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Political Violence and Collective Aggression: Considering the Past, Imagining the Future

Authors:
Political Violence and Collective Aggression:
Considering the Past, Imagining the Future
Editors:
Rachel Monaghan
J. Martín Ramírez
Tali K. Walters
2009 CICA-STR
2009 CICA-STR International Conference on Political Violence and Collective Aggression
Political Violence and Collective Aggression:
Considering the Past, Imagining the Future
We would like to thank the Belfast Interface Project for allowing us to use
their photo by Frankie Quinn of the Madrid Street interface in east Belfast
(Photo: Frankie Quinn © Belfast Interface Project) on the front of this
booklet. For more information on the work of the Belfast Interface Project
please visit their website: www.belfastinterfaceproject.org
2009 CICA-STR
International Conference on
Political Violence and Collective Aggression:
Considering the Past, Imagining the Future
Programme and Abstracts
Jordanstown, Northern Ireland
2 - 5 September 2009
CONTENT
INTRODUCTION ........................................................................... 7
CONFERENCE ORGANISERS .................................................... 9
SPONSORS ...................................................................................... 12
SCIENTIFIC PROGRAMME ....................................................... 13
ABSTRACTS (in chronological order) ............................................ 29
LIST OF PARTICIPANTS (in alphabetical order) ......................... 79
PARTICIPANTS’ INDEX (in alphabetical order) ........................... 121
NOTES .............................................................................................. 125
INTRODUCTION
This week, 80 members of the world social science community are gathered
here in Northern Ireland, at the Jordanstown campus of the University
of Ulster for the 2009 CICA-STR International Conference on Political
Violence and Collective Aggression. The Coloquios Internacionales
sobre Cerebro y Agresión (CICA) and the Society for Terrorism Research
(STR), along with the Social and Policy Research Institute (SPRI) at
the University of Ulster, are hosts to researchers, thought leaders, and
practitioners from around the globe in this third annual gathering to learn,
share ideas, and inuence each other in the study of political violence and
collective aggression.
This year, Rachel Monaghan, Senior Lecturer in Criminology at the
University of Ulster and SPRI member, is the onsite conference organiser.
With her extensive professional contacts, Dr. Monaghan brought together
many of her colleagues from the United Kingdom to present on such wide
ranging topics as the denitions of aggression and terrorism, the use of
words in terrorism and political violence, the impact of interface areas in
Northern Ireland, and an examination of Northern Ireland in the post-peace
process period. Global issues related to political violence and collective
aggression will be addressed as well by participants from Estonia, Poland,
Italy, Croatia, Iran, Ireland, Portugal, Japan, Spain, Australia, and the
United States.
The Society for Terrorism Research is proud to host a celebration at the
conference to launch its agship journal Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism
and Political Aggression. There will be an opportunity to meet journal
co-editors Samuel Justin Sinclair and Daniel Antonius.
In 2006, J. Martín Ramírez of CICA was a fellow at Harvard University in
Boston, on leave from the Universidad Complutense in Madrid as a Professor
of Psychobiology and Head of the Aggression Research Group. That year, Tali
K. Walters also worked in Boston as a forensic psychologist and member of
the Governing Board of the newly emerging Society for Terrorism Research.
Brought together by their common interests in aggressive behaviour, and
with the goal of creating venues for interdisciplinary global collaboration,
they organized their rst CICA/STR International Conference. A broad
array of professionals were brought together to meet for three days, in
a relaxed venue, with a small enough number of people that everyone
would have a name, and would, we hoped, start collaborations to better
understand, and thus reduce, the violence associated with politics. We
believe that it is through this interdisciplinary, global collaboration that
such profound work will occur.
The rst CICA/STR International Conference convened in Miraores de
la Sierra, Spain, in September 2007. Many participants from the rst
conference, eager to continue relationships started in Miraores, returned
to the second CICA/STR International Conference in Zakopane, Poland the
following July 2008. This year, we welcome back many participants from
past years. They know that, through well planned organisation, personal
attention to attendants, and a sound scientic programme, they will have
the opportunity to share their research and ideas, learn from international
colleagues, inuence others, and develop interdisciplinary relationships
that lead to long term personal and professional collaboration.
In the past years, our invitation to participants has been to learn new
information, share ideas developed from individual cultures and
disciplines, and inuence each others work for when they return to their
home countries. This year, we would like to expand our invitation. We
invite you to become collaborators.
Learn Share Inuence Collaborate
Jordanstown, 2nd September 2009
8
CONFERENCE ORGANISERS
SCIENTIFIC COMMITTEE
J. Martín Ramírez
CICA Chairman
President of the Spanish Pugwash Movement
and
Universidad Complutense de Madrid
(Madrid, Spain)
Tali K. Walters
Vice-President, Society for Terrorism Research
Assistant Professor of Psychiatry, Tufts University School of Medicine
(Boston, USA)
Rachel Monaghan
Social and Policy Research Institute, University of Ulster
(Jordanstown, Northern Ireland)
ORGANISING COMMITTEE
Rachel Monaghan
Social and Policy Research Institute, University of Ulster
(Jordanstown, Northern Ireland)
J. Martín Ramírez
CICA Chairman
President of the Spanish Pugwash Movement
and
Universidad Complutense de Madrid
(Madrid, Spain)
Tali K. Walters
Vice-President, Society for Terrorism Research
Assistant Professor of Psychiatry, Tufts University School of Medicine
(Boston, USA)
10
INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY GROUP
John Archer, Former President of the International Society for Research
on Aggression (ISRA), University of Central Lancashire (England)
Caroline Blanchard, Former President of the ISRA, University of
Hawaii (USA)
Adam Fraczek, Former President of the ISRA, Maria Grzegorzewska
Academy of Special Education (Poland)
Arthur J. Kendall, President of the Capital Area Social Psychological
Association, Advisory Board of Society for Terrorism Research (USA)
Malgorzata Kossowska, President of the Polish Association of Social
Psychology, Jagiellonian University (Poland)
Alice Katherine LoCicero, Former President of the Society for
Terrorism Research, Endicott College (USA)
Rachel Monaghan, Member of the Social and Policy Research Institute,
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
Bob Osborne, Director of the Social and Policy Research Institute,
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
J. Martín Ramírez, Chairman of CICA, President of the Spanish
Pugwash Movement, Universidad Complutense de Madrid (Spain)
Deborah S. Richardson, President of the ISRA, Co-Organiser of the
Augusta CICA, University of Georgia (USA)
Samuel Justin Sinclair, President of the Society for Terrorism Research
(STR), Massachusetts General Hospital/Harvard Medical School (USA)
Tali K. Walters, Vice-President, Society for Terrorism Research, Assistant
Professor of Psychiatry, Tufts University School of Medicine (USA)
Guillermo Velarde, President of the Institute of Nuclear Fusion,
Universidad Politécnica de Madrid (Spain)
11
SPONSORS
Scientic Sponsors
CICA The Coloquios Internacionales sobre Cerebro y Agresión has
promoted and supported a multidisciplinary understanding of conict and
aggression through international, residential colloquia on the relationship
between the brain and the social context of aggression. Since 1983, with
the rst CICA in Seville, 26 scientic meetings have been held in several
countries in Europe, Asia, Africa and also in the Americas.
STR The Society for Terrorism Research was launched in 2006 as an
international, multi-disciplinary organisation of theoretical and empirical
researchers in the behavioural sciences. STR’s mission is to enhance
knowledge and understanding of terrorism through the integration of
ndings from the elds of anthropology, biology, economics, political
science, psychology, sociology, law and other behavioural sciences.
SPRI The Social and Policy Research Institute at the University of Ulster
seeks to harness and develop the highest quality research undertaken in
the Faculty of Social Sciences within the broad areas of social and public
policy, social work, education, politics and international affairs. It provides
an institutional framework for undertaking high quality research and for
the development of a vibrant research culture through organising seminars,
colloquia and lectures and a forum for engaging with policy makers and
those involved with service delivery in the public and voluntary sectors.
Social Sponsors
• SPRI, University of Ulster
• Taylor and Francis
12
SCIENTIFIC PROGRAMME
WEDNESDAY 2 September 2009
13:00 Registration and Coffee
14:00 – 14:45 Opening Ceremony
Professor Alistair Adair,
Provost of Jordanstown campus,
University of Ulster
Rachel Monaghan, Local Organiser
J. Martín Ramírez, Conference Co-Organiser,
CICA Chair
Samuel Justin Sinclair, President,
Society for Terrorism Research
14:45 – 15:45 Keynote Speech
Chair: Carmel Roulston (University of Ulster,
Northern Ireland)
Speaker: Dame Nuala O’Loan (Ireland’s Special Envoy
for Timor Leste and for UNSCR 1325, Women,
Peace and Security)
Policing in Northern Ireland:
Enabling the Future through the Past
15:45 – 16:15 Tea and Coffee
16:15 – 17:45 Symposium
Symposium I ‘Dening the Crime of Aggression’: The
Relationship between State Crime and
Individual Responsibility
Convenors: Chris Lamont and Gabriele Porretto
(University of Ulster, Northern Ireland)
Commentator: Jean Allain (Queen’s University Belfast,
Northern Ireland)
Participants: William Henderson (Glasgow Caledonian
University, Scotland)
Chris Lamont (University of Ulster, Northern
Ireland)
Yassin A M’Boge (Queen’s University Belfast,
Northern Ireland)
Gabriele Porretto (University of Ulster,
Northern Ireland)
17:45 – 18:00 Break
18:00 – 19:30 Parallel Panel Session 1:
Panel A Words Matter When Talking About Terrorism
Chair: Samuel Justin Sinclair (STR and Massachusetts
General Hospital, USA)
Participants: Dominic Bryan (Queen’s University Belfast,
Northern Ireland)
Why There is No Such Thing as Terrorism:
Problems of Denition
14
Harrison Weinstein, Darvis Frazer and Bruce
Bongar (Palo Alto University, USA)
Using the Language of Terror to Identify
Motivations: A Content Analysis of Islamic
Terrorists and Irish Republican Army Messages
Dominik Güss (University of North Florida,
USA)
Suicide Terrorism: Words Can Matter
Panel B Identifying Triggers for Terrorism and
Political Violence
Chair: Joshua Hill (Sam Houston State University,
USA)
Participants: Kathleen Smarick and Richard L. Legault
(National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism
and Responses to Terrorism, USA)
Ballot and Bombs? Terrorist Activity during
National Electoral Campaigns
Cornelia Beyer (University of Hull, England)
Violent Globalism – Conict in Response to
Empire
Lorenzo Gabutti (RAI Italian Radio and
Television, Italy)
Thomas Hobbes and the Containment of
Aggression
20:00 Dinner
15
THURSDAY 3 September 2009
8:30 – 9:30 Breakfast (for those staying on campus)
09:30 – 11:00 Parallel Panel Session 2:
Panel C Some Thoughts on the Islamic Terrorist
Threat in Europe
Chair: Roger MacGinty (University of St. Andrews,
Scotland)
Participants: Malgorzata Kossowska (Jagiellonian
University, Poland), Agnieszka Golec de
Zavala, (Middlesex University, England) and
Thomasz Kubik (Jagiellonian University,
Poland)
Impact of the Way People Perceived Terrorists on
the Fear of Future Terrorist Attacks
Felipe Duarte (Portuguese Catholic University,
Portugal)
Political Subversion or Religious Violence: The
Threat of Al-Qaeda Ideology in Europe
Emmanuel Karagiannis (University of
Macedonia, Greece)
European Converts to Islam: An Evolving
Threat?
Panel D State Attempts to Counter Terrorism
Chair: Jessie Blackbourn (Queen’s University Belfast,
Northern Ireland)
16
Participants: Jo Doody (University of Ulster, Northern
Ireland)
Moral Panics and the Strategy of Exclusion 1974
Gavin Boyd (University of Ulster, Northern
Ireland)
RUC GC – demons or altruistic mortals?
Onder Bakircioglu (Queen’s University Belfast,
Northern Ireland)
The Future of Preventive Wars: The Case of Iraq
11:00 – 11:30 Tea and Coffee
11:30 – 13:00 Parallel Symposia:
Symposium II The Future is Critical: The Critical Turn in
‘Terrorism’ Studies
Chair: Saideh Lotan (University of Tehran, Iran)
Participants: Marie Breen-Smyth (Aberystwyth University,
Wales)
Ayla Göl (Aberystwyth University, Wales)
Charlotte Heath-Kelly (Aberystwyth
University, Wales)
Richard Jackson (Aberystwyth University,
Wales)
Symposium III Social-psychological Predicators of Support
for Political Violence: Social Identity,
Group-based Threat, and Efcacy
Convenors: Nicole Tausch and Rim Saab
(Cardiff University, Wales)
17
Participants: Rim Saab (Cardiff University, Wales)
Russell Spears (Cardiff University, Wales)
Nicole Tausch (Cardiff University, Wales)
13:00 – 14:00 Lunch
14:00 – 15:30 Parallel Panel Session 3:
Panel E Remembering the ‘Troubles’
Chair: Natividad Carpintero-Santamaría
(Polytechnic University of Madrid, Spain)
Participants: Kris Brown (University of Ulster, Northern
Ireland)
‘Ancestry of Resistance’: The Political Use of
Commemoration by Ulster Loyalists and Irish
Republicans in a Post Conict Setting
Kirk Simpson
(University of Ulster, Northern Ireland)
Untold Stories: Unionist Remembrance of
Political Violence and Suffering in Northern
Ireland
Martin Russell
(University College Dublin, Ireland)
Redening Collective Aggression: Memory and
the Role of Irish America in the Northern Ireland
Peace Process
Panel F Peacemaking, Reconciliation and Coming to
Terms with the Past
Chair: Malgorzata Kossowska
(Jagiellonian University, Poland)
18
Participants: Joshua Hill and Daniel Mabrey (Sam Houston
State University, USA)
Terrorist De-radicalization as Peacemaking:
A Theoretical Evaluation of Terrorist
De-radicalization in Southeast Asia
Eugene McNamee
(University of Ulster, Northern Ireland)
The Politics of Reconciliation for Rwanda and
the ICTR
Aisling Swaine
(University of Ulster, Northern Ireland)
The Public and Private Experience of Violence
and Women’s Exclusion in Post-conict
Timor-Leste
15:30 – 16:00 Tea and Coffee
16:00 – 17:00 Keynote Speech:
Chair: J. Martín Ramírez (CICA and Universidad
Complutense de Madrid, Spain)
Speaker: Saideh Lotan (Chair of Pugwash Council and
University of Tehran, Iran)
Poppies and Terrorism: In Search of Effective
Policies for Conict De-escalation and
Resolution in Afghanistan
17:00 – 17:15 Break
19
17:15 – 18:45 Parallel Panel Session 4:
Panel G Interface Areas in Northern Ireland
Chair: John Topping
(University of Ulster, Northern Ireland)
Participants: Jonny Byrne
(University of Ulster, Northern Ireland)
Should the Barriers Come Down?
Brénainn Brunton
(University of Ulster, Northern Ireland)
Interface Areas in Belfast: Community
Empowerment as a Method of Moving Away
from Violence and Disorder
Paul Reilly (University of Glasgow, Scotland)
Facebook: Facing Back or Facing Forward?
Northern Irish Interface Groups and Web 2.0
Panel H Representations of Political Violence and
Collective Aggression
Chair: Adam Brown (STR and Weill Medical College/
Cornell University, USA)
Participants: Steven John Thompson (Clemson University,
USA)
Masking Visual Persistence in Media Warfare:
Digitality, Icon Value, and Iconic Storage
Brenda Liddy (Northern Regional College,
Northern Ireland)
The Gendered Nature of Collective Aggression
in Female-authored Drama of ‘Troubles’ Inspired
Drama
20
Stephen Hopkins (University of Leicester,
England)
Political Memoir, Biography and the Memory
of Loyalist Paramilitary Violence in Northern
Ireland
19:00 – 20:00 Wine Reception Sponsored by SPRI
20:00 Dinner
21
FRIDAY 4 September 2009
8:30 – 9:30 Breakfast (for those staying on campus)
09:30 – 11:00 Parallel Panel Session 5:
Panel I Terrorist and Political Violence in Europe –
Old and New
Chair: Daniel Antonius (STR and New York University
School of Medicine, USA)
Participants: Anita Blagojević (University of J.J. Strossmayer
in Osijek, Croatia)
The Independent State of Croatia (1941-1945)
and Terrorism: Croatian Ustaše
Anna Maria Grabowska and Mateusz
Trawiński (Nicolas Copernicus University,
Poland)
Shadows of Communism: Legal and Illegal,
Naked and Symbolic – Types of Violence used
by Military Intelligence Services in Poland
Asta Maskaliunaite (Baltic Defence College,
Estonia)
Role of Discourse in the Perpetuation of Political
Violence: A Case of Spanish Basque Country
Ali Hedayet (IMT Lucca, Italy)
Mobilizing Activism: A Comparative Analysis
of the Contemporary Right-Wing Extremists and
Islamists in Germany
22
Panel J Not Quite Peace in Northern Ireland
Chair: Kareena McAloney
(Queen’s University Belfast, Northern Ireland)
Participants: Sara McDowell
(University of Ulster, Northern Ireland)
Waging War Through Non-violent Means:
Memorials and the Perpetuation of Division in
Ethnic-conict
Lyndsey Harris
(Birmingham City University, England)
Strategic Terrorism and Signalling: Implications
of a Strategic Analysis of Loyalist Paramilitaries
in Northern Ireland
John Topping and Rachel Monaghan
(University of Ulster, Northern Ireland)
They Still Haven’t Gone Away You Know:
Paramilitaries, ‘Policing’ and the PSNI
Gordon Gillespie (Queen’s University Belfast,
Northern Ireland)
Flagging Peace
11:00 – 11:30 Tea and Coffee
11:30 – 12:30 Keynote Speech:
Chair: Tali K. Walters (STR and Tuft University
Medical School, USA)
Speaker: Rona M. Fields (Consultant and Clinical
Psychologist, USA)
Terrorized into Terrorist: The Psychology,
Theology and Politics of Violence
23
12:30 – 13:00 Poster Session:
Javier Martín-Peña, Álvaro
Rodríguez-Carballeira, Jordi Escartín and
Clara Porrúa (University of Barcelona, Spain)
Psychological Terrorism in the Basque Country:
A Psychosocial Analysis of its Strategies and
Effects
Kareena McAloney, Patrick McCrystal and
Andrew Percy (Queen’s University Belfast,
Northern Ireland)
Violent Youth: The Inuence of Community
Violence, Parental Supervision and
Neighbourhood Disorganisation on Juvenile
Violent Offending
13:00 – 14:00 Lunch
14:00 – 15:30 Parallel Panel Session 6:
Panel K Understanding the Causes of Terrorism: Does
it Work?
Chair: Julian Richards (Buckinghamshire University,
England)
Participants: Amanda M Sharp Parker
(University of South Florida, USA)
An Integrated Criminological Strain Approach to
the Causation of Terrorism
Charles Knight (Queensland University of
Technology, Australia)
What Works best for the Terrorist: Terror-ism, or
Anger-ism?
24
Sarah Marsden (University of St. Andrews,
Scotland)
‘Successful Terrorism’: What is it and how can it
be dened
Panel L Some Considerations in Countering Terrorism
and Political Violence
Chair: Kim Bistis (STR and Massachusetts Department
of Mental Health, USA)
Participants: Maciej Sekerdej (Lisbon University Institute,
Portugal) and Malgorzata Kossowska
(Jagiellonian University, Poland)
Nationalism, Terrorist Threat and
Counterterrorism Strategies
Marcia Byrom Hartwell (US Army/University
of Oxford, England)
Leaving Iraq, Imagining the Future – Is there a
Way for the US to make it Better?
Natividad Carpintero-Santamaría (Polytechnic
University of Madrid, Spain)
Illicit Trade and its Relationship with
International Security
15:30 – 16:00 Tea and Coffee
16:00 – 17:30 Symposium
Symposium IV Shaping the Future by Remembering the Past
Convenor: Gavin J. Fairbairn (Leeds Metropolitan
University, England)
25
Participants: Seidu Alidu (Leeds Metropolitan University,
England)
Ayeray Medina Bustos (Leeds Metropolitan
University, England)
Gavin J. Fairbairn (Leeds Metropolitan
University, England)
Dave Webb (Leeds Metropolitan University,
England)
18:30 Bus leaves campus for conference dinner in
Belfast
19:00 – 20:00 Wine Reception celebrating launch of STR’s
journal Behavioral Research in Terrorism and
Political Aggression. Sponsored by Taylor and
Francis
20:00 Dinner
26
SATURDAY 5 September 2009
8:30 – 9:30 Breakfast (for those staying on campus)
09:30 – 11:00 Parallel Panel Session 7:
Panel M Explaining Political Violence and Collective
Aggression from a Psychological and
Behavioural Sciences Perspective
Chair: Rona M. Fields (Consultant and Clinical
Psychologist, USA)
Participants: Sheila Pfafin (Consultant, USA)
Women and War: Leadership and Outcomes
Kinga Williams (Mensana Intercultural
Psychological Consultancy, England)
Complex or Dangerous
Panel N Conict, Violence and the Role of
Government/other Actors
Chair: Rachel Monaghan (University of Ulster,
Northern Ireland)
Participants: Tomohiro Kumagai (Tohoku University, Japan)
Does Fair Government Engender Inter-national
Conict? The Ironical Relationship between
Intra-national Justice and Inter-national Justice
Roger MacGinty
(University of St Andrews, Scotland)
Lebanon: Post-war Reconstruction as Conict by
Other Means
27
11:00 – 11:30 Tea and Coffee
11:30 – 12:30 Progress Report:
Art Kendall (Capital Area Social Psychological
Association, USA)
Scientists and Human Rights: Joining Together
to Stop Political Violence, Injustice, and
Deprivation
12:30 – 13: 30 Closing Ceremony
Tali K. Walters (STR and Tuft University
Medical School, USA)
Rachel Monaghan
(University of Ulster, Northern Ireland)
J. Martín Ramírez (CICA and Universidad
Complutense de Madrid, Spain)
28
ABSTRACTS
(in chronological order)
• KEYNOTE SPEECH:
Policing in Northern Ireland: Enabling the Future through the Past
Dame Nuala O’Loan
Ireland’s Special Envoy for Timor Leste and for UNSCR 1325, Women,
Peace and Security
Years of political violence and collective aggression, at its most extreme
involving widespread murder, bombings and shootings in Northern
Ireland have demonstrated that the way in which policing is conducted
in these circumstances is enormously important. Ordinary policing has to
continue side by side with the policing of the extraordinary. In so doing,
the contribution that the people can make to policing should never be
ignored. Police ofcers may become collusive with the perpetrators of
violence. They may become involved in that violence in all its forms.
Perpetrators need community support. They need places to store things,
eyes to watch what is going on, safe houses, and many other things (and
people very often do these things for them because they know that if they
do not help they will be attacked and even murdered.) There will be those
within the community who can alert the constitutional forces to what is
going on. It may be dangerous for them to do so. However they may wish
to help. Where communities, for whatever reason, harbour those intent on
violence of this nature, those communities will become dangerous places
for the police. The challenge in Northern Ireland was to face the legacy
left by The Troubles and to rebuild policing so that it became capable
of functioning with the consent of [almost] all the people of Northern
Ireland, with visible and effective accountability mechanisms. The process
of doing that led to unexpected and fundamental challenges to all. This
keynote address will explore some of that reality.
•Symposium I: ‘Dening the Crime Of Aggression’:
The Relationship Between State Crime
and Individual Responsibility
Convenors: Chris Lamont and Gabriele Porretto (Transitional
Justice Institute, University of Ulster)
Participants: Jean Allain (commentator)
William Henderson
Chris Lamont
Yassin A M’Boge
Gabriele Porretto
This symposium aims to explore some of the relevant legal and political
issues raised by the denition and the prosecution of the crime of aggression,
both as a state crime and as an individual crime under international law.
The panel brings together scholars working in the eld of international
relations, international law and international criminal law.
Law, Power and Aggression in International Society: The United
Nations Security Council and the International Criminal Court
Chris Lamont
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
This presentation is meant to set the scene for the discussion in this
symposium. Attempts at establishing the relationship between the
International Criminal Court (ICC) and the United Nations Security Council
(UNSC) have provoked a growing debate as to the Security Council’s
legislative, and potential judicial, role in international society. This paper
will focus on the specic question of the identication and punishment of
aggression in international society. The UNSC has the authority to both
identify and punish acts of aggression, among other serious breaches of
the UN Charter. As the Rome Statute grants the ICC jurisdiction over
the crime of aggression, the UNSC and the ICC will potentially share
overlapping responsibilities once a consensus over denitional aspects of
the crime of aggression have been achieved. This has raised important
questions over proposals to limit the ICC’s jurisdiction over the crime of
30
aggression in order to preserve the UNSC’s autonomy to act in response
to international crisis. This paper will examine these proposals and their
theoretical implications in the context of the evolving judicial architecture
of international security.
Rome to Kampala: The International Criminal Court and the Crime
of Aggression
William Henderson
Glasgow Caledonian University (Scotland)
This paper primarily analyses the development of the denition of the crime
of aggression within the framework of the Assembly of States Parties to
the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and also through the
subject specic negotiations in the Special Working Group on the Crime
of Aggression. In addition to these recent negotiations the paper aims to
cover work on the crime of aggression leading up to the United Nations
Diplomatic Conference of Plenipotentiaries on the Establishment of an
International Criminal Court and at the 1998 Rome Conference itself. The
paper seeks to chart the progress made by the international community
in advance of the ICC Review Conference, due to take place next year in
Kampala, Uganda. The relationship of the crime of aggression to the act
of state aggression is covered, particularly with regard to the place given
to the wording of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3314
(XXIX), 14 December 1974 (Denition of Aggression), in the proposed
amendment to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal.
Operationalising the Crime of Aggression
Yassin A. M’Boge
Queen’s University Belfast (Northern Ireland)
The process of institutionalising the crime of aggression demonstrates the
interdependence between peace, security and justice. In 1998 the Rome
Statute provides a future blueprint for an institutional response that could
see the International Criminal Court investigating and prosecuting the
crime of aggression. Yet the bigger question must be asked as to what
the prospective role of the International Criminal Court can be in the
prevention and the prosecution of acts of aggression. The complexities
31
surrounding the crime of aggression are not limited to the substantive
issues of law but include practical and operational obstacles.
It is the aim of this paper to explore how the practical investigation and
prosecution of the crime of aggression by an international institution
such as the Court could address some of the obstacles that potentially
lay ahead. In light of the fact that the crime of aggression has a particular
political component some obstacles to investigations and prosecutions
will be unique to this specic crime compared with genocide, crimes
against humanity and war crimes. Thus for the judicial operations of the
International Criminal Court to have any chance of success the practical
and operational side of the crime of aggression cannot and must not be
overlooked.
Aggression as a ‘Leadership Crime’
Gabriele Porretto
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
This presentation aims to complement the elements discussed by other
panellists and to concentrate, most notably, on the relationships between
(a) individual acts leading to aggression and (b) state criminality, under
the angle of the so-called elements of crime. In order to explore this
relationship, I will rst critically assess the idea according to which an
act of aggression is necessarily a ‘leadership crime’, because it cannot
be perpetrated by low-level political or military ofcials. I will more
generally consider the question of the nature and degree of causation
required by the crime of aggression, and most notably its ramications in
terms of complicity and collective responsibility in the planning and the
execution of aggression.
32
•Session A: Words Matter When Talking About
Terrorism
Why There is No Such Thing as Terrorism: Problems of Denition
Dominic Bryan
Queen’s University Belfast (Northern Ireland)
In this paper I argue that the term ‘terrorism’ should not be used as an
objective category in research and that potentially the use of this term
makes conict management and transformation more difcult. Attempts
by numerous academics to dene terrorism end in failure because of the
diverse nature of the forms of violence they wish to place in the category.
Denitions try to incorporate State and non-State actors whereas most of
the research concentrates on the non-state actors. And academic work on
the nature of ‘terrorism’ is further polluted by legal denitions constructed
by State actors. The term is used in to many emotive contexts and is too
politically loaded to be useful in any objective form. Academic research
needs to concentrate, using labelling theory, on how the term is used, who
labels who, and when. Only in this way can the academy offer assistance
to political processes of conict transformation.
Using the Language of Terror to Identify Motivations: A Content
Analysis of Islamic Terrorists and Irish Republican Army Messages
Harrison Weinstein, Darvis Frazer and Bruce Bongar
Palo Alto University (USA)
Terrorism has occurred throughout history and is carried out in numerous
fashions. Two groups that have received considerable coverage are
Al-Qaeda and other Islamic groups and the Irish Republican Army (IRA).
These organizations have both been labelled as terrorist groups researchers
have attempted to make claims that group their actions. Some common
hypothesized characteristics between Islamic and IRA terrorists include
political and religious motivation, the homicidal nature of their attacks,
and lack of evident psychopathology. Content analysis was used to decode
messages from these two groups. These pieces of evidence were examined
by the Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count program (Pennebaker et al.,
2001). This analysis includes self references, social words, positive and
33
negative emotions, cognitive words, as well as a number of other
dimensions. Breaking down the sources linguistically allows the statements
to be compared and contrasted both within and between groups. Other
studies have focused on behaviors and demographics to categorize these
organizations, but this data provides unique insight into the motivations
and nal thoughts of various forms of terrorism. LIWC analysis revealed
differences among several variables including emotions, religion, personal
and social concern, and use of tense. Research evaluating the various
manifestations of terrorism and the underlying mechanisms of these
divergent acts serves to enhance our understanding of this occurrence. In
turn, this information potentially assists in the prevention of future attacks,
both Islamic and IRA based. In sum, research that aims to comprehend
both commonalities and differences between various terrorist groups is a
worthy goal that will serve to add to the knowledge base of this signicant
phenomenon.
Suicide Terrorism: Words Can Matter
Dominik Güss
University of North Florida (USA)
In scientic literature, the terms suicide bomber, suicide terrorist,
Islamic martyr, martyr, or volunteer on a suicide mission are often used
interchangeably, although denitions of these terms vary considerably
(Güss, Tuason, and Teixeira, 2007). This is the rst study to investigate
the mental concepts related to these different terms when presented
independently and when embedded in context. Participants were 129
undergraduate students who were asked to freely associate on six presented
words, one of them being one of the ve keywords mentioned above.
Then, participants were presented two scenarios on suicide terrorism in a
counterbalanced order. The same keyword from the association task was
used in the two scenarios to describe the actor. The scenarios differed
mainly in victims: in one scenario, innocent children and civilians died,
in the other scenario, defense ministry workers and army ofcers died
as a consequence of the suicide act. After each scenario, the participants
were asked to answer Likert scale 5 questions regarding rationality and
selshness of the actor and the possible motivations of the actor, in one
open ended question: Why do you think the person did this? and several
34
demographic questions. Results showed (1) signicant differences in
positive and negative valence of associations and kind of associations
when terms were presented individually, (2) no signicant effect of target
words on rating question judgments when presented in context, (3) effects
of scenario context on judgments regarding actor and action, and (4) the
tendency of participants to more frequently mention scientically supported
causes of suicide attacks than media reported causes to the open question.
Although context information seems to outweigh the connotations of the
individual terms, results caution researchers and media on the need to
reect on the use of those terms and its possible consequences.
•Session B: Identifying Triggers for Terrorism and
Political Violence
Ballots and Bombs? Terrorist Activity during National Electoral
Campaigns
Kathleen Smarick and Richard L. Legault
National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to
Terrorism (START) (USA)
High-prole incidents such as the 2004 Madrid commuter-train bombings,
three days before national elections in Spain, have fuelled a conventional
wisdom that the chances of terrorist activity increase as national elections
approach in a given country. There exists a sound theoretical basis for
this expectation: Terrorists are political actors, and campaign seasons are
key times to try to impact politics and policy. While terrorists might be
marginalized from the electoral process, they could choose to concentrate
their activities during electoral seasons in an effort to impact the campaigns
and the subsequent elections. This paper serves to provide an empirical
assessment of this conventional wisdom by analyzing the relationship
between legitimate political activity—namely, national elections—and
illegitimate political activity—namely, terrorist activity. The analysis will
employ data on elections in 134 countries around the world from 1998
to 2004, as collected by Election Guide, a program of the International
Foundation for Electoral Systems. Using these data in conjunction with
data on terrorist incidents from the Global Terrorism Database (GTD), the
authors use Cox Proportional Hazard models to test the hypothesis that the
35
risk of terrorist activity increases in the build up to a national election. The
models will control for such country-level factors as level of democracy,
involvement in a violent conict, and level of economic development,
as well as specic elements of electoral processes (including whether a
country employs a parliamentary or presidential system of governance),
towards the goal of generating insights about the conditions under which
increased levels of terrorist activity are most likely.
Violent Globalism – Conict in Response to Empire
Cornelia Beyer
University of Hull (England)
Terrorism can be understood as a violent, politically-motivated action
against a societal order, mounted from within it, to bring about change
or to attack and even overthrow the ruling elite. So the term ‘terrorism’
itself refers to a presumed hierarchical structure with at its head a
widely-acknowledged elite. This interpretation of ‘new terrorism’ in
particular contains the notion of Western imperialism (according to
Galtung), with conict linked to the experience of structural and material
violence. Western imperialism is expressed in at least some of Galtung’s
ve dimensions to be found in the relations with the Middle East, the main
breeding ground of the ‘new terrorism’. The opposition to this imperialism,
hence ‘new’ or international terrorism however, is not conned to a state
or states, but must be described as a global, transnational phenomenon.
Hence we can speak of globalisms of violence in the present-day world.
United States foreign policies, and imperialism, and ‘new terrorism’
furthermore constitute each other, they react to each other, cause and
effect are not easily discernable.
Thomas Hobbes and the Containment of Aggression
Lorenzo Gabutti
RAI Italian Radio and Television (Italy)
According to Hobbes, in the state of nature each person has a natural right
to every other person’s being and body. This means that aggression is
rife, and no-one can be secure in their being, let alone their possessions.
Hobbes’s primary concern is to ensure the enjoyment of the former, i.e.
36
personal survival, at any cost. That is why natural law enjoins to seek
the peace, in order to exit this feral state: but, as opposed to Locke,
Hobbes, in his deep pessimism, is not primarily concerned with ensuring
the enjoyment of personal property. There are two main problems which
derive from Hobbes’s view concerning the containment of aggression.
The rst is normative: in order to ensure survival, Hobbes is prepared
to countenance that a subject may exercise violence on another subject
if authority requires him to. Besides being morally objectionable, it is
hard to see how this view may lead to Hobbes’s main aim, the prevention
of civil war – unless, of course, one has the good fortune of being ruled
by an enlightened sovereign. The second is psychological: it is that,
paradoxically for a pessimist, Hobbes places an inordinate amount of
trust in the power to attain compliance on the part of the signatories of
the compact. He does not put in place a mechanism to persuade people
to comply, other than Leviathan, the overarching power of the State. And
yet, when the power of the State is found to be wanting, he has no means,
given his philosophical egoism, of justifying respect of the law, other
than an irrational belief that one is bound by the promise of obedience.
Ultimately, he cannot explain this obligation from a moral point of view,
precisely because he has excluded to start with, that human beings may
act from motivations other than self-interest.
•Session C: Some Thoughts on the Islamic Terrorist
Threat In Europe
Impact of the Way People Perceived Terrorists on the Fear of
Future Terrorist Attacks
Malgorzata Kossowska
Jagiellonian University (Poland)
Agniexzka Golec de Zavala
Middlesex University (England)
Thomas Kubik
Jagiellonian University (Poland)
Three studies examine how Al Qaeda terrorists are perceived by Polish
participants and how these perceptions are related to emotional reactions
to terrorism and support for counter-terrorism policy: installation of the
37
American National Missile Defence (NMD) system in Poland. In study 1
we combine qualitative and quantitative approaches to test the terrorist
perception and identify four images of Al Qaeda terrorists: psychopathic
criminals, strategists, ideologues and victims of the system. The results
of study 2 indicate that two images attributing irrationality to Al Qaeda
terrorists and unpredictability to their actions (psychopathic criminals and
ideologues) are related to high perceived risk of future terrorist attacks,
fear of terrorism and a tendency to catastrophize terrorism. Results of
study 3 show that these two images are related to opposition towards
NMD in Poland. Fear of terrorism mediates this relationship. The image
of terrorists as rational strategists is not related to fear of terrorism and is
related to positive attitudes towards installation of the NMD in Poland.
Political Subversion or Religious Violence: The Threat of Al-Qaeda
Ideology in Europe
Felipe Duarte
Portuguese Catholic University (Portugal)
Context: The end of the Cold War left us an ideological and geostrategic
vacuum, conducive to the increasing of religious ideologies, which use
violence in pursuit of their political demands. In retrospect, it is easy to
nd the motive of the most violent terrorist attacks, since the end of the
Cold War, in an ideological matrix that has a theoretical structure based in
a fundamentalist interpretation of Islam.
Argument: The fundamental issue of this paper is to conceptualize
and analyse if there is a relationship between the rise of religious
fundamentalism and political violence in contemporary international
relations. Therefore, the main hypothesis will have as a mainstream
religion, as a political weapon, and the use terror, by force and violence, to
overthrow and subvert constituted governments and achieve ideological
dominance. A secondary hypothesis lies in the link between the Sunni
salast and jihadist doctrine and the post Cold War “religious” terrorist
networks. However, what kind of link: Political? Purely religious? We
will try to identify Al-Qaeda ideology as a very dangerous threat (in the
long term future).
All the research will have, as a background, the global resurgence of
38
religion as a political and strategic actor in International Relations, as a
result of apparent failure of other ideologies. This paper aims to found an
analytical framework about the inuence of religious fundamentalism in
political violence and terrorism, in a post-Cold War era.
European Converts to Islam: An Evolving Threat?
Emmanuel Karagiannis
University of Macedonia (Greece)
As a relatively new phenomenon, European conversion to Islam is
challenging to assess. There is already evidence that Islamic terrorist
networks are trying systematically to recruit Caucasian men and women
to handle terrorist logistics, because they would be less likely to raise
suspicion. Yet, most studies of this phenomenon fail to address its root
causes of their radicalization. The security implications of conversions to
Islam in Europe have helped ensure that the topic has quickly become a
thriving area of research. Not surprisingly, European security services have
grown especially concerned about this phenomenon. It is rare, however,
that the insights of intelligence analysts are published. The result is that a
considerable amount of knowledge has been conned partly or wholly to
the realm of closed intelligence analysis, with negative consequences for
the scholarly and policy work being done on Muslim converts and their
radicalisation.
The paper will rely on primary sources; it aims at providing new research
to understand the radicalization of Muslim converts in European countries
such as Great Britain, France and Greece. It will seek to deal with the
following research concerns and issues: What are the salient social and
personal characteristics of Muslim converts, e.g. age, gender, educational
prole, family attachment prole, etc. What are the mechanisms of their
radicalization at individual and group levels? How do radical, but peaceful,
converts differ from other converts who join terrorist groups? How do
converts view jihad? European converts to Islam present a particularly
difcult challenge to U.S. and European policymakers, since they may
join radical Islamic groups and participate in terrorist plots. Western
governments must carefully choose strategies and policies for dealing with
European converts, if they are to avoid a security threat to regional stability.
39
•Session D: State Attempts To Counter-Terrorism
Moral Panics and the Strategy of Exclusion 1974
Jo Doody
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
This paper proposes that the political violence experienced in Great Britain
in 1974 was dened primarily as a threat to the hegemonic status of the
state. The threat posed to national security questioned the existing social
arrangements in place. By dening the threat as a hegemonic crisis, the
inevitable solution could only be an increase in social control and in this
case was introduced through the strategy of exclusion. Faced with a lack
of consent and legitimacy for its political-economic strategies in Northern
Ireland, the Government in 1974 set about manufacturing the consent it
needed through the politics of fear and repression and the Prevention of
Terrorism Act.
This paper will explain why, given the initial denition and identication
of a hegemonic crisis, no other outcome was deemed possible. It will
then piece together the process by which exclusion came about. It will
complicate the notion of exclusion with concepts of legitimization and
rationalization. Drawing on labelling theory and the concept of moral panic
in particular, it will piece together how the panic was constructed and how
the diminution of civil rights was legitimated. The ‘othering’ of the Irish
population will be described before exploring the institutionalization of
this process. The political, individual and long-term impact of the strategy
will also be explored with a view to raising questions for the current
approach to the war on terror.
RUC GC – Demons or Altruistic Mortals?
Gavin Boyd
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
To sustain politically motivated conict groups that favour physical force
as the means to bring about political change. The groups must maintain
and develop a level of support amongst the community they claim to
represent. Such support could include storing weapons, hiding activists,
or refusing to provide information to the security forces. The physical
40
force groups may describe their activities as a struggle for liberation or a
righting of an injustice to justify their actions. But what is the legacy of
these justications in a post conict situation? If not properly managed
the physical force group may be successful in creating a strong myth
that can become an established ‘fact’. There is a danger that others will
unquestioningly accept this established ‘fact’ and take it as their starting
point for future activity.
Since 1998 some myths have persisted and are being reused by dissident
republicans to justify the continuance of violence in pursuit of a United
Ireland. Furthermore, some reports from quasi-state agencies, such as
the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland, can un-intentionally offer
such support through ignoring the context of policing ‘The Troubles’.
Additionally, the dilemma of intelligence together with the mythmaker’s
continuance of clinging to their myth some 10 years on in order to
maintain cohesiveness of their movement compounds this process. This
paper examines the context of policing ‘The Troubles’ and the intelligence
dilemma to explore the role and inuence of RUCGC Special Branch in
combating terrorism in Northern Ireland.
The Future of Preventive Wars: The Case of Iraq
Onder Bakircioglu
Queen’s University Belfast (Northern Ireland)
Following the “terrorist” attacks of 11 September 2001, the 2002 US
National Security Strategy made it clear that the United States would act,
if necessary, unilaterally to protect its security against “emerging threats
before they are fully formed.” In so doing President Bush’s administration
has put forward a broader understanding of self-defence, one that
diminishes the traditional role of the imminence requirement, making it
relevant only to the establishment of necessity. The rationale underlying
this new security strategy has been based on the assumption that modern
warfare and recent innovations in weapons of mass destruction - which
may readily be employed by “rogue States” and “terrorists” - have changed
the whole calculus of self-defence. The reasoning would be that since
warfare is now much more devastating and can occur with less warning, it
is unrealistic to depend on the traditional imminence rule of self-defence;
41
namely to await the occurrence or the threat of an imminent “armed attack”
before resorting to defensive force.
It has been more than ve years since Saddam Hussein’s regime was toppled
on account of its alleged ties with Al Qaeda and possession of Weapons
of Mass Destruction (hereinafter WMD). Although these allegations were
soon proved to be baseless, the occupation of Iraq continues within the
context of “war on terror,” which so far neither provided more security
nor uprooted “global terrorism.” In contrast, Bin Laden’s terrorism
network is strongly rebuilding in Afghanistan and in the Pakistani tribal
areas. It seems increasingly clear that the Bush administration’s seven
years of anti-terror campaign will bequeath a legacy of two failed wars
accompanied with numerous unresolved issues.
This paper will discuss whether or not the doctrine of preventive war, the
so-called Bush Doctrine, has the potential to affect the United Nations’
(hereinafter the UN) collective security scheme by creating a customary
precedence for other States to follow. It will analyse the legal arguments
propounded to justify warfare against Iraq and discuss whether preventive
war policies against non-tangible threats have a future within the UN
collective security system. The paper will attempt to underline that a
durable international society cannot rest on exceptionalism exercised by
hegemonic powers; rather the interests of the weak nations must be met to
sustain international peace and security.
•Symposium II: ‘The Future is Critical: The Critical
Turn in ‘Terrorism’ Studies’
Convenors: Marie Breen-Smyth (University of Aberystwyth)
Participants: Richard Jackson
Charlotte Heath-Kelly
Marie Breen-Smyth
Ayla Göl
Recent scholarship on political violence and the use of terror’ has posited
developments since 2001 as ‘new terrorism’, sidelining lessons drawn from
42
earlier experience of political violence dating back to the 1960s and 1970s
and beyond. This panel presents four papers which jointly argue the need
for a revisiting of the eld, drawing lessons from past policy and practice,
and re-examining the theoretical underpinnings of contemporary studies,
both orthodox and critical. The panel includes papers which re-examine
the terminology and ontological and epistemological underpinnings of a
critical approach, the normative agenda of terrorism studies, and papers
which draw lessons from specic cases, namely the Irish, British Muslims,
and the Kurds in Turkey.
Critical Terrorism Studies: An Explanation, a Defence and a Way
Forward
Richard Jackson
Aberystwyth University (Wales)
The aims of this paper are to introduce and explain the core commitments
and dimensions of the critical terrorism studies (CTS) approach, to defend
the retention of the term ‘terrorism’, and to briey outline a future research
agenda. To this end, the paper is divided into three sections. In the rst
section, I contextualise the rise of CTS and outline its central ontological,
epistemological, methodological, and praxiological commitments,
arguing that it is more than simply a call for better research on terrorism;
rather, CTS offers a new way of understanding and researching terrorism.
The second section focuses on the particular problem posed by the term
‘terrorism’ and argues that there are reasons for, and ways of, retaining the
term without compromising the broader intellectual and/or emancipatory
project. In addition, it explores some of the common misperceptions about
the denition of terrorism and proposes a solution to these issues. In the
nal section, I outline some of the key challenges and dangers facing CTS.
I suggest some key ways of avoiding these dangers and outline a future
research agenda.
Imagining Futures within Critical Terrorism Studies
Charlotte Heath-Kelly
Aberystwyth University (Wales)
This paper problematises the use of Coxian and Frankfurt School Critical
43
Theory within Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS) to support an emancipatory
project, while remaining positive about the renewed academic vigour
that the CTS project has brought to the study of political violence
within International Relations. Considering the explicitly normative
emancipatory agenda of CTS, the paper addresses the origination of
normativity within the Coxian and Horkheimerian critical projects, in
which CTS is anchored, in relation to the naturalistic fallacy. Suggestions
are then made concerning the possibility of rooting the CTS agenda
in explicit moral and ideological territory, in order to generate enough
normative force to sustain the emancipatory project - with Horkheimerian
theory used to subsequently legitimate the endeavour within academia
via his conception of minimal foundationalism and his sustained critique
of instrumental reason. As such, the paper concludes that early Frankfurt
School theorizing can validate normative academic projects, but cannot
provide a source for such normativity.
Critical ‘Terrorism’ Studies and Counter-Terrorism: The Case of
‘Suspect Communities’
Marie Breen-Smyth
Aberystwyth University (Wales)
This paper begins by briey setting out the conceptual framework upon
which the recent critical turn in ‘terrorism’ studies is based. The sub-eld
of critical terrorism studies (CTS) (see Jackson, Breen-Smyth and
Gunning, 2009 in press) derives in part from the Welsh School’s assertion
of the individual, not the state, as the ultimate referent in accounts of
‘security’. The threat posed by terrorism is thus redened in terms of its
impact on the security of citizens rather than primarily on the security of
the state. Furthermore, ‘terrorism’ is seen as a tactic that may be employed
by both state and non-state actors and CTS challenges the notion of
counter-terrorism, which often contributes to the proliferation of that which
it sets out to counter, and argues for more effort to be devoted to nding
non-coercive measures. The paper then illustrates the critical approach by
revisiting Hillyard’s denition of a ‘suspect community’ as applied to the
experience of the Irish community in the late twentieth century, by drawing
parallels with the contemporary experience of Muslims in Britain. Using
autoethnographical (and other) methods to chart the key feature of the
44
suspect community experience, the paper argues that suspect communities
are existential communities, dened in and by the fearful public imagin-
ation. The paper explores the role of the suspect community as the
embodiment of the imagined threat to the security of the state and its
populace and a container for that threat, whilst it is the security of that
‘suspect community’ itself is eroded by its suspect status, through the
securitising practices of the state. The paper concludes by pointing to the
counter-productive nature of such state securitisation practices in terms of the
‘battle for hearts and minds’ and consequent exacerbation of security risks.
A Critical Re-Thinking of Political Violence and Ethnic Nationalism:
The Case of the Kurds in Turkey
Ayla Göl
Aberystwyth University (Wales)
This paper explores the value of critical terrorism studies (CTS) in under-
standing the resurgence of political violence and ethno-nationalism in the
Middle East, with a particular reference to the case of Kurds in Turkey.
Based on the research agenda of the CST, the paper problematizes the
shortcomings of orthodox ‘terrorism’ studies on three issues: rst, an
ahistorical approach to the understanding the Kurdish nationalism is
necessarily incomplete, hence, the resurgence of the PKK ‘terrorism’
needs to be historicised and contextualised. The paper identies the
historical origins of the Kurdish issue in the regional context that
constituted Kurds as a stateless nation of the Middle East. Second, it
emphasises the importance of differentiating nationalist motivations
from religious ones thus also challenging another misconception of
understanding Islam and nationalism within an uncritical approach to
‘terrorism’. Third, the paper engages with the local, national, regional and
international levels of the Kurdish nationalism through the lens of social
movement theory, considering socio-historical and political structures and
the construction of identities. It examines why and how the rise of the
PKK contributed to the resurgence of political violence that led to state
repression of cultural rights and the counter-productive policies of the
Turkish state security practices in the region. It concludes by questioning
the signicance of means other than the use of political violence in the
search of a solution for the future of Kurds in the Middle East and Turkey.
45
•Symposium III: Social-Psychological Predicators of
Support for Political Violence: Social
Identity, Group-Based Threat, and
Efcacy
Convenors: Nicole Tausch and Rim Saab (Cardiff University)
Participants: Rim Saab
Russell Spears
Nicole Tausch
Latent public support for political violence plays a vital role in the
intractability of intergroup conict (Hayes and McAllister, 2001). This
symposium pulls together a panel of senior and junior scholars to examine
psychological and structural processes that underlie support for political
violence in a variety of contexts. First, using data from a representative
sample of British Muslims, Tausch will examine the roles of religious
and national identity as predictors of the extent to which the 7/7 London
bombings were viewed as justied and discuss the importance of social
context and intergroup contact as variables that determine the strength
of identity. Second, Spears will explore how a sense of hopelessness
and helplessness associated with the social position of one’s group may
promote support for and engagement in more radical and violent intergroup
behaviour. Thirdly, Saab will examine the importance of the perceived
efcacy of both violent and non-violent action strategies in predicting
British respondents’ support for the use of violent versus nonviolent means
of resistance in the Israeli-Palestinian context. A discussion session led
by the chairs will address the implications of the presented research and
identify important directions for future research.
46
Religious and National Identity as Predicators of Support for
Political Violence among British Muslims: An Analysis of UK
Opinion Poll Data
Nicole Tausch and Russell Spears
Cardiff University (Wales)
Oliver Christ
University of Marburg (Germany)
Using data from a 2006 opinion survey of British Muslims (N = 1000),
this study examined the role of importance of Muslim and British
identity as proximal predictors of whether respondents viewed the 2005
London bombings as justied. We further explore the extent to which
religious and national identity and support for terrorism are predicted
by context (the concentration of Muslims in the area) and contact
experiences with non-Muslims. The role of these variables is assessed
over and above relevant demographic variables (gender, age, and SES).
Structural equation modelling revealed that while there was no signicant
relationship between Muslim identity and support for the attacks, British
identity was signicantly negatively related to support. Having contact
with non-Muslims was positively related to importance of British identity,
negatively to importance of Muslim identity, and also directly predicted
reduced support for the attacks. The concentration of Muslims in the area
was positively related to the importance of Muslim identity and negatively
to contact with non-Muslims. These ndings are discussed in relation to
recent efforts to integrate Muslims more into British society.
Socio-Structural Factors in Extremism and Terrorism
Russell Spears and Nicole Tausch
Cardiff University (Wales)
Much research and theorizing rightly focuses on the role of ideology and
threats to identity as precursors and predictors of terrorism. However
support for or engagement in such extreme behaviour is often also accom-
panied by a sense of hopelessness and helplessness associated with the
social position of one’s group, which contributes to the conviction that
violence and terror is the only effective route. We examine the evidence, in
lab as well as eld, that conditions that promote a sense of helplessness, and
47
reduced voice, can increase support for more extreme and even violent
courses of action. These include low power, low group efcacy, and low status
for one’s group, especially when these conditions are seen as stable and
unchanging. These conditions promote support for and engagement in more
radical, conictual and violent behaviour, reecting a strategy that we call
“nothing to lose”. This research challenges mainstream research on inter-
group relations in social psychology, such as social identity theory
(Tajfel and Turner, 1979) which predicts that attempts to resist disadvant-
aged status become most likely when a disadvantaged group position seems
to be unstable and therefore changeable. We propose that the social
psychology of terrorism may therefore require different theory and princ-
iples to the mainstream intergroup literature to explain the emergence of
such extreme and violent acts.
Third-party Support for Violent Resistance against Israel
Rim Saab, Russell Spears and Nicole Tausch
Cardiff University (Wales)
Resistance against occupation and oppression can be violent, nonviolent
or a combination of both. Engaging in any one type of resistance, however,
typically requires the support of the larger population from which militants
are recruited, as well as support by some third-party/bystander groups. It is
therefore important to examine the social-psychological determinants of
popular support for different types of resistance strategies. The present
research explores variations in support for violent as well as nonviolent
strategies in response to their perceived efcacy. In particular, we look at the
interaction between the perceived efcacy of violent resistance and that of
nonviolent resistance in predicting support for each strategy. Using both
survey and experimental data we examine British respondents’ support
for the use of violent versus nonviolent means of resistance in the
Israeli-Palestinian context. We test the assumption that support for violence
rises in response to the perceived effectiveness of violence and the lack
of effective non-violent alternatives. We also test the assumption that
approval of extreme forms of violent resistance (e.g. attacks on civilians)
rise in response to situations perceived as illegitimate and hopeless, that
is, where neither violence nor nonviolence seem to work. The emotional
mediators linking injustice and effectiveness perceptions to support for
violent and nonviolent resistance strategies are also explored.
48
•Panel E: Remembering the ‘Troubles’
‘Ancestry of Resistance’: The Political Use of Commemoration by
Ulster Loyalists and Irish Republicans in a Post Conict Setting
Kris Brown
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
Tropes and themes of past political violence continue to circulate in
Northern Ireland, and in doing so serve a contemporary political purpose.
Both Loyalists and Republicans have engaged in the memorialisation
of their dead in the course of the recent conict. While memorialisation
often represents personal mourning, the focus of this paper represents
the use of remembrance in terms of Republicanism and Loyalism as
political projects. This process of commemoration did not slow with the
advent of the Northern Ireland peace process, but instead accelerated.
Numerous wall plaques, commemorative murals, exhibitions and
gardens of remembrance dedicated to Republicans and Loyalists, have
mushroomed in the last decade, and the sheer number of memory sites
is formidable. Commemoration is thus a most important public activity
for Loyalist and Republican groups. these memory sites serve not simply
as graphic reminders of Republican or Loyalist presence on the streets,
but also act as focal points for ritual displays and parades. These ritual
commemorative events are commonplace, and form a complex local
calendar of socio-political activity, but remain relatively un-investigated,
and receive only tful attention in the mainstream local media.
The research paper will compare Ulster Loyalist and Irish Republican
uses of commemoration, and examine how, in remembering their recent
paramilitary dead and connecting these to past conicts, they are engaging
in a diligent demonstration of political continuity and historical legitimacy
aimed at creating ‘master narratives’. In a post conict setting, this has been
of particular importance in reassuring doubters and deecting political
attacks. The paper will examine how Irish Republicans and Ulster Loyalists
use memory work to assist the maintenance of social cohesion with the
host community, to facilitate the ‘rededication’ and ‘reinvigoration’ of
their political project, and counter-intuitively, to transform it as well. The
paper will demonstrate that memory work by perceived ‘ultras’ can act as
a steadying ballast, and not as a hindrance, in conict transformation.
49
This research is based on extensive participant observation of Republican
and Loyalist commemorative activity, studies of their memorial material
culture, including museums and selected interviews with Republicans
and Loyalists engaged in commemorative activity. The paper will be
accompanied by power point slides showing the ritual activity and visual
culture associated with these forms of memory work.
Untold Stories: Unionist Remembrance of Political Violence and
Suffering in Northern Ireland
Kirk Simpson
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
One of the core socio-political and cultural aspects of unionist discourse
in Northern Ireland is the need to foster and protect a sense of legitimate
grievance in respect of the killings and injuries of innocent Protestant
civilians by the Provisional Irish Republican Army during the conict
of 1969–1998. This paper uses illustrative examples to analyse the ways
in which unionists narrate, remember, and attempt to politicise suffering
in contemporary post-conict Northern Ireland. Based on extensive and
original ethnographic research, it illuminates the ways in which many
unionists feel that the stories of those in their community who were
assassinated or attacked by Irish republican paramilitaries have remained
untold, silenced by their political opponents, and ignored by both their
fellow British citizens and successive British administrations. Unless
the issue of unionist victimhood is handled sensitively, this will present
a signicant impediment to the prospects for effectively dealing with the
past in Northern Ireland.
Redening Collective Aggression: Memory and the Role of Irish
America in the Northern Ireland Peace Process
Martin Russell
University College Dublin (Ireland)
The interplay of political violence and collective aggression is dependent
on a wide range of cultural processes. These vary from the symbolic act of
violence to the reception of such acts in the public domain. This paper will
argue that the mediation of political violence in Irish-America during the
50
Northern Ireland peace process represents a paradigm which illustrates
a cultural transformation of the relationship between political violence
and collective aggression. It will focus on the politics of memory as the
foundational process in this transformation. The paper will be focused
on dening and assessing the cultural processes within memory which
facilitated such transformations. This will include an assessment of how
the past is interpreted in order to facilitate future change. Such analysis
will be based on key theoretical concerns such as rhetoric. It will examine
how the evolution of strategic approaches to political violence in Northern
Ireland enabled Irish America to redene collective aggression into a
diplomatic model. It is in this context that the paper will examine the
shifting relationship between the individual and collective. It will underpin
earlier analysis in a detailed assessment of how Irish-America became a
collective entity, and subsequently operated in the Northern Ireland peace
process. Given recent events in Northern Ireland and the rise of paramilitary
activity, the presentation will offer a comparative context to the role of
memory in the Northern Ireland peace process and the role of memory in
the current climate. The paper will conclude with a commentary focusing
on the lessons which can be learned from the cultural transformation of
political violence and collective aggression due to the role of memory
and Irish-America in the Northern Ireland peace process, and how these
lessons have ultimately redened collective aggression.
•Panel F: Peacemaking, Reconciliation and
Coming to Terms with the Past
Terrorist De-Radicalization as Peacemaking: A Theoretical
Evaluation of Terrorist De-Radicalization in Southeast Asia
Joshua Hill and Daniel Mabrey
Sam Houston State University (USA)
Approaches to stopping terrorism have ranged from direct military
engagement to incorporating extremist groups into national politics.
One of the more recent approaches however, has been the attempt to
de-radicalize terrorists, specically Islamic extremists, through discussion
with respected clerics from their own tradition. While the approach has
had qualied success, it still lacks a signicant theoretical backing. This
51
paper examines terrorist de-radicalization through the lens of peacemaking
criminology, arguing that de-radicalization can be enhanced through the
explicit adoption of the peacemaking approach. It focuses on several
terrorist de-radicalization programs currently underway in Southeast Asia.
Application of the approach is considered in other contexts and ways
forward are recommended.
The Politics of Reconciliation for Rwanda and the ICTR
Eugene McNamee
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
For most commentators on the Rwandan genocide, the International
Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) process merits little more than
passing comment. For most legal commentators the processes of the
ICTR are looked at in isolation from the specic context of the genocide
in Rwanda, the events being seen as already ‘captured’ by law because
of the existence of the 1948 Genocide Convention. Yet the idea of
‘reconciliation’ which lies at the heart of the justication for the legal
process is specically political, and has a contemporary resonance now
which didn’t exist in 1948. Had this notion of reconciliation following
justice remained as simply an expression of hope, there would be little
to argue with in prosecuting crimes with that sentiment. Reading many
of the documents that relate to the Tribunal, however, it is striking how
prominent is the notion of reconciliation, to the extent that the goal of
reconciliation seems to be leading the process rather than (hopefully)
following criminal justice.
This paper proceeds on the basis that to assess the value of the ICTR
a certain degree of inter-disciplinarity between law, history and politics
is necessary. One result of this is to allow for more specic attention
to the particular features of the Rwandan genocide and for a critique of
the processes of the ICTR on this basis. A second is to allow for critical
attention to the development of international criminal law on the basis of
the more general question of whether a ‘one size ts all’ approach is really
the most productive approach for the future, or whether all such future
legal processes will have to be tailored to the circumstances which give
rise to them; in short that the future of international law lies in recognising
its own political nature.
52
The Public and Private Experience of Violence and Women’s
Exclusion in Post-Conict Timor-Leste
Aisling Swaine
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
Timor-Leste, a newly independent state, is grappling with the legacy of a
complex and extended history of multiple episodes of political violence
and occupation. Colonisation by the Portuguese took place in the 16th
century, followed by a brief period of Japanese occupation during World
War II. An unplanned and hasty withdrawal by the Portuguese in 1974
resulted in a period of intra-Timorese political conict and a declaration
of independence. Indonesia attacked and annexed the half-island in 1975
and that occupation was characterised by the torture and brutality of the
Timorese population, and sparked a 25 year organised armed Timorese
resistance. The withdrawal of Indonesian troops from Timor-Leste,
following a referendum resulting in independence in 1999, involved a
violent and protracted process. Indonesian tactics included a scorched
earth campaign, the kidnapping of women for sexual abuse and slavery,
mass killing and forced movement of communities and terrorisation of
the displaced within camps in West Timor by Indonesia’s proxy Timorese
militia.
Throughout these phases of occupation and violence, Timorese women
were targeted for specic abuses, particularly in 1999, while they also
organised and played a central role in the success of the resistance
movement. A deeply rooted patriarchal Timorese social-cultural system,
combined with the imposition of international models of transition
post-1999, resulted in the suppression of women’s concerns within the
agenda of the resistance movement, a lack of recognition of women’s
pivotal role during the occupations, and questionable attention to gender
issues within the structures employed during transition to deal with the
abuses of the past. More recently, the women’s movement has focused on
inuencing and shaping a present and future that overcomes the legacies
of the past. This paper will provide an overview of women’s experience
of both public and private forms of violence in the Timorese conict and
post-conict context. It will then examine whether the transitional justice
processes employed in Timor-Leste have adequately addressed women’s
53
interests and supported women to play a role in constructing the future
or whether the exclusion of women’s concerns has continued and been
perpetuated within the transition context.
•KEYNOTE SPEECH
Poppies and Terrorism: In Search of Effective Policies for Conict
De-escalation and Resolution in Afghanistan
Saideh Lotan
University of Tehran (Iran)
The twin goals of the paper are to discuss the underlying causes of the
protracted conict in Afghanistan, and to recommend policies for its
termination. The author raises four questions about this destabilizing
conict: What are the socio-economic factors inuencing Afghan political
violence? Could Taliban extremism be stopped? To what extent have
the external actors contributed to the conict in Afghanistan? How can
we bring peace to this war-torn country? The main conclusion is that
the failure to contain the spread of violence and terrorism in this region
will have far-reaching security implications for the rest of the world.
Sustainable peace in Afghanistan could be achieved by eliminating the
economic causes of conict and ensuring political justice.
•Panel G: Interface Areas in Northern Ireland
Should the Barriers Come Down?
Jonny Byrne
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
Physical barriers such as walls and fences have been employed by countries
locally and internationally primarily as a response to communal violence
and disorder, threats of terrorism, drug smuggling and immigration for
thousands of years. Belfast will be the central focus of this paper, a city
which has long been synonymous with walls and barricades as a direct
consequence of the ‘Troubles’. Originally, the barricades or Peacelines
as they are more frequently referred to were rst constructed in 1969 as
a response to increased community and political violence. They have
54
multiplied in number over the years, with paradoxically a signicant
number being introduced after the paramilitary ceaseres and political
agreements. The most recent was constructed in an integrated primary
school in 2008. It seems the Peacelines have become part of the normal
and accepted range of public policy and security interventions which
can be considered as a response to communal violence and disorder in
Northern Ireland
Although Northern Ireland has undergone signicant social, economic and
political changes in the last decade, the continued existence of the physical
lines of demarcation illustrates the fact that segregation continues and
relationships are dened by insecurity, threat and anxiety. Therefore, what
if anything should become of the Peacelines? This paper will examine
whether they serve to perpetuate and entrench cultural identities and
traditions, and prevent the nal resolution of the conict, or whether they
are an inevitable price of the conict, mechanisms of security and safety
that have become normalised within local environments and indirectly
facilitate an acceptance of non-engagement and continued segregation.
One must understand the context and role of the Peacelines now, so as
to determine the processes required and techniques to employ if the
conversation around their transformation, regeneration, and, dare I say it,
‘possible removal,’ is to begin.
Interface areas in Belfast: Community Empowerment as a Method
of Moving Away from Violence and Disorder
Brénainn Brunton
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
The political boundaries that separate communities in Belfast appear
in both physical and mental forms. These boundaries create interfaces
where the edges of the two communities meet. The physical barriers are
situated in the most violent areas for the protection of both sides (Catholic
and Protestant) and are designed to quell ethno-sectarian attitudes and
practices. However this is often not the case. Shirlow and Murtagh
describe interfaces as, “…sites that become the most notable places of
violence and resistance.” (2006: 58) These so called ‘peace lines’ are
anything but peaceful, and the wall itself often becomes the spatial
55
representation of the ethnic-other, a culturally opposed immediate
community. Intolerance, fear and mistrust fan the ames of
ethno-sectarianism and this, fused with the ethos of masculinity, frames
the marking of political boundaries in interface areas. This politicising of
space feeds the fears held by communities and can lead to more segregated
living spaces and, as neither side wants to be seen to concede any ground,
aggressive and violent behaviour may be tolerated and even justied as
‘defending our area’.
This study examines the role territoriality plays in maintaining segregation
in Belfast and the many different factors that enable and encourage a
territorial mindset in divided communities. Recent intra-community and
inter-community initiatives in interface areas are examined, to identify
where possible progress could be made in breaking down both physical
and mental barriers that maintain the division and enable the violence and
disorder to occur. The interface area of Suffolk and Lenadoon, in South
West Belfast, has been used as a case study, with the Suffolk and Lenadoon
Interface Group’s (SLIG) role in regenerating an interface area both socially
and economically discussed. The groups are supported and advised by an
organisation outside of government, called Atlantic Philanthropies, which
makes them and their situation unique. The group’s cross community
work, encompassing shared space, shared facilities and shared activities,
is examined. The research explores the effectiveness of community
empowerment in an interface community, through working under this
less restrictive setting, as a process for breaking-down mechanisms of
territoriality, and moving away from violence and disorder.
Facebook: Facing Back or Facing Forward? Northern Irish
Interface Groups and Web 2.0
Paul Reilly
University of Glasgow (Scotland)
Cyber enthusiasts as far back as Giddens (1995) have suggested that
information and communication technologies (ICTs) might facilitate a
positive spiral of communication between rival ethnic communities, thus
ameliorating social conict. Authors such as Dahlgren (2000) and Wellman
(2004) assert that Internet forms of communication may create arenas for
56
public debate that are not present in the real world. However, a more sceptical
view of the dialogic potential of the Internet is provided by Chadwick
(2006), who asserts that the Internet is both ‘increasing and decreasing
social capital and opportunities for political participation’ (p.112). Recent
ICT developments, collectively dubbed Web 2.0, have aroused renewed
interest in this suggestion in the light of their emphasis on user-generated
content. O’Reilly (2005) characterises Web 2.0 as a Habermasian public
sphere in which ‘bottom-up’ communication is facilitated by both blogs
and social networking websites. Drezner and Farrell (2004) argue that the
network structure of the blogosphere allows interesting ideas to ‘bubble
up’ to focal point blogs. Conversely, authors such as Froomkin (2003)
and Sunstein (2007) suggest that blogs may accelerate existing trends of
cyberbalkanisation, with bloggers likely to read the opinions of like-minded
activists and little else. The paper presents an analysis of both the framing
and functionality of Web 2.0 pages dedicated to interface communities in
Northern Ireland. It will analyse whether young people, who live in close
proximity to sectarian interfaces, are using Web 2.0 to inform both their
political decision-making and their opinions of the ‘other community.
The study will also determine whether the ‘competition of victimhood’
visible on the websites of residents’ groups is replicated on Web 2.0 (See
Reilly 2008). The study will analyse how interface conict is represented
on the social networking proles of people who live in close proximity to
sectarian interfaces, and those of their supporters. In doing so, this paper
represents the rst empirical research into how Web 2.0 shapes politics
during a period of conict transformation.
•Panel H: Representations of Political Violence
and Collective Aggression
Masking Visual Persistence in Media Warfare: Digitality, Icon Value
and Iconic Storage
Steven John Thompson
Clemson University (USA)
While subliminal messaging is most consciously eschewed in the
advertising industry as an unethical manipulation, the process has
always been an integral covert operation of warfare. Through the speed
57
of instantaneity and exponential strength, digital media messages are an
ideal communication medium for masking during times of war. Ethical
considerations regarding appropriateness of masking global media
messages are daring, yet it is reality that every terrorist message is designed
to impact the cognitive receiver, as a weapon raises the bar for calculated
alternative response, deliberately designing a method for abatement of
audience impact.
Inherent rhetorical ambiguities of mediated singular terrorist constructs
are multi-faceted: there is the message for sympathizers, the message for
the terried, and the overall global message of the event as terrorism. Since
these are destructive devices which render a terrorist message a media
event -- and the moment is ubiquitously carried across digital channels
at the speed of light, mechanically reproduced without exhaustion, and
ultimately stored in collective memory -- iconic memory may have a more
advanced role in this process than expected.
While Sperling’s initial experiment variables are problematic partly
because of their unnatural laboratory environment (Haber, 1985), they
lack an additional critical variable today: that of importance for icon value.
Iconic memory moments or visual persistence -- especially when content
is immediately perceived as having deep, revered meaning or may border
on personally absorbed offense or injustice -- may somehow evolve iconic
storage or trigger sensory mechanisms that allow for rapid identication
and immediate transfer to permanent storage.
This research suggests a new value for the icon (Loftus, 1985) as digital,
considers strategies for masks possibly terminating the icon (Smithson
and Mollon, 2006), and discusses iconic storage phenomena. It proposes
practical ethical logistics that global media may use to leverage psychosocial
impact of terrorist messaging for intended audiences.
The Gendered Nature of Collective Aggression in Female-Authored
Drama of “Troubles” Inspired Drama
Brenda Liddy
Northern Regional College (Northern Ireland)
Few modern wars have lasted as long as the tit for tat Troubles that plagued
58
Northern Ireland for over 30 years. This mayhem became immediate
material for poetry: Frank Ormsby decried “door-step murders” as a “a
way of life”; Ciaran Carson rejected the horror of being spread-eagled
against a wall and cross questioned in the place he called “home”. The
besieged population even welcomed the translation of their experiences
into poetry. The Wearing of the Black, a volume about the Troubles by
Padraic Fiacc, became a best seller in the early 1970s, a rare fate for poetry
anywhere. The poets, however, did not nd their gift, were not galvanised
into writing, as a result of the violence. Mostly they had been writing
before a shot was red.
Rather it was drama that ushered in new voices that would probably
otherwise have remained mute, that enticed untried and untested laity
to have a go at re-enacting before an audience the weird world that had
closed in all around them. Christina Reid, Marie Jones, Anne Devlin hit on
bombings, bereavements, revenge, midnight house searches, as the stuff
of theatre. They set about portraying on stage the endemic domestic and
community repercussions that were the underside of the debacle. They
highlighted the unsung role women played in bringing a semblance of
normality to a highly abnormal situation.
The curious thing was that, while terrorist incidents took place in pockets
all over the province, with epicenters in Derry, at rst, and continuously in
South Armagh, it was Belfast that attracted the imaginations of these new
authors, who found prolic subject matter in its strife-torn loyalist and
republican areas. Equally curious was the pre-eminence of women among
the playwrights. It has been said that if all the volumes written about the
Northern Ireland situation were placed side by side, they could reach right
round the world. But most of these, even when written by journalists, were
produced by men, just as the poets too tended to be male. Marie Jones, Anne
Devlin and Christina Reid breached this male stranglehold, energetically
honing into an area that the spotlight had ignored: the domestic angst, the
ruined relationships resulting from the public fracas. Now they report,
wryly and ironically, from the home front. They advocate peace. The big
departure is that their agenda is emphatically feminist.
59
Political Memoir, Biography and the Memory of Loyalist
Paramilitary Violence in Northern Ireland
Stephen Hopkins
University of Leicester (England)
This paper will analyse the political memoirs and auto/biographical
reections of erstwhile loyalist paramilitaries in Northern Ireland during
the Troubles (1960s-1990s), in order to investigate their contemporary
interpretations of the violent conict, and to interrogate their motivations
both for the use of violence, and the publication of their memories of
such violence. The argument of this paper is predicated on the belief that
Northern Ireland’s perceived movement towards a ‘post-conict’ phase
has given fresh impetus to the long-established tradition of political auto/
biography associated with the historical development of Anglo-Irish
relations. Many protagonists or ex-protagonists of the ‘Troubles’ now feel
the time is ripe to tell their ‘stories’ to a wider public, to explain their
motivations, and to try and shape the debate over the rights and wrongs
of the conict.
There are a number of political and methodological issues involved in
this recent spate of publication, and this paper seeks to link the specic
study of Loyalist/Protestant auto/biographical writing, with broader
themes concerning the debate over how to remember or commemorate
various aspects of the conict. The paper analyses Protestant Paramilitary
reconstructions and representations of the conict, as evinced through
recent auto/biographical writings. The authors/subjects that would be
examined include Roy Garland’s biography of Gusty Spence (Blackstaff
Press, 2001), Henry Sinnerton’s biography of David Ervine (Brandon,
2002), Michael Stone’s autobiography (John Blake, 2003), David Lister
and Hugh Jordan’s biography of Johnny Adair (Mainstream, 2003) and
Adair’s own autobiography (2007).
It is possible that (ex-) protagonists have used these publications to engage in
self-critical reappraisal of previous commitments and actions, but perhaps
it is more likely that writing in this genre and at this juncture is likely to
involve a large measure of self-justication. The auto/biographical design
may well, in this event, represent a proxy weapon in an ongoing ideological
struggle. In interpreting political auto/biography in the Northern Irish
60
context, therefore, we need to be mindful of what Roy Foster has described
as ‘the deliberate gap in the narrative: the momentous elision, the leap in
the story.’ Auto/biographical writing may have a signicant role to play
in contemporary political discourse in Northern Ireland, by providing an
opportunity for individual narratives to be told in their entirety, retaining
their integrity. They may also provide a symbolic, collective and communal
element to this process of ‘truth-telling’. However, as these examples of
Loyalist/Protestant auto/biography demonstrate, the lacunae or gaps that
often characterise these stories make this process complex and uncertain,
especially where there is still no public consensus about the essential
causes of conict.
•Panel I: Terrorism and Political Violence in
Europe – Old and New
The Independent State of Croatia (1947-1945) and Terrorism:
Croatian Ustaše
Anita Blagojević
University of J.J. Strossmayer in Osijek (Croatia)
The way the Ustaše (often spelled Ustashe in English; singular: Ustaša),
Croatian right-wing organisation based on secrecy and rigorous discipline,
imagined the Croatian nation and the Croatian state has received litlle
attention from research, perhaps because they centred just on the Ustaša’s
attemp to establish, for the rst time in modern history, an independent
state, which is represented as the main Ustaša aim. The other principal
Ustaša aim, howewer, was to simultaneously remove the ethnic, racial and
religious minorities that the Ustaše concidered a threat to the organic unity
of the Croatian nation, including some Communist Croats. At the time of
their founding in 1929, the Ustaše were a nationalist political organisation
that committed terrorist acts. When they come to power in World War
II, they had military formations (Ustaška vojnica/Ustaša Army) and they
founded several concentration camps, the most notorious of which was
the Jasenovac complex. The basis for the system of political terror, which
included mass arrests, deportations and physical extermination of the
Serbian, Jewish and Roma minorities, was the Legal provision for the
defence of nation and state from 17 April 1941.
61
Shadows of Communism: Legal and Illegal, Naked and Symbolic –
Types of Violence Used by Military Intelligence Services in Poland
Anna Maria Grabowska and Mateusz Trawiński
Nicolas Copernicus University (Poland)
In 2006 the Polish army intelligence - Military Information Services
(hereafter WSI) -was liquidated. On February 17th, 2007 president Lech
Kaczyński, by revealing the verication report, informed public opinion
about actions taken by the WSI during its existence between 1991 and
2006. The classical Weberian denition of state says that it has a monopoly
to use legal violence. Police, army and the secret service are institutions
present in every modern state, both democratic or non-democratic, that
has the right to perform it. WSI was not an exception here. The aim of
our presentation will be to show the inuence of illegal violence used by
the WSI on polish economy, politics and society. Based on the revealed
report, interviews with the members of the Verication Commission, and
WSI soldiers, we will mange to show that fact.
The WSI case is important because of at least three reasons: First, there are
cases of using naked violence by the WSI agents that had a crucial impact on
several spheres of social life. Cases such as inltrating political opposition
that took place in the 90s, illegal weapons selling, and connections of
some ofcers with the Polish maa, are those that should be investigated.
Second, there are cases where WSI tried to make use of symbolic violence
by placing their agents in media as journalists and other employees. The
concept of symbolic violence is an important factor, as the media were
very critical about the liquidation of WSI. This resulted in public opinion
that had a sceptical view on the liquidation process. Third, the case of
WSI shows not only the problems of the Polish secret service. Many
cases show that the process of institutionalization or functionalization of
pathologies in the eld of secret service that took place in Poland is quite
universal for all post-communist countries in Eastern Europe.
62
Role of Discourse in the Perpetuation of Political Violence: A Case of
Spanish Basque Country
Asta Maskaliunaite
Baltic Defence College (Estonia)
Envisioning a violent conict one tends to think about the “physical”
aspects of the issue, focusing on the powerful images of destruction, lost
lives, chaos and mayhem. However, what is often overlooked is that the
language used to interpret such situations can play as important a role
in perpetuation or ending the conict, as these images themselves. The
Spanish Basque Country is a good example here. Sides involved have
completely different perceptions of what is at stake and a different language
to express them. For the Basque political forces, for example, there is a
political conict resulting in violence. For the Spanish side, there is no
conict, but a problem, which is violence.
These different understandings have roots in the fundamental disagreements
over the nature of the nation and the state. Rigid frames created around these
concepts on both sides make a communication between them very difcult
and position the discourse itself as one of the fundamental elements of a
conict. It is through discourse that the “cultural violence”, as described
by Galtung, takes place. It is thus by analyzing the discourse and the
frames that are used to justify the killing, by analyzing the resonance of
these frames in some parts of the population, that the violent conict and
its future can well be assessed.
Mobilizing Activism: A Comparative Analysis of the Contemporary
Right-Wing Extremists and Islamists in Germany
Ali Hedayet
IMT Lucca (Italy)
My paper will look at the meso-level and focus on two extremist groups,
the Islamist movement and the Right Extremist movement in Germany.
Separately, both have been extensively investigated, but a comparative work
is hard to nd. My paper will investigate which dynamics, mechanisms
and mobilizing resources both movements possess when recruiting and
radicalizing young members.
63
Their common enemy perceptions nd their roots in the fascist ideologies
of the Twentieth Century. In particular, these movements share hatred
against a corrupt, pluralized, globalized and cosmopolitan society. They
share a utopian future with the acceptance of or even enthusiasm for the
caliphate or the dictatorship. Finally, a very important common feature is
a strong anti-Semitism.
Some of the young militant activists are well-educated and come from a
prosperous background. Many others come from an isolated socio-cultural
environment. Especially among the latter, violence is regarded as a key to
solidarity. During the recruitment process, religious or national identities
are instruments which are used to shape a pattern of violence. This
process usually takes place in Islamic Student centers or religious schools
- “Madrasas” - for the Islamist movements and in Kameradschaften for
the right extremist ones.
Disintegrative theories are helpful to explain the social interactions
of German right extremists, but they describe less about dynamics,
mechanisms and mobilizing resources characterizing both movements.
One approach to the understanding of both movements is the resource
mobilizing theory, “RMT”. Its functional approach includes militant
dynamics, mobilizing processes and the internal organization.
Methodologically, my analysis is based on a qualitative comparative
research, involving documentary and discursive analyses to illustrate
radicalization processes. When possible, I will rely on qualitative
interviews. I will also employ secondary sources, existing literature and
ofcial documents from political and institutional authorities.
•Panel J: Not Quite Peace in Northern Ireland
Waging War through Non-Violent Means: Memorials and the
Perpetuation of Division in Ethnic-Conict
Sara McDowell
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
This paper considers the role that physical memorialisation plays in
64
perpetuating or exacerbating ethnic conict. It explores the ways in
which paramilitary groups or guerrilla organisations acting on (or
professing to act on) behalf of minorities use non-violent spatial practices
such as memorialisation to contest the territorial boundaries of the
‘other’ and renegotiate their own. Within ethnic conict where territory
is ercely contested, memorialisation has the specic capacity to extend
the parameters of conict and division constituting a form of symbolic
ideological warfare. As an expression of territoriality, memory-work
orchestrated by such organisations is employed to foster internal cohesion
and demarcate boundaries of inclusion and exclusion. While in itself
memorialisation is a non-violent practice, it can clearly celebrate violence
and underscore claims to its legitimacy in the pursuit of political goals.
Drawing on examples from Northern Ireland which has recently emerged
from three decades of conict; Sri Lanka which has, of late, returned to
violence following six years of a very volatile and tentative peace, and
Israel-Palestine which has entered yet another round of peace negotiations,
this paper works towards a more thorough understanding of the materiality
of conict and the centrality of memory to ethnic violence.
Strategic Terrorism and Signalling: Implications of a Strategic
Analysis of Loyalist Paramilitaries in Northern Ireland
Lyndsey Harris
Birmingham City University (England)
Approaches to the understanding of Loyalist paramilitaries in Northern
Ireland habitually originate from the sociological or psychological
disciplines. Whilst these methodologies have made signicant steps in
addressing the limited material available on the military dimension of
the Northern Ireland conict, there is a need for a re-interpretation of
Loyalist activity – one that employs a synthetic method. This paper will
draw from empirical data gathered from the authors completed doctoral
thesis entitled, ‘A Strategic Analysis of Loyalist Paramilitaries in Northern
Ireland,’ and offer an assessment of the campaign of strategic terrorism by
Loyalist Terrorist Organisations. Specically, this paper will outline the
importance of understanding the value systems of any terrorist organisation
highlighting the implications for successful post-conict strategies.
65
They Still Haven’t Gone Away You Know: Paramilitaries,
‘Policing’ and the PSNI
John Topping and Rachel Monaghan
University of Ulster (Northern Ireland)
As an enduring legacy of the conict, paramilitary policing remains a fact
of Northern Ireland’s post-conict landscape. While much attention has
been devoted to the causes and consequences of paramilitarism, virtually
no consideration has been given to the inuence of such non-state policing
upon the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). This paper will assess
the impact of paramilitarism on the PSNI in terms of working with, and
delivering a community-oriented service within Loyalist and Republican
communities. Furthermore, the paper will explore some of the alternative
modes of non-state security governance and the legitimating factors which
perpetuate this parallel policing provision. Finally, it will be argued that
as a unique feature of the conict, the ‘otherness’ to security provision
in the country, where legitimate and compliant with the rule of law, is
an opportunity to be embraced in line with the Patten Report’s vision of
policing more broadly conceived.
Flagging Peace
Gordon Gillespie
Queen’s University Belfast (Northern Ireland)
Northern Ireland has been subject to a peace process since the early
1990s culminating in the signing of the Multi-party Agreement in 1998.
The agreement was an attempt, using a broadly consociational model,
to manage the relationship between the Catholic/Nationalist Protestant/
Unionist ethno-political communities. Throughout this process it has been
recognized that the management of space, ‘territory’, is a key element
of community relations. This paper explores the management of public
space through symbols and rituals in a context where mutually exclusive
claims previously predominated. The paper will concentrate specically
upon the use of ags too demarcate public space. It will utilize three years
of survey research to explore how ags have been used to sustain elements
of territorial control and the consequent responses by the state.
66
•KEYNOTE SPEECH
Terrorized into Terrorist:
The Psychology, Theology and Politics of Violence
Rona M. Fields
Consultant and Clinical Psychologist (USA)
Societies and the individuals that comprise them engage in violence--of
which terrorism is one manifestation when segments of the population
are marginalized and oppressed. Subsequently replacing extra-judiciary
systems with the rule of law may put an end to or diminish terrorism
per se. However, it does not treat and rehabilitate the individuals who
are the political actors. There are many different paradigms and cultural
manifestations of the unjust society that erupt into terrorism but in the end,
without attending to the psychological and social inequities and treating
the psychological, medical and social pathologies, sectarianism--the
seedbed for terrorism-- spawns ever new variations of terrorism.
•POSTER SESSION
Psychological Terrorism in the Basque Country:
A Psychosocial Analysis of its Strategies and Effects
Javier Martin-Peña, Álvaro Rodríguez-Carballeira, Jordi Escartín and
Clara Porrúa
University of Barcelona (Spain)
Keywords: Terrorism, political violence, harassment, psychological
violence
The ETA network in Spain’s Basque region is the last active terrorist
insurgency group in Western Europe. From the strategy termed by ETA as
socialization of suffering, approach to violence has changed over time in
a variety of ways: group structure, types of violence, and target selection.
This has resulted in violence grounded in the harassment of targets and
lasting psychosocial consequences for them and for inuence to the society.
This kind of violence, reinforced with some murders can include threats,
intimidation, insults, or extortion, among others. It does not always cause
67
injuries and death, but however it can inict deep and lasting psychosocial
consequences over the victims. This study delimits and analyzes both
the strategies of harassment and psychological violence as the derived
consequences perpetrated by ETA terrorist network in the Basque
Country.
The obtained results, rst, consist in two categorizations of the mentioned
strategies and consequences of psychological violence, respectively.
These categories include the psychosocial dimension on context,
emotions, cognition and behavioural aspects. Secondly, a sample of
testimonies was coded in the categorizations, using the content analysis
technique. The psychological violence analyzed in this study reects a
form of psychological terrorism which persecutes a specic sector of the
population. Resulting practical implications are focused on facilitation in
order to make de-legitimizing the violence.
Violent Youth: The Inuence of Community Violence, Parental
Supervision and Neighbourhood Disorganisation on Juvenile Violent
Offending
Kareena McAloney, Patrick McCrystal and Andrew Percy
Queen’s University Belfast (Northern Ireland)
Violent crime is increasingly prevalent among young people, and has been
linked to characteristics of both the physical and social environment. In
this analysis of a the fth year of the Belfast Youth Development Study
(BYDS) the prevalence of violent offending is examined for a sample of
3828 young people (aged 15 – 16 years) and associations with exposure to
community violence, parental supervision and neighbourhood on violent
offending investigated. Over two fths of all young people had committed
at least one violent offence, and one fth report violently offending
three or more times. Violent offending was associated with exposure to
community violence, neighbourhood deprivation and participation in
unsupervised, unstructured leisure activities outside the family home.
The ndings suggest that both the physical and social environment
experienced by young people may play a key role in the development of
violent criminality.
68
•Panel K: Understanding the Causes of
Terrorism: Does it Work?
An Integrated Criminological Strain Approach to the Causation of
Terrorism
Amanda M. Sharp Parker
University of South Florida (USA)
Criminology has much to contribute to the study of terrorism, but few
studies have applied criminological theory to examine the causation of
terrorism. Furthermore, terrorism is an extremely complex problem
that cannot be explained at simply one level of analysis. This paper will
propose an integrated theory of terrorism examining terrorism at both the
individual and societal levels. The suggested criminological theory will
propose the integration of General Strain Theory (micro) with Institutional
Anomie Theory (macro), to offer a more complete explanation of the
terrorism phenomenon. Both strengths and weaknesses of the application
of criminological theory and the integration of General Strain with
Institutional Anomie will be examined.
What Works Best for the Terrorist: Terror-ism or Anger-ism?
Charles Knight
Queensland University of Technology (Australia)
How do terrorist actions translate to political results? What strategies
appear to deliver intended effects, and in what circumstances? To what
extent do societal responses inadvertently deliver benets? What role
does emotional reaction play? These are important questions if society is
to respond appropriately to terrorism and similar attacks.
The term ‘terrorism’ infers a functional centrality of fear in such political
violence. This is misleading. ‘Terror’ of violence may change the
behaviour of a constituency who are themselves vulnerable as a physical
target, as in the case of ethnic cleansing. However, fear has doubtful value
in directly coercing a major decision from political leaders reasonably
protected from attack. Without the power to militarily compel, inicting
‘grievous injury’ is likely to generate anger and build resistance, as the
69
strategic bombing campaigns of WW2 show. The record suggests that
‘terrorist success’ in coercing political decisions is associated with
pragmatic cost-benet decisions in the longer term. ‘Costs’ in security
resources and constraints on individual and community behaviour can
lead to exhaustion that outweighs the need to punish the violent actors. It
seems plausible that rather than ‘terror’ it is the induction of anger that is
the politically productive emotion, as it leads to escalatory responses,
increasing costs and growing resistance. Perhaps ‘angerism’ would better
describe instrumental political terrorism that coerces political payoff.
This paper proposes several theoretical models to explore the payoff of
coercive political violence. McCormicks counterinsurgency model of
population support is adapted to highlight the value of reaction. The
cost-effectiveness of such ‘reverberative’ violence is then located on
a spectrum of payoff directness. A political inuence model shows a
mechanism linking this violence with political change. These models are
then used to inform a review of 150 terrorist campaigns since ancient
times which categorises context, mechanisms and consequences and
offers preliminary ndings.
‘Successful Terrorism’: What is it and how can it be dened
Sarah Marsden
University of St. Andrews (Scotland)
The prole of terrorism is growing along with its lethality. Therefore,
identifying what constitutes success in the mind of the terrorist, and those
countering them, is of crucial importance in analysing and informing
engagement with the phenomena. This is highlighted by an increasing
demand for metrics to assess the efcacy of approaches to political
violence in the political realm. This paper will begin by discussing what
‘success’ means for terrorists, their constituencies and counter-terrorists.
Consideration will then be given to ways of identifying and quantifying
those factors, of encompassing objective and subjective approaches. This
will hopefully provide a foothold in the spectrum of political violence,
with a focus on terrorism, which facilitates a rigorous engagement with
the concept and measurement of ‘success’. The aim will be to highlight the
importance of assessing engagement with terrorism and political violence;
70
to provide an outline of the current state of the knowledge; to propose
measures for measuring success, and to promote discussion on the most
appropriate and informed routes to academic investigation. Discussion
of the implications of this approach will include the political, social and
academic realms. This paper will draw on the speakers background
in Psychology and International Relations to provide a wide-ranging
approach to the issue, informed by current debates in these elds and the
wider political sphere.
•Panel L: Some Considerations in Countering
Terrorism and Political Violence
Nationalism, Terrorist Threat and Counter-Terrorism Strategies
Maciej Sekerdej
Lisbon University Institute (Portugal)
Malgorzata Kossowska
Jagiellonian University (Poland)
The paper addresses the role which national attitudes play in the perception
of terrorist threat and in preference for specic counterterrorism strategies.
Study 1 shows that participants higher on nationalism tend to perceive
terrorism threat as more serious, particularly in its symbolic and personal
dimensions, than participants lower on nationalism. Moreover, we found
that nationalism mediates the relationship between perception of personal
threat and the support for tough, domestic policy, even at the expense
of some limitation of civil liberties. Study 2 conrms the link between
perception of personal threat and support suspension of civil liberties.
Nevertheless, it turned out that when terrorism is seen in terms of crime
rather than in terms of war, the mediating role of nationalism disappears.
The results contribute to a better understanding of the process whereby
the perception of one’s own national group and one’s own nation/state
may translate into reactions triggered by external threats.
71
Leaving Iraq, Imagining the Future – Is there a Way for the US to
Make it Better?
Marcia Byrom Hartwell
University of Oxford (England)/US Army
That the United States invasion and occupation of Iraq has been a disaster
for both is now old and mostly uncontested news. As the US Army
prepares to withdraw, and global media attention shifts toward bloodier
conicts, new challenges arise for a military determined to x what they
did wrong. While this is an honorable approach, the question remains –
can they rectify past mistakes? If so, how?
This paper proposes to examine the intent of an increasingly enlightened
US military led by a new and enlightened President that many troops helped
vote into power. The Army 1st Corps, based in Fort Lewis, Washington,
has now replaced the 18th Airborne from Fort Bragg, North Carolina, as
the de facto ‘peacekeeping mission’ MNC-I (Multi National Corps-Iraq)
determined to lead the withdrawal from Iraq with diplomacy, support, and
grace.
This paper will address whether or not a military force that was a primary
catalyst for Iraq’s sectarian destruction can now help it thrive in the
aftermath. This and related questions are analyzed through the lens of a
social scientist, working with the Army in Iraq to help address key issues
related to political violence in a more sensitive and nuanced manner. This
analysis, building upon earlier interdisciplinary research and eldwork
on perceptions of justice, identity, political processes of forgiveness and
revenge in early post-conict transitions in Northern Ireland, Serbia,
and South Africa, will describe the earliest processes of the US military
in leaving Iraq, and examine a preliminary prognosis for the country’s
future.
Illicit Trade and its Relationship with International Security
Natividad Carpintero-Santamaría
Polytechnic University of Madrid (Spain)
Illicit trade has developed in a big scope of areas, some of them representing
an increasing important role in strategic terms for international security.
72
This paper will analyze some aspects of illicit trade on:
Small arms and light weapons which has become a problem in
several countries, thus contributing to violence, interethnic conicts
and social disintegration. This illegal practice is being faced by
legitimate governments which are intensifying cooperation among
their security forces, both in a regional and international context.
Radioactive materials smuggling will also be considered. This
trafc is presently a reason of concern for governments and
international organizations, such as the United Nations and the
International Atomic Energy Agency, which contemplate the
possibility that this nuclear material could fall in the hands of
terrorist organizations.
With the end of the Cold War new challenges have emerged for international
security. Some war conicts have resulted in social deterioration and
violence that are in turn a direct frame for the abovementioned illicit
activities.
•Symposium IV: Shaping the Future by Remembering
the Past
Convenor: Gavin J. Fairbairn (Leeds Metropolitan
University)
Participants: Seidu Alidu
Ayeray Medina Bustos
Gavin J. Fairbairn
Dave Webb
The symposium includes three closely related papers. Each addresses
ways in which, following periods of oppression and political violence,
reecting on the past can contribute to the building of a new future.
73
Can we have Reconciliation without Apology and Forgiveness?
Gavin J. Fairbairn and Dave Webb
Leeds Metropolitan University (England)
In this paper we look at the concept and practice of reconciliation, and
in particular at the importance that is sometimes given to apology and
forgiveness in the attempt to build a more positive future, following
conict. Both apology and forgiveness have the possibility of contributing
to the healing of relationships, whether at a personal or a societal level. In
this way they can contribute to the creation of a more positive future that
takes account of the broken past. En route, we consider the importance,
for apology, forgiveness and reconciliation following political violence,
of the attempt to establish the truth, and what that might mean.
Representations of Truth and Reconciliation
Seidu Alidu, Dave Webb and Gavin J. Fairbairn
Leeds Metropolitan University (England)
The attempt to re-image the past and uncover the truth surrounding human
rights abuses after violent conicts and political dictatorships is one of the
central roles of Truth Commissions. This, of course, is the reason why the
word ‘truth’ is included in the designation of many of the commissions
created to investigate past human rights abuses. Examples include
South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission; Chile’s National
Commission on Truth and Reconciliation; and the Commission on the
Truth for El-Salvador. Every violent conict involves participants, with
their own experiences and a range of perspectives. Attempts to re-image
or represent certain events inevitably result in memories, emotions and
prejudices becoming mixed, as perpetrators, victims and observers recall
specic cases and many versions of the truth are expressed. In this paper
we discuss the role that truth plays in the attempt to achieve reconciliation
after political violence, through such mechanisms.
74
How can the Future be Imagined, when the Past is Struggling to
Find Some Light?
Ayeray Medina Bustos
Leeds Metropolitan University (England)
In this paper I analyse a story from the time of the last coup d’état in
Argentina, between 1976 and 1983. It is a personal story, in which I’m
directly involved as a daughter, as a niece, as the child I was at that time
and as the adult I am now. It is my mothers story, my aunt’s story and my
own story. The process of remembering is not easy. Re-opening old
wounds brings anguish, and can be distressing. But recounting the past
can provide a new version of a person’s story by reconstructing their
memory of the experience of violence and survival, thus enabling the
reconstitution of their identity. Though it begins with personal stories, the
paper links these to a discussion of ways in which society at large can be
enabled to create shared memory and a better understanding of the past, in
order that it can have the chance to build a more positive future.
•Panel M: Explaining Political Violence
and Collective Aggression from a
Psychological and Behavioural Studies
Perspective
Women and War: Leadership and Outcomes
Sheila Pfafin
Consultant (USA)
Psychological and behavioral studies relevant to societal expectations
regarding women, war, and peace, will be reviewed, and evidence
supporting or refuting these expectations will be presented. Examples of
women’s leadership in activities designed to reduce conict and improve
inter-groups relations in post-conict societies will be examined for factors
relevant to the origins and impact of such efforts. The importance of
recognizing the gendered nature of war, and women’s active participation
in war and the after-effects of war, will be discussed, and the implications
for women’s roles in political violence and the aftermath of political
violence will be considered, including implications for building stable and
peaceful post-conict societies.
75
Complex or Dangerous
Kinga Williams
Mensana Intercultural Psychological (England)
The talk sets out to explore what provides the persuasive power to
various cultural world-views. Various cultures create their world-views
by construing reality in particular ways, while rendering alternative
world-views threatening. At times of danger (e.g. war, terrorism),
world-views with a clear vision of an orderly world-structure (e.g.
fundamentalism, communism) become increasingly attractive (Salzman
2006). It is suggested that their appeal is due to their simplicity. The
presentation proposes that individual cognitive simplications and
socio-cognitive simplications are very similar. Individuals under acute
stress are well-known to resort to simplifying cognitions as a temporary
labour-saving device to free up capacity – a process that results in
cognitive errors. On a socio-cultural level the same tendency of cognitive
simplication occurs, when the acute stress of increased mortality
salience (e.g. Rosenblatt et al 1989) further amplies the chronic, ultimate
stress of mortality awareness (e.g. Greenberg et al 1997). The resulting
socio-cognitive simplications are as powerful as they are dangerous.
Given that in the present cultural-political climate their appeal is on the
increase, mindfulness of their workings is imperative.
•Panel N: Conict, Violence and the Role of
Government/Other Actors
Does Fair Government Engender Inter-National Conict?
The Ironical Relationship between Intra-National Justice and
Inter-National Justice
Tomohiro Kumagai
Tohoku University (Japan)
National policy and international conict is deeply mediated through
two kinds of social justice. The one is the social justice within the nation
(intra-national justice) that is related to the policy on tax, education,
or employment, and the other is the social justice between nations
(inter-national justice) that is related to war or international conict. The
76
paper argues that these two types of social justice do not go together,
rather they are in a dilemma. According to group value model by Lind
and Tyler (1988), individuals feel respected when they are fairly treated
within the group. This produces satisfaction with being in the group,
thereby enhancing their identication with the group (Jackson and Smith,
1999). Further, the group identication intensies ingroup favoritism.
Individuals who have high ingroup favoritism would want to be evaluated
more positively, thus they may tend to perceive that they are unfairly
evaluated, and it would engender perceived intergroup injustice and
international conict. In this study, we examined this “Group-Justice
dilemma” in the real life, using social survey data about Japan and China.
We hypothesized that intra-national justice would enhance Japanese
identication that enhances two types of ingroup favoritism: patriotism
and nationalism, in which only nationalism would engender a sense of the
international injustice, therefore, aggressive attitude against China. The
results support the Group-Justice dilemma model, and also suggest that
intra-national justice intensies international conict between Japan and
China. Focusing on the differences between patriotism and nationalism,
the psychological mechanism of Group-Justice dilemma and the ways
to overcome it are discussed. Further, additional factors are examined to
improve the model.
Lebanon: Post-War Reconstruction as Conict by Other Means
Roger MacGinty
University of St. Andrews (Scotland)
This paper uses eldwork on post-war reconstruction in Lebanon following
the 2006 Israeli-Hezbollah war to frame reconstruction as a continuation
and extension of conict. In the case of Lebanon, the reconstruction
conict operates on three ‘fronts’: 1. Reconstruction as a symbol of
continued resistance against Israel; 2. Reconstruction as part of the wider
regional contest between western-oriented Sunni political interests versus
anti-western (mainly Shia) political interests; and 3. Reconstruction as an
extension of the confessional conict within Lebanon.
The main focus of this paper is on the activities of Jihad al Bina (the
reconstruction arm of Hezbollah) and the Waad initiative, a reconstruction
77
initiative in Beirut’s southern suburbs and organised by Hezbollah. The
paper will seek to explain the ways in which reconstruction is mobilised,
justied, targeted and executed as an extension of conict. The paper
will conclude by conceptualising the meanings of ‘reconstruction’ given
the competitive (even conictual) nature associated with some post-war
recovery activities.
•PROGRESS REPORT
Scientists and Human Rights: Joining Together to Stop Political
Violence, Injustice, and Deprivation
Art Kendall
Capital Area Social Psychological Association (USA)
The American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS)
Science and Human Rights (SHR) ofce had a series of activities in honour
of the 60th Anniversary of the United Nation’s (UN) Universal Declaration
on Human Rights (UDHR). The UDHR and later documents are the basis
of international law with regard to human rights. One of these activities
was to bring together a steering committee of representatives from
scientic societies to form a coalition for dealing with issues of science
and human rights. Dr. Kendall was the representative from CASPA, the
Capital Area Social Psychological Association.
Why us? Dr. Kendall will discuss how much that behavioural scientists
interested in aggression, terrorism, and political violence do can be
expressed in human rights vocabulary. The Coalition. He will discuss the
Launch of the Coalition on January 14 to 16 2009. The Launch included
many speakers Including Mary Robinson, the former President of Ireland
and currently the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. He will
also discuss the foundational documents of the Coalition. He will outline
its purpose, guidelines, membership. The Scientists on Call System. In
October of 2008, CASPA and the Washington Statistical Society sponsored
an event to introduce the Scientists on Call system. AAAS provides an
online system for physical, health, behavioural, and social scientists to
volunteer to help with human rights activities. It also provides an online
system for human rights activists to request scientic volunteers.
78
LIST OF PARTICIPANTS
(in alphabetical order)
Mr Seidu Alidu
School of Applied Global Ethics
Leeds Metropolitan University
SAGE
Macaulay Room 210
Headingley Campus
Leeds
LS6 3QS
England
E-mail: S.Alidu@leedsmet.ac.uk
Short bio: Seidu is a political theorist studying for a PhD in Peace and
Development in the School of Applied Global Ethics at Leeds Metropolitan
University, where he is one of 100 Centenary Scholars. He gained an MSc
in Development Studies at the London School of Economics and Political
Science, after a BA in Political Science at the University of Ghana. He
worked briey as a research intern with the United Nations Economic
Commission for Asia and Pacic and for a time as national service
personnel with the Department of Political Science at the University of
Ghana. In the future he is considering work in either the academic or
non-prot sectors.
Dr Jean Allain
School of Law
Queen’s University Belfast
Room 29.203
29 University Square
Belfast
BT7 1NN
Northern Ireland
E-mail: j.allain@qub.ac.uk
Short bio: Jean is a generalist in public international law with a
specialisation in human rights and an expertise in issues of slavery and
trafcking. He completed his studies at HEI Institut universitaire de
hautes études internationalesthe Graduate Institute for International
Studies of the University of Geneva in 2000. Jean wrote his Master’s thesis
at the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, in San José, Costa Rica,
as a Fellow of the Organization of American States. While undertaking
graduate studies in Geneva, he spent six months in The Hague, as a law
clerk at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia,
where he clerked for both the Deputy Registrar and the President of the
Tribunal. In 1998, he was appointed Lecturer in Public International
Law at the American University in Cairo, Egypt. In 2000, he became
Assistant Professor in 2004. He was appointed Senior Lecturer at Queen’s
University, Belfast in 2004 and Reader in 2008. In 2008, Jean was
appointed Extraordinary Lecturer, Centre for Human Rights, Faculty of
Law, University of Pretoria, South Africa.
Dr Daniel Antonius
New York University School of Medicine
Department of Psychiatry
550 First Avenue
NBV 22N10
New York, NY 10016
USA
E-mail: danantonius@gmail.com
Short bio: Daniel is an Assistant Professor at New York University School
of Medicine, and the Coordinator for Forensic Sciences and Aggression
Research at the Institute for Social and Persistent Illness: Research,
Education, and Services (InSPIRES). Daniel’s research interests focus
on neurobiological, behavioural, and societal factors that underlie
violence and aggression manifested in diverse ways across individuals
and groups. His research projects aim to advance our current knowledge
on the underpinnings of aggressive behaviour, with the ultimate goal of
improving prevention, intervention, and treatment. Daniel is the Co-Editor
80
of Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, a new
journal that disseminates theoretical ideas and empirical research within
the eld of terrorism and political violence. Daniel received his PhD in
Clinical Psychology from the New School for Social Research, New York
City, and he also holds a MA degree in forensic psychology from John Jay
College of Criminal Justice, New York City.
Dr Onder Bakircioglu
School of Law
Queen’s University Belfast
28 University Square
Belfast
BT7 1NN
Northern Ireland
E-mail: o.bakircioglu@qub.ac.uk
Short bio: Onder is currently a lecturer in law at Queen’s University Belfast.
He was called to the Istanbul Bar in 2000. His education includes an LLB
Degree from the University of Istanbul; an MA degree in “Human Rights
and Democratization” from the University of Malta; and an LLM degree
in “International Human Rights Law” from the University of Essex. Onder
received his PhD degree from University College Cork. He has published
articles on matters related to the doctrine of self-defence in criminal law
and international law, war and terror, just war doctrine and human rights.
The journals that published his articles include The Journal of Criminal
Law, German Law Journal, Indiana International & Comparative Law
Review, Tulsa Journal of Comparative and International Law, Third
World Quarterly (forthcoming), and International & Comparative Law
Quarterly (forthcoming).
Ms Cornelia Beyer
Deptartment of Politics and International Studies
University of Hull
Hull
HU67RX
England
81
E-mail: C.Beyer@hull.ac.uk
Short bio: Cornelia is Lecturer in Politics at the University of Hull. Her
research interests are Terrorism and Counterterrorim, Global Governance
and International Relations Theory. She is the author of Violent Globalisms:
Conict in Response to Empire (Ashgate, 2008), Counterterrorism and
International Power Relations: the EU, US and ASEAN in Hegemonic
Global Governance (IB Tauris, 2009), and An intellectual biography of
Prof. Kenneth Waltz (forthcoming).
Dr Kimberley Bistis
Department of Mental Health
Commonwealth of Massachusetts
165 Quincy Street
Brockton
MA 02302
USA
E-mail: kbistis.str@gmail.com
Short bio: Kim is a clinical risk specialist for the southeastern area of the
Massachusetts Department of Mental Health. She has a private
psychotherapy practice in Boston and also specialises in psychological
testing for forensic cases. For the past 10 years, she has been a member of
and senior consultant for the local psychiatric emergency services team.
She joined the governing board of the Society for Terrorism Research in
2007 and is currently the chair of membership.
Miss Jessie Blackbourn
School of Politics, International Studies and Philosophy
Queen’s University Belfast
University Road
Belfast
BT7 1NN
E-mail: jblackbourn01@qub.ac.uk
Short bio: Jessie is a nal year PhD Candidate in the School of Politics,
International Studies and Philosophy at Queen’s University Belfast. She
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recently submitted her thesis entitled ‘The Northern Ireland Peace Process
and the Post-9/11 Terrorism Crisis’ and is currently awaiting her Viva. Her
research interests include terrorism and counter-terrorism legislation in
Northern Ireland and the UK, comparative peace processes and the politics
of the UK and Ireland. Her recent publications include ‘International
Terrorism and Counterterrorist Legislation: The Case Study of Post-9/11
Northern Ireland’, published in Terrorism and Political Violence in 2009
and ‘Counter Terrorism and Civil Liberties: The United Kingdom
Experience, 1968-2008’ published in the Journal of the Institute of Justice
and International Studies in 2008.
Anita Blagojević
University of J. J. Strossmayer in Osijek
Faculty of Law
Radićeva 13
31000 Osijek
Croatia
E-mail: ablagoje@pravos.hr
Short bio: Anita has a LL. M and is currently an assistant in the Faculty of
Law at the University of J. J. Strossmayer in Osijek.
Mr Gavin Boyd
School of Criminology, Politics and Social Policy
University of Ulster
Newtownabbey
BT37 0QB
E-mail: g.boyd@ulster.ac.uk
Short bio: Gavin joined the University of Ulster in 2007 following a
long career in the criminal justice system. He was a Winston Churchill
Fellow and his research into policing has taken him to South Africa and
the USA.
83
Dr Marie Breen-Smyth
Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Contemporary Political
Violence (CSRV)
Department of International Politics
Aberystwyth University
Aberystwyth
SY23 3DT
Wales
E-mail: mys@aber.ac.uk
Short bio: Marie is Director of the Centre for the Study of Radicalisation
and Contemporary Political Violence (CSRV) at the University of Wales,
and Treasurer of Healing Through Remembering, a cross-sectoral initiative
on truth recovery in Northern Ireland. Previously, she was Head of
Research and Communication with Criminal Justice Inspection Northern
Ireland and a Non-Executive Director of the Northern Health and Social
Services Board where she was Convenor for Complaints. She chaired the
rst Research Ethics Committee for Northern Ireland until July 2005. She
was 2002-2003 Jennings Randolph Senior Fellow at the United States
Institute of Peace, where she advised on Northern Ireland, and conducted
an international comparative study on adolescent militarization in South
Africa, Israel/Palestine and Northern Ireland.
Dr Adam Brown
Functional Neuroimaging Laboratory
Weill Medical College of Cornell University
Guest Faculty
Sarah Lawrence College
Weill Medical College
Cornell University
525 East 68th Street, Box 140
New York, NY 10065
E-mail: adb2004@med.cornell.edu
Short bio: : Adam earned his B.A. from the University of Oregon, followed
84
by his M.A. and Ph.D. from the New School for Social Research. He is
currently a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Weill Medical College of Cornell
University. He is also a Guest Faculty at Sarah Lawrence College. As
a clinical psychologist, Adam has special interests in clinical, cognitive,
and neuroscientic approaches to memory and emotion; cognitive and
neural basis of fear and anxiety; social inuences on memory; evaluation
and treatment of anxiety disorders; autobiographical memory; author of
articles and book chapters on collective memory, memory implantation,
and retrieval failure; and trauma and aggression. Adam is on the Governing
Board of the Society for Terrorism Research and is an Associate Editor
for the society’s journal Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political
Aggression. He is a founding Co-Editor of New School Psychology
Bulletin.
Dr Kris Brown
Transitional Justice Institute
University of Ulster
Newtownabbey
BT37 0QB
Northern Ireland
E-mail: K.Brown@ulster.ac.uk
Short bio: Kris is currently an RCUK Post Doctoral Fellow at the
Transitional Justice Institute, University of Ulster. His research interests
focus on commemoration, memory and memorialisation in post conict
Northern Ireland, especially themes relating to victimhood, the nature of the
conict, relations with the state, the use of political symbols, and national
identities. Internationally comparative approaches deepen aspects of this
work. Other research interests include political developments within Ulster
Loyalism and modern Irish Republicanism, and arms decommissioning.
He has also written on Irish foreign policy.
85
Mr Brénainn Brunton
School of Criminology, Politics and Social Policy
University of Ulster
Newtownabbey
BT37 0QB
Northern Ireland
E-mail: benbrunt@btinternet.com
Short bio: Benny is in his nal year of study for his Ph.D. His research
is concerned with examining how communities living in interface areas
in Northern Ireland may become empowered through the regeneration of
their areas socially and economically. He has presented his initial ndings
at a number of conferences and has undertaken teaching with the School
of Criminology, Politics and Social Policy.
Dr Dominic Bryan
Institute of Irish Studies
Queen’s University Belfast
BT7 1NN
Northern Ireland
E-mail: d.bryan@qub.ac.uk
Short bio: Dominic is Director of the Institute of Irish Studies at Queens
University, Belfast, Chair of Diversity Challenges, and has worked with
the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission and the Community
Relations Council. Dominic is an anthropologist researching political
rituals, public space and identity in Northern Ireland. His book Orange
Parades: The Politics of Ritual Tradition and Control (Pluto Press 2000)
used theories of rituals to examine parades organised by the Orange Order
in Ireland. Dominic also works on issues around public order policing,
human rights, ethnic politics and sectarianism and has done comparative
work in South Africa and the US.
86
Mr Jonny Byrne
School of Criminology, Politics and Social Policy
University of Ulster
Newtownabbey
BT37 0QB
Northern Ireland
E-mail: Byrne-J1@email.ulster.ac.uk
Short bio: Jonny is just completing his rst year of Ph.D. study. His research
is focussing on the issue of peace walls in Northern Ireland. Prior to his
return to study Jonny worked for the Institute of Conict Research based
in North Belfast where he was involved in a number of research projects.
He has also undertaken some teaching in the School of Criminology,
Politics and Social Policy.
Professor Natividad Carpintero-Santamaría
Polytechnic University of Madrid
José Gutiérrez Abascal n° 2
28006 Madrid
Spain
E-mail: NCSANTAMARIA@telefonica.net
Brief bio: Natividad is currently a professor at the Polytechnic University
of Madrid and General Secretary of the Institute of Nuclear Fusion.
She has a Ph.D., Diploma in High Studies of Defence and is also a
Corresponding Member of the European Academy of Sciences. Natividad
has published 77 papers, authored the book The Atom Bomb: The Human
Factor during Second World War (Ediciones Díaz de Santos, 2007) and
co-edited with Guillermo Velarde the book Inertial Connement Nuclear
Fusion: A Historical Approach by Its Pioneers (Foxwell and Davies (UK)
Ltd Scientic Publisher, 2007).
87
Mr Frederick William Dixon
School of Politics and Communication Studies
Roxby Building
University of Liverpool
Liverpool
L69 7ZT
England
E-mail: freddie_dixon@hotmail.com
Short bio: Freddie is a recent graduate in International Politics and
Policy from the University of Liverpool, with a particular interest in
the relationships held between organised criminal gangs and aggressive
police forces. He is hoping to gain a greater understanding of the issues
surrounding political violence.
Ms Jo Doody
School of Law/TJI
University of Ulster
Newtownabbey
BT37 0QB
Northern Ireland
E-mail: Lett-J@email.ulster.ac.uk
Short bio: Jo is her third year of Ph.D. study examining the issue of exclusion
orders utilised by the British government during the Troubles. She has
presented her ndings at a number of conferences and has undertaken
teaching in both the School of Law and in the School of Criminology,
Politics and Social Policy.
Felipe Duarte
Institute for Political Studies
Portuguese Catholic University, Lisbon
Calcada do Galvao, nº 119
3ºdto – 1400-166
Lisbon
Portugal
88
E-mail: felipepatheduarte@gmail.com
Short bio: Felipe is a PhD student in Political Science and International
Relations (Terrorism and Insurrection) in the Institute for Political Studies
(Portuguese Catholic University). He earned a MA from the same university,
and a BA in Philosophy from the University of Coimbra, Portugal. He was
researcher at the Mario Soares Foundation, a think tank that promotes
and sponsors cultural and scientic actions in the eld of human rights
and international relations. Currently, he is Assistant Secretary-General of
the Portuguese Observatory for Security, Organized Crime and Terrorism.
He also collaborates, as a researcher, with the international think
tank EuroDefense Portugal. He is author of No Crepúsculo da Razão:
Considerações sobre o Terrorismo do Pós-Guerra Fria (2007) prefaced
by the Portuguese Internal Affairs Minister. He is also a visiting student at
the University of Oxford (St. Antony’s College).
Professor Gavin J. Fairbairn
Leeds Metropolitan University
The Grange
Headingley Campus
Beckett Park
LS6 3QS
E-mail: G.Fairbairn@leedsmet.ac.uk
Short bio: Gavin is a teacher and ‘jobbing philosopher’, who currently works
as Professor of Ethics and Language at Leeds Metropolitan University. He
has published widely about a wide range of topics, including the ethics of
health and social care; mental health; learning disability; sexuality; the
end of life; education; storytelling; empathy; peace, reconciliation and
imaging war; academic literacy and style. Recent publications include
(with David Canter) Becoming an Author: advice for academics and
other professionals (OU Press, 2006); ‘Unpicking threads: issues in
the language and ethics of suicide’, Ethical Space, 3 (4) 34 41, and
‘Empathy, sympathy and the image of the other’ (accepted for publication
in Peace Review).
89
Dr Rona M. Fields
1618 Myrtle St. NW
Washington DC 20012
USA
E-mail: Rmelds27@aol.com
Short bio: Rona is the Founding Director of Associates in Community
Psychology, a clinical and consulting rm based in Washington, DC
Her books include: Society on the Run (Penguin Ltd. Hammondsworth,
UK1973); Society Under Siege (Temple University Press 1977); The
Portuguese Revolution and the Armed Forces Movement (Praeger
Special Studies 1978); Northern Ireland (Transaction/Society Books
New Brunswick, New Jersey 1980) The Future of General Hall (1985);
Martyrdom: The Psychology, Theology and Politics of Self Sacrice
(Praeger, Westport Connecticut 2004) and most recently the chapter ‘The
Neurobiological Effects of Psychological Torture’ in A. Ojeda et al. The
Trauma of Psychological Torture (Praeger 2008). Rona is the National
Spokesperson for The Children’s Rights Council, immediate part president
of the District of Columbia Psychological Association; Fellow of The
American Psychological Association. She has written and been published
in mainstream media as well as extensively published in academic books,
monographs, journeys internationally. Since 1967 when she began her
research and work in the Chicano Movement in California, her research
has focused on violence and social change in the United States and abroad.
She served on the Medical Commission of Amnesty International in their
Campaign to Abolish Torture from 1974-77; undertook consultations
and research for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in
southeast Asia and for the United Nations Border Relief in Cambodia and
Thailand. From 1987 to1997 she annually reviewed the United Nations
Interim Forces in Lebanon studying the psychology of Peacekeeping.
Furthermore, she has held Professorial appointments and Visiting
appointments at many universities in the US and abroad. She is presenting
Adjunct Professor at Howard University Medical School in Psychiatry.
90
Lorenzo Gabutti
RAI – Radiotelevisione Italiana
Viale Mazzini 14
Rome
Italy
E-mail: lorgab1976@yahoo.it
Short bio: Lorenzo was born in Rome in 1976, was partly schooled in
England and has read Philosophy at Rome La Sapienza University. He
currently works at RAI, the Italian Television and Radio Corporation,
where he researches archive footage for TV programmes.
Dr Gordon Gillespie
Institute of Irish Studies
Queen’s University Belfast
BT7 1NN
Northern Ireland
E-mail: g.gillespie@qub.ac.uk
Short bio: Gordon is a Visiting Research Fellow at the Institute of Irish
Studies, Queen’s University, Belfast. He is the joint author (with Dominic
Bryan and Clifford Stevenson) of reports examining the display of ags
and emblems on main roads in Northern Ireland. His publications include;
Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles (with Paul Bew) and
Years of Darkness: The Troubles Remembered.
Dr Ayla Göl
Lecturer in International Politics
Department of International Politics
Aberystwyth University
Aberystwyth
SY23 3DT
Wales
E-mail: ayg@aber.ac.uk
91
Short bio: Ayla holds a BA and an MSc from the University of Ankara,
Turkey and a PhD from the London School of Economics (LSE).
Before she joined Aberystwyth University in 2005 she lectured at the
Department of International Relations, LSE between 2003 and 2005.
Ayla was the inaugural John Vincent Visiting Fellow at the Department
of International Relations, Research School of Pacic and Asian Studies,
Australian National University in Canberra in 2003. She also taught at the
Department of International Relations at the Faculty of Political Science,
the University of Ankara
Miss Anna Maria Grabowska
Nicolas Copernicus University
Baczynskiego 15
10-371 Olsztyn
Poland
E-mail: laumarang@gmail.com
Short bio: Anna Maria is a student of Sociology, Group Interests
Department, at the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Polska) and
a member of the Center for Public Discourse Monitoring and Sociology
Students’ Scientic Association. Most of her research centers around
media inuence, the process of framing and the power of agenda-setting
as the contemporary tools of symbolic power.
Dr Dominik Güss
Department of Psychology
University of North Florida
1 UNF Drive
Jacksonville
FL 32224
USA
E-mail: dguess@unf.edu
Short bio: Dominik received his Ph.D. from the Otto-Friedrich Universität
Bamberg, Germany and is now Associate Professor at the Psychology
Department of the University of North Florida. He also lived and
worked in Brazil, India, and the Philippines. His main research areas
92
are cross-cultural psychological studies on decision making, complex
problem solving, disaster management, and suicide terrorism. He recently
developed a theoretical model explaining suicide terrorism, published in
the Journal for the Theory of Social Behavior. His research was supported
by the National Science Foundation and by the Humboldt Foundation. He
was invited to present at the symposium on Global Security at the Oxford
Round table at Oxford University.
Dr Lyndsey Harris
School of Social Sciences
Room 420 Dawson Building
Birmingham City University
City North Campus
Perry Barr
Birmingham
B42 2SU
England
E-mail: Lyndsey.Harris@bcu.ac.uk
Short bio: Lyndsey was previously an Associate Lecturer in Politics at the
School of Economics and Politics at the University of Ulster (Jordanstown)
and a Visiting Lecturer at the Department of Social and Communications
Studies at the University of Chester. Lyndsey is Chair of the Political
Studies Association’s Post Graduate Network (PGN); a Council member
of the Conict Research Society; and an IUS Armed Forces and Society
Fellow. Her research interests include terrorism and political violence;
strategic theory and Northern Irish Politics. Lyndsey is awaiting her viva
for completed doctoral thesis entitled, ‘A Strategic Analysis of Loyalist
Paramilitaries in Northern Ireland After the Belfast Agreement’, which
employed a strategic theory framework to examine Loyalist paramilitary
activity based upon empirical data including over fty interviews with
members and ex-members of the Ulster Defence Association and Ulster
Volunteer Force.
93
Dr Marcia Byrom Hartwell
MNC-I (Multi National Corps- Iraq)
US Army
Baghdad
Iraq
E-mail: marcia.hartwell@wolfson-oxford.com
Short bio: Marcia has undertaken highly interdisciplinary research,
eldwork, and publications focusing on perceptions of justice as fairness,
formation of post-conict identity, and political processes of forgiveness
and revenge in early post-conict transitions. Her primary goal has been
to develop an analytical framework integrating eldwork and theory that
more accurately reects underlying dynamics present in violent peace
processes and their impact on political cooperation between former
enemies, formation /reform of political, economic, legal, security sector
institutions, interaction with international aid/ development organizations
and security forces. Primary research and eldwork interviews (Northern
Ireland, Serbia, South Africa) were conducted for completion of a
D.Phil./PhD, Department of International Development/Refugee Studies
Centre, Queen Elizabeth House, Oxford University, UK, and built upon
a M.Sc. thesis, “The Role of Forgiveness in Reconstructing Society After
Conict”, Development Studies Institute, London School of Economics.
Undergraduate work on international economics and politics focusing
on economies emerging from crisis (Eastern Europe, Northern Ireland)
was completed for a B.A., major economics, minor government, Smith
College, USA. She has been in Iraq since March 2009, working as a Senior
Social Scientist embedded in the Reconciliation Team, Multinational
Corps-Iraq.
Mrs Charlotte Heath-Kelly
Department of International Politics
Aberystwyth University
Aberystwyth
SY23 3DT
Wales
E-mail: cch08@aber.ac.uk
94
Short bio: Charlotte is a doctoral candidate at Aberystwyth University’s
Department of International Politics. Her research concerns the roles of
agency and belief in individual and group transitions toward militancy,
using the case studies of E.O.K.A., the Red Brigades, and the Hofstad
network.
Mr Ali Hedayat
Political Systems and Institutional Change
IMT Advanced Studies
Piazza San Ponziano, 6
55100 Lucca
Italy
E-mail: a.hedayat@imtlucca.it
Short bio: Ali is pursuing a Ph.D. in Political Sciences at IMT Institute
for Advances Studies in Lucca. He is specializing in the eld of Social
Movement Theories, Religious Activism and their Mobilization
Dynamics. His current research project is a Qualitative Comparative
Analysis of the Political and Economic Mobilization Resources of Islamic
and Right-Wing Activism in the Federal Republic of Germany. His further
research interests are: Totalitarianism and Authoritarianism, International
Relations, Conict Studies and the Studies of Terror and Political Violence
used by paramilitary forces. Ali graduated at the University of Bremen
where he wrote his Diploma-thesis on the Persistence of Authoritarian
Regimes with Iran as a case-study.
Mr William Henderson
School of Law and Social Sciences
Glasgow Caledonian University
Cowcaddens Road
Glasgow
G4 0BA
Scotland
E-mail: william.henderson@gcal.ac.uk
95
Short bio: William is a Lecturer in Law, Division of Law, Glasgow
Caledonian University and Research Student, Faculty of Laws, University
College London. William assisted the Secretariat of the Assembly of States
Parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court during the
resumption of the seventh session of the Assembly, in the United Nations
Headquarters, New York.
Mr Joshua B. Hill
Institute for the Study of Violent Groups
Sam Houston State University
Box 2448
Huntsville
Texas 77341-2448
USA
E-mail: jbh011@shsu.edu
Short bio: Josh gained his BA from the University of Central Florida
(UCF) majoring in international relations and his MA (Criminal Justice)
from Sam Houston State University. He is currently a lead analyst at the
Institute for the Study of Violent Groups, contributing editor to Terrorism
– Crime and Justice International and a fellow of the Ofce of the Special
Assistant to the President for Global Perspectives, UCF.
Mr Stephen Hopkins
Department of Politics and International Relations
University of Leicester
University Road
Leicester
LE1 7RH
England
E-mail: sh15@leicester.ac.uk
Short bio: Stephen is currently a lecturer in the Department of Politics and
International Relations at the University of Leicester. His primary research
interest is the politics of Northern Ireland, with particular reference to
the politics of memoir and autobiography, and the political legacy of the
96
conict. He is also interested in the politics of West European communism
and post-communism, with particular reference to questions of communist
historiography, and the politics of memoir and autobiography.
Dr Richard Jackson
Department of International Politics
Aberystwyth University
Aberystwyth
SY23 3DT
Wales
E-mail: rsj@aber.ac.uk
Short bio: Richard joined the Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and
Contemporary Political Violence in July 2007 where he currently lectures
on critical terrorism studies, international conict resolution, and security
studies. He was awarded his PhD in Political Science from the University
of Canterbury, New Zealand in 1998, and has previously taught at the
University of Manchester (2003-2007), the University of Canterbury
(2002), and the University of Otago, New Zealand (1997-2001). He is the
founding editor of the journal Critical Studies on Terrorism, is co-convener
(with Piers Robinson, University of Manchester) of the BISA Critical
Studies on Terrorism Working Group (CSTWG), and is on the editorial
board of three journals: Media, War & Conict, Studies in Language and
Capitalism, and The Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research.
Mr Albert Jongman
Dutch Ministry of Defence
Irislaan 253
Oegstgeest 2343 CL
The Netherlands
E-mail: berto.jongman@gmail.com
Short bio: Albert majored in western sociology at the University of
Groningen in 1981. During his studies he gained practical experience as a
research assistant at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
(SIPRI) in Sweden. From 1982 to 1987 he worked as a researcher at the
97
Polemological Institute of the University of Groningen where he dealt
with several research topics including the quantitative study of war,
political violence, armament and disarmament issues and human rights.
In 1987, he moved to the University of Leiden where he acted as data
manager of the Project on Interdisciplinary Research on the Root Causes
of Gross Human Rights Violations (PIOOM). He also worked on several
research projects, including the World Conict and Human Rights Map,
20th Century Genocides and Monitoring Human Rights Violations.
In 2002, he moved from academia to government. Since early 2002 he
works as a senior terrorism analyst for the Dutch Ministry of Defense. In
his current function he participates in a number of Advanced Research
Working Groups of NATO.
Dr Emmanuel Karagiannis
Department of International and European Studies
University of Macedonia
Economic and Social Sciences,
156 Egnatia Street,
GR-540 06 Thessaloniki
Greece
E- mail: mkaragiannis@yahoo.com
Short bio: Emmanuel is a Lecturer in International Relations at
the University of Macedonia in Greece and an Investigator at the
DHS-sponsored University of Maryland’s National Consortium for the
Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism. He also teaches courses
on security studies at the Joint War College of Hellenic Armed Forces
and the Hellenic National Defense College. He obtained his Ph.D. in
Political Science from the University of Hull. His eld of research was the
connection between pipeline development and security in the Caucasus
region. He received his B.A in European Community Studies from London
South Bank University and an M.A in International Security Studies from
the University of Reading. During 2005, he was a Postdoctoral Fellow at
the University of Pennsylvania’s Solomon Asch Center for the Study of
Ethnopolitical Conict. From January 2008 to February 2008 he was a
visiting scholar at Yale’s University Macmillan Center for International
98
and Area Studies. His articles on Hizb ut-Tahrir have been published in
the following U.S. and British peer-reviewed journals: State, Religion
and Society, Europe-Asia Studies, Nationalities Papers, Terrorism and
Political Violence, and Nationalism and Ethnic Politics.
Dr. Arthur J. Kendall
Capital Area Social Psychological Association
6703 Forest Hill Drive
University Park, MD 20783
USA
E-mail: Art@DrKendall.org
Short bio: Art is retired from a Senior Mathematical Statistician position
after 22 years at the US GAO where he spent much of his time working in
National Security and International Affairs on behalf of the US Congress.
Art helped in the establishment of Division 48 and served on the editorial
board of its journal and has been active in the International Society of
Political Psychology since it was started in 1978. Art is currently the
Associate Editor for the journal Dynamics of Asymmetric Conict and
Terrorism, on the Advisory Board of the Society for Terrorism Research
and on the editorial board for its journal, Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism
and Political Aggression. His undergraduate degree is in Philosophy
including Ethics and he is the representative of the Capital Area Social
Psychological Association to the Science and Human Rights Coalition of
the AAAS.
Mr Charles Knight
Justice Studies (Faculty of Law)
Queensland University of Technology
GPO Box 2434
Brisbane QLD 4001
Australia
E-mail: ca.knight@qut.edu.au
Short bio: Charles has a twin-track military and security analysis
background: originally a regular Army and then RAF ofcer; he spent
99
four years commanding indigenous troops in Arabia and served on
counter-insurgency training teams elsewhere. On migrating to Australia
in the 80s he joined the Commandos and became an urban operations
specialist. The principal author of relevant Australian doctrine for a decade,
he developed and introduced many combat training practices now in use.
His reserve service has included commanding an infantry battalion, and he
remains involved in Army research that supports capability development.
Charles’ civilian roles working for companies such as Control Risks Ltd
have included ballistic armour and explosives research and development,
security risk analysis focussing on terrorism and crisis response planning
in the Australasian Region, as well as corporate security management at
the National level. Since 9/11 he has become increasingly interested in
understanding the mechanisms of effective political violence, particularly
the role that states and other adversaries inadvertently play in enabling
‘terrorist successes. The function within this of emotional responses
to violence perceived as ‘illegitimate’ is the focus of his full-time PhD
research at Queensland University of Technology.
Professor Małgorzata Kossowska
Institute of Psychology
Jagiellonian University
al. Mickiewicza 3
31-120 Kraków
Poland
E-mail: malgorzata.kossowska@uj.edu.pl
Short bio: Małgorzata is a professor in the Institute of Psychology at
the Jagiellonian University, Kraków, Poland. She received her PhD in
psychology from Jagiellonian University in 1996 and MA from the same
university in 1992. Her areas of interest include cognitive and motivational
underpinnings of political beliefs, cognitive rigidity and its relationships
with problem solving and decision making. She published papers on
psychological determinants on political beliefs, political conservatism
and epistemic motivation. She published several books (e.g. Strategies
of action; Unchangeable mind); she is also co-editor of a book Social
paths of cognition and New trends in social cognition. She is a member
100
of the European Association of Experimental Social Psychology, the
International Society of Political Psychology and the Polish Society of
Social Psychology.
Dr Tomohiro Kumagai
Center for the Study of Social Stratication and Inequality
Tohoku University
1-20-6-201, Nakayama, Aoba, Sendai, Miyagi
JAPAN 981-0952
E-mail: kumagai@sal.tohoku.ac.jp
Short bio: Tomohiro is at present an assistant professor in the Center for the
Study of Social Stratication and Inequality at Tohoku University (Global
Center of Excellence Program). Both his Ph.D. and MA are from Tohoku
University, prior to this he studied at Hosei University. Between 2005 and
2007, he was a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at Center for the Study of
Social Stratication and Inequality, Tohoku University (The 21st century
Center of Excellence Program). In 2007, he was also a visiting scholar at
both Radboud University and Utrecht University in the Netherlands.
Dr. Christopher Lamont
Transitional Justice Institute
University of Ulster
Magee Campus
Northland Road
Londonderry
BT48 7JL
Northern Ireland
E-mail: ck.lamont@ulster.ac.uk
Short bio: Chris joined the Transitional Justice Institute, University of
Ulster, as a post doctoral fellow in 2009. Chris holds a BA in International
Studies from the University of Mississippi (2002), an MSc in International
and European Politics from the University of Edinburgh (2005), and a PhD
in Politics from the University of Glasgow (2008). Before joining the TJI,
Chris lectured in the Politics Department at the University of Glasgow.
101
Previously Chris was a Fulbright fellow at the University of Zagreb
(2002-2003), where he undertook research on post-conict party system
development in the city of Sisak, Croatia. Chris’ research interests include
international criminal justice with a focus on understanding compliance on
the part of states and international organizations with orders and requests
from international judicial bodies.
Dr Richard L. Legault
National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to
Terrorism (START)
3300 Symons Hall
University of Maryland
College Park MD 20742
USA
E-mail: rlegault@start.umd.edu
Short bio: Richard is a post-doctoral research fellow and co-director of
the Terrorism and Preparedness Data Resource Center (TPDRC) and
START’s Empirical Analysis of Improvised Explosive Devises Project.
He received his Ph.D. from the School of Criminal Justice at the State
University of New York at Albany in 2006 where he also was assistant
editor of the Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics. Richard performs
research and quantitative analyses of survey data, policy evaluation, data
usage and measurement, terrorism, and violence-reduction strategies.
Dr Brenda Liddy
Northern Regional College
Northern Ireland
E-mail: brenda@liddy208.fsnet.co.uk
Short bio: Brenda has recently completed her doctorate at the University
of Ulster. She is currently publishing her rst book, Women’s War Drama
in the Seventeenth Century. Her special interest is women’s war drama.
She has taught English at the University of Ulster and is currently teaching
English in the Northern Regional College. Her ambition is to continue
her research and she is currently working on her second book, Warrior
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lover, ghting side by side to the death’: The Representations of War in
Female-authored Contemporary Irish Drama. She is interested in peace
and reconciliation and is involved in cross-community projects in North
Belfast. She is also interested in amateur drama and lm and studies at the
Crescent Arts Centre in South Belfast.
Professor Saideh Lotan
Faculty of Law and Political Science
University of Tehran
Enghelab Avenue
Tehran
Iran
E-mail: slotan@ut.ac.ir
Short bio: Saideh is Professor of Political Science at the Faculty of Law
and Political Science at the University of Tehran. She is the Chair of the
International Pugwash Council for the 2007-2012 Quinquennium. She
received her Ph.D. from Michigan State University in political science,
and was assistant professor of political science at the University of Iowa,
TCU and Boston University from 1985-1991. She was a visiting researcher
at Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) in Sweden
in 1995, and the Visiting Iranian Fellow at the Middle East Centre, St
Antony’s College (University of Oxford) in 2003. She has written on
non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament in the Middle East, security
of the Persian Gulf and Central Asia, and foreign and defense policies of
Iran.
Ms Yassin M’Boge
School of Law
Queen’s University Belfast
BT7 1NN
Northern Ireland
E-mail: ymboge01@qub.ac.uk
Short bio: Yassin (LLB (Honours) Law, LLM (International Criminal
Justice and Armed Conict)), began her doctoral studies at Queen’s
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University Belfast in January 2006 after completing an internship in the
Legal Advisory Section of the Registry at the International Criminal Court
based in the Hague in 2005. Her research investigates the relationship
between the International Criminal Court and the UN Security Council
and is entitled A Constructive Partnership in Peace, Security and Justice:
The Relationship between the International Criminal Court and the
UN Security Council. Her main areas of interest are international law,
international criminal law, transitional justice and penal law. Since
commencing her PhD, Yassin has taught on a number of law modules.
Dr Roger MacGinty
School of International Relations
University of St. Andrews
The Scores
St. Andrews
Fife
KY16 9AX
Scotland
E-mail: hrm21@st-andrews.ac.uk
Short bio: Roger is a Reader at the School of International Relations,
University of St Andrews. His book includes: No War, No Peace: The
rejuvenation of stalled peace processes and peace accords, Conict and
Development (with Andrew Williams) and Contemporary Peacemaking
(edited with John Darby). He is editor of a new book series from Palgrave
entitled ‘Rethinking Political Violence’.
Sarah Marsden
Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence
International Relations
University of St. Andrews
The Scores
St. Andrews
Fife
KY16 9AX
Scotland
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E-mail: sm992@st-andrews.ac.uk
Short bio: Sarah is currently based at the University of St Andrews,
undertaking a doctorate in International Relations, and working as a
researcher in the eld of terrorism and political violence. This follows a
period working as a Research Associate for Forensic Psychological Services
at Middlesex University carrying out research and evaluation work in the
criminal justice sector. Sarah’s research interests focus on terrorism and
political violence, in particular the evolution and characteristics of groups
that use terrorism, the processes of radicalisation, and routes to engaging
with violent extremism.
Mr Javier Martín-Peña
Department of Social Psychology
Faculty of Psychology
University of Barcelona
Mundet, Ponent
Passeig de la Vall d’Hebron, 171
08035 Barcelona
Catalonia
Spain
E-mail: javier_martin@ub.edu
Short bio: Javier is a Ph. D. Candidate and researcher in the Social
Psychology Department at University of Barcelona (Spain). He is a member
of a research group, which works in the study of psychological violence
in different settings, formed by members of University of Barcelona
and University Autonomous of Madrid, and supervised by Dr. Álvaro
Rodríguez-Carballeira. He is currently working in his doctoral thesis, about
the violence perpetrated by the ETA terrorist network in Basque Country, in
Spain. Specically his research is about the harassment and psychological
terrorism phenomenon, often named “violence of persecution”. He has
undertaken a research period at the International Institute of Victimology
of Tilburg (INTERVICT), Tilburg University, Netherlands and he will be
at John Jay College of Criminal Justice (City University of New York) in
the fall of 2009.
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Dr. Asta Maskaliunaite
Baltic Defence College
Riia 12
51013 Tartu
Estonia
E-mail: Asta.Maskaliunaite@bdcol.ee
Short bio: Asta works at the Baltic Defence College, Tartu, Estonia as
a lecturer in war and conict studies. She received her Ph.D. from the
Central European University, Budapest, Hungary, with the thesis entitled
A long-term terrorist campaign and political discourse: the role of ETA
in Spanish politics. Since then she has published broadly on the issues of
terrorism, Basque and Spanish politics, as well as on the role of discourse
in construction of a nation.
Dr Kareena McAloney
Institute of Child Care Research
Queen’s University Belfast
6 College Park
Belfast
BT7 1LP
Northern Ireland
E-mail: k.mcaloney@qub.ac.uk
Short bio: Kareena joined the Institute of Child Care Research (ICCR)
at Queen’s University Belfast as a Research Assistant/Statistician on the
Belfast Youth Development Study in February 2008. Kareena received
her BSc (Hons) in Social Psychology from the University of Ulster in
2002, a post-graduate diploma in Health Care Ethics and Law in 2004
from the University of Manchester and completed a PhD (2007) at the
University of Ulster. Her PhD investigated the inuence of religious
segregation in Northern Ireland on psychological well-being, and the
role of social capital in intergroup relationships. Kareena has several
years experience as a youth worker and prior to her PhD she worked as
an Assistant Psychologist in addictions. Her research interests focus on
inter- and intra-group relationships, particularly those of marginalized and
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deviant groups. Other research interests include well-being, social capital
and statistical modeling.
Dr. Sara McDowell
School of Environmental Sciences
University of Ulster
Coleraine
BT52 1SA
Northern Ireland
E-mail: SP.McDowell@ulster.ac.uk
Short bio: Sarah joined the School of Environmental Sciences in 2007, prior
to this she was a research associate at INCORE (University of Ulster). Her
research interests are principally concerned with geographies of memory
and the related themes of identity, heritage, power and territory. She is
also interested in the geography of war.
Dr. Eugene McNamee
School of Law
University of Ulster
Newtownabbey
BT37 0QB
Northern Ireland
E-mail: e.mcnamee@ulster.ac.uk
Short bio: Eugene teaches in the School of Law at the University of Ulster.
His research interests lie in legal and social theory with a particular
interest in the interfaces between cultural, legal and political questions.
Recent work has focused on Northern Irish constitutional issues (through
lm) and the Rwanda genocide (through related literature).
Ayeray Medina-Bustos
Leeds Metropolitan University
Leeds
LS6 3QS
England
107
E-mail: A.Medina-Bustos@leedsmet.ac.uk
Brief bio: Ayeray is a clinical psychologist from Argentina, who worked
for many years at hospitals and health clinics in her home country. After
that she continued her studies in Sweden and Norway, gaining the degrees
of Master of Arts and Sciences in Child Studies, and in Scandinavian
History, and Erasmus Mundus Master of Arts and Sciences in Applied
Ethics. Currently a PhD student in Peace and Development at Leeds
Metropolitan University, where she is one of 100 students who won
Centenary Scholarships, Ayeray is a member of the Conict Research
Society, active in the Erasmus Mundus Association, and designer of the
EMA logo.
Dr Rachel Monaghan
School of Criminology, Politics and Social Policy
University of Ulster
Newtownabbey
BT37 0QB
Northern Ireland
E-mail: r.monaghan@ulster.ac.uk
Short bio: Rachel joined the School of Criminology, Politics and Social
Policy in September 2005. Prior to this she worked as a Research Ofcer
at the Institute for Conict Research based in North Belfast. She has
been researching informal justice mechanisms in Northern Ireland since
1998 and co-authored Informal Justice in Divided Societies (with Colin
Knox) which was published by Palgrave Macmillan in 2002. She has also
published a number of articles in Terrorism and Political Violence, Journal
of Conict Studies, Space and Polity, Studies in Conict and Terrorism,
Low Intensity Conict and Law Enforcement and in the International
Criminal Justice Review
Dame Nuala O’Loan
and for UNSCR 1325,
Women Peace and Security
E-mail: nuala_oloan@yahoo.com
108
Short bio: Dame Nuala O’Loan is Ireland’s Roving Ambassador for
Conict Resolution and Special Envoy to Timor Leste and for UNSCR
1325, Women, Peace and Security. She has held a number of public
appointments and served as the rst Police Ombudsman for Northern
Ireland, responsible for the investigation of all complaints against the
police, and of other matters involving possible police wrongdoing not
the subject matter of complaint. Dame Nuala is a qualied solicitor and
held the Jean Monnet Chair in European Law at the University of Ulster.
She recently chaired a statutory inquiry into human rights in England and
Wales, and is conducting a review of allegations of abuse of people being
deported from the UK for the United Kingdom Border Agency.
Dr Sheila Pfafin
173 Gates Avenue
Gillette
NJ 07933
USA
E-mail: sheilpnj@lycos.com
Short bio: Sheila gained a BA from Pomona College in 1956 and a
PhD from The Johns Hopkins University in 1959. She worked both
for Bell Laboratories as a member of technical staff (1959-1975) and
human resources at AT&T (1975-1998). She is a fellow of the American
Psychological Association, American Psychological Society, American
Association for the Advancement of Science, New York Academy of
Sciences and the Association for Women in Science. She is past President
of the Association for Women in Science and the Association for Women
in Science Educational Foundation. She is also a past member of the
Board of Trustees Ramapo College, New Jersey. She has served on various
advisory boards concerning issues of equity for women in science and has
worked in the elds of psychoacoustics, human learning and industrial/
organizational psychology.
109
Dr. Gabriele Porretto
Transitional Justice Institute
University of Ulster
Magee Campus
BT48 7JL
Northern Ireland
E-mail: g.porretto@ulster.ac.uk
Short bio: Gabriele (PhD Int’l Law, University of Rome “La Sapienza”)
joined the Transitional Justice Institute at the University of Ulster in
February 2009. He has held academic positions in Switzerland from 2002
to 2005 (University of Geneva, Centre of International Humanitarian Law;
Graduate Institute of International Studies; University of Lausanne) and
in Australia from 2005 to 2008 (Australian National University College of
Law; University of Western Sydney Law School). His research interests
are in public international law, international criminal law, international
humanitarian law and human rights law.
Professor J. Martín Ramírez
Head, Sociopsychobiology of Aggression Research Group
Universidad Complutense Madrid
Pico de la Pala, 6 28792 Miraores (Madrid)
Spain
E-mail: mramirez@med.ucm.es
Short bio: Martín is the Chairman of CICA and Chair of the Spanish
Pugwash Movement. He has a PhD in Medicine and Neurosurgery, and
in Education plus a Diploma on National Defence. He is a member of
the Editorial Board for a number of journals including the International
Journal on World Peace, Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political
Aggression and The Open Journal of Criminology. Martín is also a former
ofcer of the International Society for Research on Aggression, a former
International Security Fellow at Harvard University and Postdoctoral
Fellow at the Department of Psychology of Stanford University.
110
Dr. Paul Reilly
University of Glasgow
E-mail: paulreilly14@hotmail.com
Short bio: Paul is a Part-Time Lecturer at the University of Glasgow. He
has researched and published on the online communication strategies of
both civil and uncivil actors in the Northern Irish context. His current
research focuses on the relationship between the use of social networking
websites and social capital creation in Northern Ireland.
Dr Julian Richards
Centre for Security and Intelligence Studies
Buckinghamshire University
Hunter Street
Buckingham
MK18 1EG
England
E-mail: julian.richards@buckingham.ac.uk
Short bio: Julian graduated from Cambridge University in 1993 with a PhD
in political violence in Pakistan. He has spent the last 16 years working in
central government on defence and security issues, but has latterly remained
involved with academic research on global security and political violence,
initially with Brunel University, then, since 2008 with the University of
Buckingham’s Centre for Security and Intelligence Studies (BUCSIS), of
which he is the joint founder. In addition to teaching on the University
of Buckingham’s MA in Security and Intelligence Studies, Julian is
also an Associate of Bradford University’s Pakistan Security Research
Unit (PSRU), a member of the European Ideas Network, and delivers
short-course training on intelligence techniques and counter-terrorism to
public-sector clients.
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Ms Carmel Roulston
School of Criminology, Politics and Social Policy
University of Ulster
Newtownabbey
BT37 0QB
Northern Ireland
E-mail: mcm.roulston@ulster.ac.uk
Short bio: Carmel studied Russian at Queen’s University Belfast, and
then Area Studies at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies,
University of London. Since 1990 she has been researching women in
conict societies, on which she has published articles and presented papers.
She is co-editor (with Celia Davies) of Gender, Democracy and Inclusion
in Northern Ireland (Palgrave, 2000). Currently, Carmel is working with
Rachel Monaghan on a study of Ulster Protestants as a pro-state suspect
community, and has developed a teaching interest in Criminology.
Mr Martin Russell
Clinton Institute for American Studies
University College Dublin
Ireland
E-mail: martinrussell01@yahoo.com
Short bio: Martin has a B.A. History and Mathematical Studies (University
College Cork), M.A. American Studies (Clinton Institute for American
Studies, University College Dublin). His M.A. Thesis was entitled
‘Northern Ireland Peace Process and U.S. foreign policy: Reasoning and
the Limitations of Memory’. His research focuses around the relationship
between memory and identity within the domain of U.S. foreign policy
and he is aiming to investigate how the nature of this relationship informs
and challenges current perceptions on the creation and implementation
of U.S foreign policy. This idea provides the core of his PhD research,
which examines the role of Irish-America in the Northern Ireland peace
process.
112
Miss Rim Saab
Cardiff University
School of Psychology
Tower Building
Park Place
Cardiff CF10 3AT
Wales
E-mail: SaabR@cf.ac.uk
Short bio: Rim grew up in Lebanon and gained her BA Psychology (with
distinction) from the American University of Beirut, Lebanon (2005) and
her MSc Research in Psychology from Oxford University, UK (2007).
After this she moved to Cardiff University to do embark upon a Ph.D. in
social psychology under the supervision of Professor Russell Spears and
Dr. Nicole Tausch. Rim is now in her second year of study and her general
research area is concerned with the social-psychological predictors of
collective action.
Dr. Maciej Sekerdej
Lisbon University Institute
Escadas do Monte 4
1DT 1170252 Lisbon
Portugal
E-mail: Maciej.Sekerdej@iscte.pt
Short bio: Maciej is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the Centre for
Social Research, Lisbon University Institute. His research interests cover
principally the areas of intergroup relations, prejudice, stereotyping
and nationalism. He has published papers on antisemitism, nationality
stereotypes and psychology of religion. Currently he is involved in the
research on the group processes in the framework of Relational Models
Theory and theories of embodiment.
113
Mrs Amanda M. Sharp Parker
University of South Florida
Department of Criminology
306 SE 28th Terrace
Cape Coral, FL 33904
USA
E-mail: amsharp@mail.usf.edu
Short bio: Amanda is a doctoral student in the Department of Criminology
at the University of South Florida in Tampa. She received her Bachelor
of Science and Master of Science degrees in Criminal Justice from East
Carolina University in Greenville, North Carolina. Amanda’s areas
of research interest include emerging terrorism threats (specically
cyberterrorism), cross-national terrorism trends and the application of
criminal theory to the understanding and explanation of terrorism. Amanda
and her husband, Chris, are the proud parents of daughter Tatiana Marie
and currently reside in South Florida.
Dr. Kirk Simpson
Transitional Justice Institute
University of Ulster
Newtownabbey
BT37 0QB
Northern Ireland
E-mail: KD.Simpson@ulster.ac.uk
Short bio: Kirk is a RCUK Post Doctoral Research Fellow at the Transitional
Justice Institute, University of Ulster. He holds a BA (Hons), PGCE,
and PhD from Queen’s University Belfast, and has written extensively
on dealing with the past and political violence in Northern Ireland. He is
the author of two books: Truth Recovery in Northern Ireland: Critically
interpreting the past (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009);
and Unionist Voices: The Politics of Remembering the Past in Northern
Ireland (London: Palgrave, 2009).
114
Dr. Samuel Justin Sinclair
Massachusetts General Hospital & Harvard Medical School
Department of Psychiatry
One Bowdoin Square, 7th Floor
Boston, MA 02114
USA
E-mail: jsinclai@msn.com
Short bio: Justin is Co-Founder and President of the Society for Terrorism
Research (STR; www.societyforterrorismresearch.org), and is currently an
Instructor in Psychology and Clinical Psychologist at the Massachusetts
General Hospital and Harvard Medical School. He is also Founder and
Co-Editor-in-Chief of the peer-refereed journal, Behavioral Sciences of
Terrorism and Political Aggression, and has developed and collaborated
with an international Editorial Board comprised of roughly 80 experts
representing 14 countries and 5 continents. He has published numerous
papers in the areas of terrorism, aggression, violence, psychological
assessment, and psychometrics, and continues to have active research
programs in these areas. Justin is also the developer of the Terrorism
Catastrophizing Scale (TCS), a psychological assessment tool measuring
anticipatory fears about terrorism. He is past recipient of the Association
for Threat Assessment Professional’s (ATAP) Dr. Chris Hatcher Memorial
Scholarship Award (2007), and his research and scholarship has been
featured in numerous publications. Justin’s clinical and research interests
are in terrorism, aggression, violence, risk assessment, psychological and
neuropsychological assessment, psychometrics, and forensic psychology.
Professor Russell Spears
Cardiff University
School of Psychology
Tower Building
Park Place
Cardiff CF10 3AT
Wales
E-mail: spearsr@cf.ac.uk
115
Short bio: Russell is a professor of psychology at Cardiff University.
His research interests fall broadly in the eld of social identity and
intergroup relations. Within this area he has conducted research
intergroup differentiation and discrimination between both natural and
experimental (minimal) groups in order to understand the nature and
function of these processes, and how they result from different threats to
identity (e.g. threats to status, distinctiveness, etc). He has also conducted
research on social stereotyping processes and has examined a range of
cognitive and group-level processes underlying stereotype formation
and development. He has published in a number of journals including
the Annual Review of Psychology and the Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology.
Ms Aisling Swaine
Transitional Justice Institute
University of Ulster
Newtownabbey
BT37 0QB
Northern Ireland
E-mail: Swaine-A@email.ulster.ac.uk
Short bio: Aisling is a rst year PhD student undertaking research on
the phenomenon of violence against women in conict and post-conict
societies. Previous to this, she worked for over seven years in conict
affected contexts in Africa and South East Asia with the UN and
international NGOs, more recently consulting to the Irish government
foreign policy and aid programme.
Dr. Nicole Tausch
Cardiff University
School of Psychology
Tower Building
Park Place
Cardiff CF10 3AT
Wales
E-mail: tauschn@cardiff.ac.uk
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