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Island Erosion and Afflicted Population: Crisis and Policies to Handle Climate Change

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Environmental Refugees are unable to maintain a secure livelihood in their own habitat due to environmental hazards, with minor optimism to return. This category includes the people who are displaced due to the disruption in physical and/or social systems, and subsequent losses or degradation of ecosystem services. The impacts of sea level rise in combination with complex hydrodynamic conditions, have caused severe coastal erosion on islands of the Indian Sundarban. In a recent past, within the Hugli River (lower course of River Ganga) estuary, three islands namely Lohachahara, Suparibhanga and Bedford completely submerged and Ghoramara Island eroded significantly which resulted in a considerable population of environmental refugees. In 1991 there were 374 inhabitants in the Lohachara Island who became landless after submergence, and were compelled to move other places. Ghoramara Island is located between 21° 53′ 56″ N to 21° 55′ 37″ N latitude and 88° 06′ 59″ E to 88° 08′ 35″ E longitude within the Hugli estuary of western part of Indian Sundarban. The major occupation of local people is agriculture, fishing and prawn seed collection. Time series analyses using multi-temporal satellite imageries of 1975 and 2010 unfold the erosional pattern of this island. Some of the distinct villages of this island are already under water. Due to the displacement from their own habitat and also gradual loss in ecosystem services, increased rate of migration in this island has resulted. The poorer people who lost their homeland were compelled to move towards mainland areas like Kakdwip/Namkhana or comparatively stable islands like Sagar Island, with little or without any token compensation from the Government. Some of the economically stable people migrated to their other properties in the central part of the Island, hence ensuring their wellbeing. This people are often still paying land tax for their lost land, with little hope of becoming compensated by either cash or land, in the near future.
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217
Abstract Environmental Refugees are unable to maintain a secure livelihood in
their own habitat due to environmental hazards, with minor optimism to return.
This category includes the people who are displaced due to the disruption in
physical and/or social systems, and subsequent losses or degradation of ecosys-
tem services. The impacts of sea level rise in combination with complex hydro-
dynamic conditions, have caused severe coastal erosion on islands of the Indian
Sundarban. In a recent past, within the Hugli River (lower course of River Ganga)
estuary, three islands namely Lohachahara, Suparibhanga and Bedford completely
submerged and Ghoramara Island eroded significantly which resulted in a consid-
erable population of environmental refugees. In 1991 there were 374 inhabitants
in the Lohachara Island who became landless after submergence, and were com-
pelled to move other places. Ghoramara Island is located between 21° 53 56 N
to 21° 55 37 N latitude and 88° 06 59 E to 88° 08 35 E longitude within
the Hugli estuary of western part of Indian Sundarban. The major occupation of
local people is agriculture, fishing and prawn seed collection. Time series anal-
yses using multi-temporal satellite imageries of 1975 and 2010 unfold the ero-
sional pattern of this island. Some of the distinct villages of this island are already
under water. Due to the displacement from their own habitat and also gradual loss
in ecosystem services, increased rate of migration in this island has resulted. The
poorer people who lost their homeland were compelled to move towards mainland
areas like Kakdwip/Namkhana or comparatively stable islands like Sagar Island,
Chapter 15
Island Erosion and Afflicted Population:
Crisis and Policies to Handle Climate
Change
Tuhin Ghosh, Rituparna Hajra and Anirban Mukhopadhyay
W. Leal Filho et al. (eds.), International Perspectives on Climate Change,
Climate Change Management, DOI: 10.1007/978-3-319-04489-7_15,
© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2014
T. Ghosh (*) · R. Hajra · A. Mukhopadhyay
School of Oceanographic Studies, Jadavpur University, Kolkata 700032, India
e-mail: tuhin_ghosh@yahoo.com
R. Hajra
e-mail: rituparnahajra2502@gmail.com
A. Mukhopadhyay
e-mail: anirban_iirs@yahoo.com
218 T. Ghosh et al.
with little or without any token compensation from the Government. Some of the
economically stable people migrated to their other properties in the central part of
the Island, hence ensuring their wellbeing. This people are often still paying land
tax for their lost land, with little hope of becoming compensated by either cash or
land, in the near future.
Keywords  Erosion  •  Refugee  •  Migration  •  Rehabilitation  policy  •  Ghoramara 
Island
Introduction
In the context of climate change and aggravated natural hazards, environ-
ment related migration is evolving as a global crisis due to the displacement of
larger sections of population from their own original areas. The concept of
Environmental Refugee was first introduced by Lester Brown, from the World
Watch Institute in the 1970s (Black 2001). Contemporary studies by El-Hinnawi
(1985) and Jacobson (1988) on forced migration due to environmental degrada-
tion and natural hazards, further popularized the concept. This group of people are
forced to leave their own habitat temporarily or permanently, due to the disruption
in their supporting ecosystems or from environmental hazards (El-Hinnawi 1985).
Jacobson (1988) expressed that the environmental refugees are evolving as a sin-
gle largest cluster of displaced persons in the globe. The concept of environmental
refugee has become much more popularized, and has been receiving proper atten-
tion during recent times (Mayer 2002).
The waves of environmental migrants that spill across borders can destabilize
domestic law and order, and also international relations, associated with environ-
mental degradation (Homer-Dixon 1991). Also, Myers (2002) described the envi-
ronmental migrants often cannot have any hope to get secured livelihood in their
homelands, and little or no chances to return. Here, the migrants are considered
to experience the so-called trans-border migration. But, the migration may not be
always trans-border. During decades, the close links between environmental degra-
dation and forced migration has been observed (UNHCR 1993), and the social/eco-
nomic/political reasons—rather than any single driving factor—have predominantly
played a role. It is very difficult to distinguish the migrants driven by environmental
or economic factors. Most often, poorer people driven by environmental degrada-
tion (Myers 1993), indicate that the definitions of such refugees are ambiguous and
inconsistence. In fact, governments and international agencies find it difficult to rec-
ognise environmental migrants to, as they often do not have any legal basis.
The 1951 United Nation Convention on Refugees and the subsequent amend-
ment in 1967 expressed the initial international law or standard criterion to define
the term refugee and Bate (2002) showed that the compulsion can vary from mod-
erate to intense. There are several conflicts on the definition of the refugees, on the
219
15 Island Erosion and Afflicted Population: Crisis and Policies to Handle Climate Change
basis of the 1951 UN Convention and a global debate is ongoing for its refinement
(Bell 2004; Black 2001) as the Geneva treaty on International Refugee Legislation
and United Nations High Commissioner of Refugees were established after World
war II (Stojanov et al. 2008). This revision needs to clarify the new emerging groups
of migrants like Internally Displaced people, Economic Refugee, Humanitarian
Refugee and Environmental Refugee. As an alternative, the concept of internally
displaced persons (IDPs) appears relevant to those suffering displacement by envi-
ronmental change and the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, along with
national implementation policies, indicate a developing and expanding regime
potentially suitable for climate change migrants (Williams 2008). The UNHCR’s
Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement identifies rights and guarantees for the
protection of those suffering forced displacement (UNHCR 1998). So far, the prob-
lem of environmental refugee is increasing. Based on this fact, organizations such as
the International Organization for Migration, the UN Environment Programme and
IPCC are taking initiatives on this matter (Black 2001).
Large scale migration is often taken as a ‘cause’ rather than the ‘effect’ of
environmental degradation (Williamson 1996). Increasing flow of migrants put
additional pressure on the resources of the destination areas, and threatens the
livelihoods of present inhabitant (Panda 2010). In addition, movers may have
to accept whatever opportunities come their way in the new location (Lonergan
1998). Complete resettlement of environmental migrants is difficult (Mayers
1993). Movement may lead to the substitution of one set of stresses (environmen-
tal) for another (economic, social, political and/or further environmental stresses)
(Lonergan 1998). An appropriate plan is necessary to combat the negative impact
of environmental migrants on the ecological sensitive area like Ghoramara Island
(Hazra and Bakshi 2003).
Environmental Migrants from Vanishing Island
The IPCC (1990) estimated that climate change will aggravate the displacement of
people and further migration due to various disruptions in their wellbeing. There
is a projection of 150 million people by 2050 (Myers 2002), in which 50 million
people will be displaced due to a 1 m sea level rise (Jacobson 1988). Almost 120
million people could be rendered homeless by 2,100 both in India and Bangladesh,
due to sea level rise and given the proximity of Bangladesh to India much of the
people will end up as migrants in Indian cities which are already facing resource
scarcity (Rajan 2008).
Myers (2002) argues that climate migrants from Bangladesh alone might out-
number all current displaced population worldwide. Similarly, a large stretch of the
Indian coast is under risk due to sea level rise, along with intensifying cyclone and
larger storm surges. As India possess second largest population (63 million), 7,500 km
coastline, 60 % people living in the low lying coastal zone and seventh in terms of
area (82,000 sq km) (McGranahan et al. 2007). According to Kelman (2006) climate
220 T. Ghosh et al.
change often effects on freshwater quality and geomorphological changes which
might make some Small Island Developing States uninhabited forcing migration. In
the Hugli River estuary within the Sundarban Island system on Bay of Bengal there
are evidences of submergence of islands, severe erosion and migration of island
dwellers (Ghosh et al. 2003; Hazra et al. 2002; Hazra and Bakshi 2003). In recent
past, three such islands namely Lohachara, Suparibhanga, and Bedford completely
submerged (Ghosh et al. 2003) and another populated island Ghoramara experienc-
ing severe erosion and aerial loss (Ghosh and Sengupta 1997; Ghosh et al. 2003).
Ghoramara Island located between 21° 53 56 N to 21° 55 37 N latitude and 88°
06 59 E to 88° 08 35 E longitude within the Hugli estuary of western part of Indian
Sundarban (Fig. 15.1). The major villages within the Ghoramar Island are Khasimara,
Khasimara Char, Lakshmi Narayanpur, Bagpara, Baishnabpara, Hatkhola, Raipara,
Mandirtala, and Chunpuri, of which first five villages are already under water (Jana
et al. 2012; Ghosh and Sengupta 1997; Ghosh et al. 2003). The island is under threat
of severe erosion, embankment failure, cyclone and storm surge (Hazra and Bakshi
2003; Ghosh et al. 2003). Largely, these are the factors for habitat loss, gradual loss in
ecosystem services, depreciation in wellbeing and resultant migration of the people of
this island.
Methodology
In this study, the use of primary and secondary data has been employed, as there
is a serious lack of migration data with local administrations. Primary data of
the study area was collected through field surveys with structured questionnaire
Ghoramara
Island
Naya
char
Islan
d
Sagar
Island
Fig. 15.1 Location map of Ghoramara Island
221
15 Island Erosion and Afflicted Population: Crisis and Policies to Handle Climate Change
surveys involving the local inhabitants of Ghoramara and Sagar Islands, while
satellite image analyses show the level of degradation on the basis of coastal erosion.
A questionnaire survey revealed the impact of coastal erosion on the popula-
tion, their livelihood and the adaptive response as a form of accelerated migration.
This has also unfold the perception of local people on erosion induced migration,
managements etc. Time series satellite image analysis was done using the multi-
temporal satellite imageries of 1975, 1990, 2001, 2010 to understand the changing
patterns of the islands. Secondary data from different years were collected from
Census of India, and the population dynamics was studied.
Result and Discussion
The time series analysis is showing a considerably higher areal loss of Ghoramara
Island. Satellite images of 1975, 1990, 2001 and 2010 have been used for this
change detection study (Fig. 15.2).
The time series analysis shows that total area of Ghoramara was 8.51 sq km
in 1975, decreased substantially to 4.43 sq km in 2012 which clearly indicates
the severity of erosion (Fig. 15.3). Erosion was higher during 1975–1990 and in
this period Lohachara, Suparibhanga and Bedford Islands become submerged
along with the Khasimara, Khasimara Char, Lakshmi Narayanpur, Bagpara,
Baishnabpara villages of Ghoramara.
Among these islands, Lohachara and Ghoramara were populated. Thus a grad-
ual process of habitat loss is observed, which drives the urgency for migration.
Fig. 15.2 Time series analysis to identify the extent of erosion in Ghoramara Island during
1975–2012
222 T. Ghosh et al.
The major event of migration occurred during 1975–1990, due to the massive
erosion within that island cluster.
This populous island ecosystem is rapidly changing its morphology due to the
exclusive erosion. Lohachara and Bedford Islands disappeared from its original
location and triggered the migration of their local inhabitants. As a result, the rate
of population growth in Ghoramara Island is 0.55 % while the overall growth the
Sagar administrative block is much higher than that, about 2.1 % per annum. Only
due to migration, the actual growth is much lower than the expected growth (as
per the block level growth rate) (Fig. 15.4). The census of India shows very slow
growth rate in Ghoramara from the year 1971, 1981, 1991, and 2001, in compari-
son to other stable islands nearby (Fig. 15.4) (Population Census of India; 1971,
1981, 1991, 2001). The displaced people mainly took shelter at nearby islands like
Sagar Island. During 1981–1991 the actual population of Sagar Island became
higher than the expected population (with usual 2.1 % growth rate), due to large
number of migrants took shelter in Sagar Island for the submergence of Lohachara
and five villages of Ghoramara. The population has been decreased from 5236 to
5193 during the year 2001–2011 which may be attributed to migration (Fig. 15.4),
in spite of existing growth rate within the same administrative area.
It is hard to keep an eye on the migration flow as actual record of migrants is
not available from the administration. The local people’s perception in majority
is around 4000 people migrated from Ghoramara island (Fig. 15.5). This quan-
tification of migrated people has been inferred from the questionnaire survey,
as the respondent estimated the number of the family migrated due to erosion.
Fig. 15.3 Degradation of land area during 1975–2012
1975
1990
2012
2001
4.43 sq km
5.11 sq km
5.99 sq km
8.51 sq km
1971 1981 1991 2001
4000
5000
6000
7000
8000
Total Population
Existing
Population
Expected
Population
GHORAMARA ISLAND
1971 1981 1991 2001
90000
112000
134000
156000
178000
200000
Total Population
Existing
Population
Expected
Population
SAGAR ISLAND
Fig. 15.4 Population growth trend in Ghoramara and Sagar Island from 1971 to 2001
223
15 Island Erosion and Afflicted Population: Crisis and Policies to Handle Climate Change
As the migration is also related with human behavior with ‘push’ factors encour-
age migration out of their own decision. Gradually, with no or little effort for
policy formulation to combat the worst situation was dramatically changed the
mindset of the community. It is revealed from the survey that 56 % of the inhabit-
ants of Ghoramara have faith on local deity rather than the management strategies
(Fig. 15.6). It halts the implementation of preparedness efforts and the community
becomes more vulnerable. This fatalism is often driven by their socio-economic
condition, which mostly determined by the proximity to the hazard prone area,
and becomes more ‘unlucky’ according to them. Absence of awareness and lack of
capacity building is common among the inhabitants.
Conclusion
Worldwide coastal erosion is a common feature in any river estuary, often associ-
ated with huge and intensive sediment discharges. The estuary of the River Hugli
is no exception, and the erosion within this estuarine island system is likely to
displace thousands of vulnerable people in the future, compelling them to move
away from their own home areas. According to international laws, these displaced
people are yet to be recognized as environmental refugees. There seems to be
no official data related to climate-related migration, which shows a deficiency in
respect of research. The tracking of migrants from the sending areas and from the
receiving areas is a critical task. In reality, the scope for the formulation of pol-
icy for their rehabilitation is still uncertain. The complexity of the natural systems
and their functional relationship with society is a major hindrance for this kind of
policy formulation.
Fig. 15.5 Number of out
migrants from Ghoramara
Island (according to
islanders’ perception)
No of Persons
<1000
1000-2000
2000-3000
3000-4000
>4000
Fig. 15.6 Percentage
of community trust on
management and fatalism
ϱϲ͘Ϯϱй ϰϯ͘ϳϱй
ĐĂůĞŝƚLJ
ŶĂŐĞŵĞŶƚ
224 T. Ghosh et al.
As this paper has shown, erosion has already washed out several settlements,
producing environmental refugees. The estimation of total migration has been
analysed from the difference between the expected and estimated population
to be affected, calculated using the population growth rate and population data
(Census). There is a real time relationship between the coastal erosion and migra-
tion, although the total migration never complies with that. Even though, in this
case study erosion is the major environmental driving factor, there are a number of
other reasons and factors behind this migration.
The immediate necessity for vulnerability assessments to formulate a common
agenda with implementable policy has to be considered in a regional scale, and
there is a perceived need to establish a linkage between climate phenomena, the
environment, population and poverty.
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Settlements in coastal lowlands are especially vulnerable to risks resulting from climate change, yet these lowlands are densely settled and growing rapidly. In this paper, we undertake the first global review of the population and urban settlement patterns in the Low Elevation Coastal Zone (LECZ), defined here as the contiguous area along the coast that is less than 10 metres above sea level. Overall, this zone covers 2 per cent of the world's land area but contains 10 per cent of the world's population and 13 per cent of the world's urban population. A disproportionate number of the countries with a large share of their population in this zone are small island countries, but most of the countries with large populations in the zone are large countries with heavily populated delta regions. On average, the Least Developed Countries have a higher share of their population living in the zone (14 per cent) than do OECD countries (10 per cent), with even greater disparities in the urban shares (21 per cent compared to 11 per cent). Almost two-thirds of urban settlements with populations greater than 5 million fall, at least partly, in the zone. In some countries (most notably China), urbanization is driving a movement in population towards the coast. Reducing the risk of disasters related to climate change in coastal settlements will require a combination of mitigation, migration and settlement modification.
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Thomas F. Homer-Dixon is an Assistant Professor at University College, University of Toronto, and Coordinator of the College's Peace and Conflict Studies Program. He is co-director of an international research project on Environmental Change and Acute Conflict sponsored jointly by his Program and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. This article is an abridged version of a paper prepared for the Global Environmental Change Committee of the Social Science Research Council and for a conference on "Emerging Trends in Global Security" convened by York University in October, 1990. The full paper is available from the author. Portions have appeared in "Environmental Change and Economic Decline in Developing Countries," International Studies Notes, Vol. 16, No. 1 (Winter 1991), pp. 18-23; "Environmental Change and Human Security," Behind the Headlines, Vol. 48, No. 3 (Toronto: Canadian Institute for International Affairs, 1991); and "Environmental Change and Violent Conflict," American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Occasional Paper No. 4 (June 1990). For their helpful comments, the author is grateful to Peter Cebon, William Clark, Daniel Deudney, Darya Farha, Peter Gleick, Ernst Haas, Fen Hampson, Roger Karapin, Jill Lazenby, Vicki Norberg-Bohm, Ted Parson, George Rathjens, James Risbey, Richard Rockwell, Thomas Schelling, Eugene Skolnikoff, Martha Snodgrass, Janice Stein, Urs Thomas, Myron Weiner, and Jane Willms. Financial support for research and writing was received from The Royal Society of Canada, the Donner Canadian Foundation, and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 1. See, for example, Janet Welsh Brown, ed., In the U.S. Interest: Resources, Growth, and Security in the Developing World (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1990); Neville Brown, "Climate, Ecology and International Security," Survival, Vol. 31, No. 6 (November/December 1989), pp. 519-532; Peter Gleick, "Climate Change and International Politics: Problems Facing Developing Countries," Ambio, Vol. 18, No. 6 (1989), pp. 333-339; Gleick, "The Implications of Global Climatic Changes for International Security," Climatic Change, Vol. 15, No. 1/2 (October 1989), pp. 309-325; Ronnie Lipschutz and John Holdren, "Crossing Borders: Resource Flows, the Global Environment, and International Security," Bulletin of Peace Proposals, Vol. 21, No. 2 (June 1990), pp. 121-33; Jessica Tuchman Mathews, "Redefining Security," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 68, No. 2 (Spring 1989), pp. 162-177; Norman Myers, "Environment and Security," Foreign Policy, No. 74 (Spring 1989), pp. 23-41; Michael Renner, National Security: The Economic and Environmental Dimensions, Worldwatch Paper No. 89 (Washington, D.C.: Worldwatch Institute, 1989); and Arthur Westing, ed., Global Resources and International Conflict: Environmental Factors in Strategic Policy and Action (Oxford: New York, 1986). For a skeptical perspective, see Daniel Deudney, "The Case Against Linking Environmental Degradation and National Security," Millennium, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Winter 1990), pp. 461-476. 2. Readers interested in a careful argument for an expanded notion of security that includes environmental threats to national well-being should see Richard Ullman, "Redefining Security," International Security, Vol. 8, No. 1 (Summer 1983), esp. pp. 133 and 143. 3. For example, see David Wirth, "Climate Chaos," Foreign Policy, No. 74 (Spring 1989), p. 10. 4. Robert Heilbroner, An Inquiry into the Human Prospect (New York: Norton, 1980), pp. 39 and 95; William Ophuls, Ecology and the Politics of Scarcity: A Prologue to a Political Theory of the Steady State (San Francisco: Freeman, 1977), pp. 214-217. 5. Fen Hampson, "The Climate for War," Peace and Security, Vol. 3, No. 3 (Autumn 1988), p. 9. 6. Jodi Jacobson, Environmental Refugees: A Yardstick of Habitability, Worldwatch Paper No. 86 (Washington, D.C.: Worldwatch Institute, 1988). 7. Peter Gleick, "Climate Change," p. 336; Malin Falkenmark, "Fresh Waters as a Factor in Strategic Policy and Action," in Westing, Global Resources, pp. 85-113. 8. Peter Wallensteen, "Food Crops as a Factor in Strategic Policy and Action," Westing, Global Resources, pp. 151-155. 9. Ibid., p. 146-151. 10. Ted Gurr, "On the Political Consequences of Scarcity and Economic Decline," International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 29, No. 1 (March 1985), pp. 51-75. 11. "The disappearance of ecological abundance seems bound to make international politics even more tension ridden and potentially violent than it already is. Indeed, the pressures of ecological scarcity may embroil the world in hopeless strife...
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