrikaans of the Khoi-Khoi people, the learner's Afrikaans that to a large extent had displaced their Khoi-Khoi mother tongue by the end of the seventeenth century. Besides the Afrikaans of the farmers, Khoi Afrikaans was one of the two main languages spoken for approximately a hundred years in the Interior Region, located more or less between the Hottentots Holland mountains and Graaff-Reinet. The two dialects had a mutual influence on one another, as is illustrated by the general use of the word ons (in the subject position) in current Afrikaans, which was earlier stigmatised as Khoi Afrikaans. This area of the interior is currently regarded as the origin of many of today's Afrikaans dialects. At the beginning of the twentieth century, language creators made serious efforts to Dutchify GRA Afrikaans, and the "write as we speak" principle of the GRA was changed in such a way as to link Afrikaans more closely to Dutch; the writing somewhat resembled the way Afrikaans was written in the newspaper tradition. In this way, a shortcut was taken to elevate the status of Afrikaans and expand its corpus. This Dutchification process had a number of implications for later Standard Afrikaans. Dutchified Afrikaans created some distance between this Afrikaans and the Afrikaans of its dialects, with the result that this rich source of Afrikaans became marginalised. The spelling of many words from GRA Afrikaans was adapted to the Dutch model, and earlier well-known rural constructions and dialectal forms were lost (such as agint, speul and worre, for agent, speel and word). Currently there is an increase in literary works written in varietal Afrikaans. The Afrikaans used in these works differs in various respects from Standard Afrikaans because it still contains some remnants of the language spoken in the period before Dutchification took place. But Dutchified Afrikaans remained a separate language. Quite a bit of material from the farmer's language, as written by the GRA, was preserved. The same applies as regards created constructs. The argument put forward here is that the Afrikaans double negative, for which a source cannot be found in the history of the Afrikaans language, was created by the GRA. By linking Afrikaans to Dutch during early legislation, an interesting move was made to support Afrikaans: In this, the argument was that Dutch included Afrikaans, something that is not borne out by the history of Afrikaans. After the Dutchification phase, "Dutch" continued to be linked to the language name "Afrikaans", for example in compounds such as "Afrikaans-Dutch". Steyn's outstanding book does not just deal with the origins of Afrikaans. Ons gaan'n taal maak shares with its readers, through many of the approximately 200 photographs that have been used, the highlights of the Afrikaans language creation period, and takes them through the later period of its history, sometimes with quite some nostalgia. Reading Steyn's book brings one to a better understanding of the creation of Afrikaans, and it is simultaneously also quite thought-provoking.
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It is argued that there are two types of asymmetric negative concord languages: in languages like Spanish and Italian, negative concord results from a purely formal agreement relation between the negation and a negative concord item. In Quebec French, in addition to this purely formal licensing, there is a negative dependency relation between both items, which form two segments of a discontinuous negative quantifier. This accounts for the following differences. While Spanish, Italian and Quebec French reject negative concord between a subject negative expression and the negation, in Quebec French, negative concord with the negation becomes possible when the clause contains a postverbal negative expression in addition to a preverbal one. Moreover, in Quebec French, but not in Spanish or Italian, negative concord is blocked across a quantifier meaning
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While it has long been assumed that prosody can help resolve syntactic and semantic ambiguities, empirical evidence has shown that the mapping between prosody and meaning is complex (Hirschberg & Avesani, 2000; Jackendoff, 1972). This paper investigates the prosody of ambiguous French sentences with multiple potentially negative terms that allow two semantically very distinct interpretations—a single negation reading involving so-called negative concord (NC), and a double negative reading (DN) with a positive meaning reflecting a strictly compositional interpretation—with the goal to further research on the role of prosody in ambiguities by examining whether intonation can be recruited by speakers to signal distinct interpretations of these sentences to hearers. Twenty native speakers produced transitive sentences with potentially negative terms embedded in contexts designed to elicit single-negation or double-negation readings. Analysis regarding the F0 and the duration of the utterances revealed distinct prosodic profiles for the two readings, confirming previous evidence that speakers can produce characteristic acoustic cues to signal intended distinctive meanings (Kraljic & Brennan, 2005; Syrett, Simon, & Nisula, 2014). Our results reveal that NC readings feature a focused subject and a deaccented object, in contrast to DN readings where both the subject and the object were independently focused. They do not relate DN to contradiction but link negative meaning with focus on French negative concord items (NCI). The paper discusses the implications of these findings for theoretical approaches to NC and outlines further questions for the syntax-prosody interface of these constructions.
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This article discusses the origin and historical development of the German n-indefinite kein , which is an unusual negator because it does not share the initial n that marks virtually all other negatives in German. Despite the discussion about its origins going back to the nineteenth century, it is still unclear how kein first emerged and out of which other forms it developed. In this paper, new light is shed on an old controversy using new data and modern corpus-linguistic tools, in this case the Referenzkorpus Mittelhochdeutsch (ReM). The article first summarises the current state of research before presenting and analysing the data. In combination with additional evidence, the results show that certain hypotheses that have to this day been treated as accurate are in fact not viable. Subsequently, a solution that combines some of the existing theses and is compatible with the data is presented: Morphological reanalysis and the ensuing back-formation of kein’ s predecessor nehein – in combination with a phonologically conditioned sound substitution triggered by a shift of the syllable boundary – in the context of negative concord seems the most likely candidate for an accurate explanation of the emergence and early usage patterns of kein in Middle High German. Incongruent evidence from Swiss German, however, suggests that partially convergent developments ensuing from different indefinite forms have taken place in that variety.
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Negative indefinites like nobody and nothing are traditionally analyzed as negative quantifiers. The crosslinguistic validity of this analysis is challenged by the phenomenon of negative concord, where negative indefinites co‐occur with other items expressing negation in the same clause and nevertheless the meaning of the sentence involves only one negation. After giving a short overview of the main patterns of negative concord, this chapter critically discusses the most influential approaches. The first type of analysis assumes that negative indefinites in negative concord languages are lexically ambiguous between inherently negative quantifiers and nonnegative indefinites. The second type of approach maintains the standard analysis of negative indefinites as negative quantifiers. The third line of approach holds that negative indefinites in negative concord languages are semantically nonnegative. These approaches either assume that negative indefinites in negative concord languages are negative polarity items or analyze the relation between negative indefinites and sentential negation as a form of syntactic agreement.
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I contributi raccolti nel presente volume delineano lo stato dell’arte delle ricerche di linguistica slava svolte recentemente nell’ambito della slavistica italiana. I saggi sono dedicati a temi di morfologia, sintassi, semantica, lessicologia, pragmatica, sociolinguistica e didattica delle lingue slave, in ottica contrastiva, sincronica o diacronica, secondo quadri teorici e approcci metodologici di scuole e tradizioni diverse. La grande varietà dei temi trattati dagli autori, non solo italiani, è la più viva testimonianza della vivacità e della ricchezza che oggi permeano lo studio delle lingue slave in Italia e non solo.
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This chapter examines the distribution of a selection of negative dependent indefinites in Atlantic Creoles in general and Vincentian in particular and their syntactic behavior in the presence of sentential negation. It is posited here that the syntactic behavior of indefinites can be partially accounted for under the negative-first principle (Jespersen 1917: 5; Horn 1989: 73). The negative concord phenomenon is also governed by the same principle. With specific reference to Vincentian, it is shown, however, that the negative-first principle needs to be expanded to embrace an analysis supporting two underlying principles. Firstly, there should be one negative concord item (NCI) per clause and secondly, an NCI like nobadi ‘nobody’ can only have scope over the clause if it is in a prominent syntactic position within the verb phrase, i.e. immediately following the verb
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This paper presents a series of quantitative gradient acceptability judgment studies of English negative sentences. Adult native speakers of American English recruited via Amazon’s Mechanical Turk were asked to rate sentences on a scale of 1 to 7 on the basis of their naturalness. The main study compares sentences with the marker 'n’t 'and either a negative object (e.g. ‘John didn’t eat nothing’) or a negative subject in canonical position (‘nobody didn’t eat’). Each sentence type has two possible interpretations, one in which the two negatives contribute a single semantic negation, the so-called Negative Concord reading, and another in which the two negations yield a semantic Double Negation logically equivalent to an affirmative. While mean acceptability ratings were below the median for all items, statistical analyses of the gradient data revealed that speakers prefer Negative Concord over Double Negation readings for sentences with negative objects. To rule out a processing explanation for the preference for negative objects over sentence initial negatives, a follow-up study tested the acceptability of sentences with a single negative subject or object and no negative marker. This revealed a preference for subjects, suggesting that the object preference in the two negatives study is a true grammatical effect. A third study revealed that Double Negation constructions are unacceptable overall even in explicit denial contexts, and a fourth study added Negative Auxiliary Inversion constructions (e.g. ‘Didn’t nobody eat’), to compare three types of Negative Concord. The results of all four studies are argued to reveal an English grammar that generates both Negative Concord and Double Negation, and in which Negative Concord is generated despite its unacceptability and reported absence in usage.
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This paper addresses the contribution that corpus-based studies of syntactic variation can make to the construction, elaboration and testing of formal syntactic theories, with a particular focus on the testing dimension. In particular, I present a new empirical study of obligatory and optional asymmetric negative concord phenomena, and I show how an influential analysis for obligatory concord patterns (de Swart, 2010) can be tested using variation data through looking at the predictions that its natural probabilistic extension makes for the forms, interpretations and frequency distributions of expressions in languages in which asymmetric concord is optional. In obligatory negative concord languages like Spanish, negative indefinites, such as nadie ‘no one’, appear bare in preverbal position (i.e. in an expression like Nadie ha venido ‘No one came’), but they co-occur with the negative marker no in postverbal negative concord structures such as No he visto a nadie ‘I did not see anyone.’ (lit. ‘I did not see no one.’). Furthermore, in this language, co-occurrence between a negative marker and an n-word is either prohibited ( * Nadie no ha venido ), or it is obligatory ( *He visto a nadie). Québec French shows a variable version of the Spanish pattern in which the negation marker optionally co-occurs with postverbal negative indefinites ( J’ai ( pas ) vu personne ‘I saw no one’) but is prohibited with preverbal negative indefinites * Personne est pas venu (Ok: Personne est venu. ‘No one came’). I show how the predictions for Montréal French of de Swart’s analysis of Spanish can be tested (and, in this case, mostly verified) using a quantitative study of the distribution of bare and concord structures in the Montréal 84 corpus of spoken Montréal French (Thibault & Vincent, 1990) through looking at its natural extension within Boersma (1998)’s stochastic generalization of the Optimality Theory framework, which is the framework in which de Swart’s proposal is set.
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Abtreibung. Schwangerschaftsabbruch ist auch in Afrika eine verbreitete Form der Geburtenregelung. Man schätzt, dass weltweit etwa 15% aller Schwangerschaften in einer Fehlgeburt und 22% in einer A. enden. Von den jährl. Weltweit etwa 50 Mio. A. werden etwa 20 Mio. von Personen ohne die notwendigen Fertigkeiten durchgefährt und/oder in einer Umgebung, die nicht minimalen medizin. Standards entspricht. Da fast alle Länder Afrikas A. verbieten oder nur in sehr eng definierten Ausnahmen zulassen (Gefahr für Leben und Gesundheit der Frau, Vergewaltigung), werden die meisten A. unter unzureichenden Bedingungen vorgenommen; eine Notfallversorgung ist kaum gegeben. Die auf jährl, 5 Mio. geschätzten Risiko-A. in Afrika resultieren in etwa 34.000 Todesfällen sowie einem Vielfachen an gesundheitlichen Folgen. Durchschnittl.
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This paper has three main points. First, contrary to what is often stated, negative concord is not all that frequent and certainly not the most frequent strategy to express single clausal negation in a clause with an indefinite noun phrase or adverbial in the scope of the negation. Second, the subtype of negative concord called ‘strict negative concord’ is much more frequent than the subtype of ‘non-strict negative concord’. These two claims are based on a worldwide sample of 179 languages. Third, it is argued that non-strict negative concord shows too much variation for it to be seen as the one choice of a two-way split between strict and non-strict negative concord. Given the relative rarity of non-strict negative concord, this claim is not based on the worldwide sample, but on a survey of the research literature.
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Introduction The Germanic languages have most likely been ‘areal’ since prehistoric times. When Germanic split off from Indo-European, it was probably in part due to contact with non-Indo-European languages. And if we time-travel straight to the present, we see that the most successful Germanic language, with success defined in terms of global societal relevance and the number of first or second language speakers, i.e. English, is also very ‘areal’ (Hickey 2012a). For one thing, English is very Romance, arguably also partly Celtic and, though it is a West Germanic language, it is also North Germanic to an appreciable extent. And for another thing, due to its worldwide geographical spread, English is now giving rise to a large number of contact varieties. English is indeed areally unique, but the stories of the other Germanic languages also have important areal dimensions, for example with Low German shaping Continental North Germanic, Danish splitting away from Norwegian, or Dutch giving rise to Afrikaans. The current chapter sketches the research and issues in the areal linguistics of the Germanic languages. In Section 9.2 some general notions are introduced. Section 9.3 deals with areality within Germanic and Section 9.4 with areality involving Germanic and non-Germanic. Section 9.5 is the conclusion. Note that the current chapter overlaps with several others, namely the chapter by Stolz and Levkovych on the phonologies of languages in Europe (Chapter 6), that by Kortmann and Schröter on varieties of English (Chapter 11), that by Hickey on the British Isles (Chapter 10) and that by Mesthrie on South Africa (Chapter 19). The volume-wide presence of English is partially a result of the areal success of the language, but not entirely. English is clearly the best-studied language in the world, but that does not mean that its areal linguistics has been attended to sufficiently. In fact, for a long time it was not, but recent years have seen a drastic change (e.g. Hickey 2012a; Miller 2012; Schreier and Hundt 2013). Although this chapter cannot focus on English, the language cannot be absent either, for we may not always agree with our fellow linguists. We will also take special care to compare the areal linguistics of English with that of the other Germanic languages.
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Cet article, basédeux études decorpus,comparele phénomène de la concordance négative(CN)enpicard et enfrançais montréalais. Après avoir défini les phénomènes étudiés, il présenterapidement lefonctionnement de la négation et de la concordance négative en picard, et leurressemblances avec le système montréalais.La concordance entre marqueur négatifet mot-N y est à la fois possible et optionnelle: j’n’in sais (mie) rien ‘je n’en sais rien’ (picard), j’ai (pas)rien contre la loi cent un ‘je n’ai rien contre la loi cent un’ (québécois). Les contrastes en termes de contextes syntaxiques permettant ou non la CNoptionnelle, conduisent à poser ces deux dialectes commetypologiquement distinctssur des points considérés comme théoriquement cruciaux, comme la possibilité de la CNentre un marqueur denégation et un mot-N préverbalou dans des énoncés fragmentaires. Néanmoins, onmontre qu’une prise en compte plus fine des propriétéslexicalesdes items en jeuet de leurs fréquences d’emploi relativesmodifiece schéma typologique:elle montred’étonnantes convergences entre les deux systèmes, qui invitent à repenser la manière d’aborder la microvariation syntaxique. L’article défend enfin l’hypothèse que les différences entre les deux dialectes reposent sur l’existence d’un marqueur secondaire en picard, occupant une position syntaxique distinctedu marqueur pas ou point.
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Negation is a topic that has received considerable attention ever since the early days of sign language linguistics; also, it is one of the grammatical domains that has given the impetus for sign language typology. In this paper, we offer a typological and theoretical contribution to the study of sign language negation. As for the typological side, we add Georgian Sign Language (GESL) to the pool of languages investigated. Our description reveals that GESL displays a number of typologically unusual features: a considerable number of negative particles, including emphatic, prohibitive, and tense-specific particles; specialized negative modals; and a wide range of possibilities for Negative Concord (NC) involving two manual negative signs, including a unique tense-specific instance of NC. Most of the patterns we report—available negative particles, their clausal position, and NC possibilities—are clearly different from those attested in spoken Georgian. As for the theoretical contribution, we investigate how the highly complex GESL negation system compares to existing taxonomies of NC and Double Negation systems, and we conclude that GESL aligns with certain languages that have been classified as atypical NC languages.
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Brazilian Portuguese exhibits three strategies of clausal negation. This work analyzes and interprets these strategies in the framework of Functional Linguistics. The analysis is based on a corpus of written and spoken material produced by students from different levels of schooling. The negative patterns are in variation, performing the same general discourse function of denying. It is assumed that variation reflects a linguistic change in progress. The study reveals the interaction of two competing motivations, one in the direction of restoring iconicity and the other leading to a decrease of iconicity, in a movement towards economy.
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