Religion, Emotion Regulation, and Well-Being

Abstract

Religion can influence multiple points in the process of emotion regulation, including setting emotional goals and influencing intrinsic and extrinsic emotion regulation. First, religion shapes desired emotional states by setting emotional goals which are instrumental to religious values. These include awe, gratitude, joy, guilt, and hatred. Second, religion influences intrinsic processes in emotion regulation, including self-regulation skills, beliefs about the malleability of emotions, and the use of specific emotion regulation strategies. Finally, religion influences extrinsic processes in emotion regulation, including the creation of communities which provide social support in emotion regulation and religious rituals. The role of religion at each point of emotion regulation, as enumerated above, is discussed with regards to implications for well-being.

Full text

Running head: RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 1
Religion, Emotion Regulation, and Well-Being
Allon Vishkin, Yochanan Bigman, and Maya Tamir
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
January 2013
To appear in:
C. Kim-Prieto (Ed.), Positive Psychology of Religion and Spirituality across Cultures.
Springer.
Author Note
The authors would like to express their gratitude to Yasmin Abofoul for her assistance in
locating relevant source materials.

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 2
Abstract
Religion can influence multiple points in the process of emotion regulation, including
setting emotional goals and influencing intrinsic and extrinsic emotion regulation. First, religion
shapes desired emotional states by setting emotional goals which are instrumental to religious
values. These include awe, gratitude, joy, guilt, and hatred. Second, religion influences intrinsic
processes in emotion regulation, including self-regulation skills, beliefs about the malleability of
emotions, and the use of specific emotion regulation strategies. Finally, religion influences
extrinsic processes in emotion regulation, including the creation of communities which provide
social support in emotion regulation and religious rituals. The role of religion at each point of
emotion regulation, as enumerated above, is discussed with regards to implications for well-
being.
Keywords: emotion, emotion regulation, religion, well-being

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 3
Emotions play a central role in religious experience (Emmons, 2005). This point was
highlighted by William James (1902), who suggested that what differentiates religious
experience from other experiences is “[an] added dimension of emotion, [an] enthusiastic temper
of espousal” (p. 48). James contrasted the calm and collected philosophical stoicism with
passionate religious experience. Such emotional experiences, James argued, are a defining
feature of religion. Research on religion and emotional experience has since confirmed that
greater religiosity is linked to more intense experiences of emotions (Burris & Petrican, 2011). In
this chapter we propose that one of the ways in which religion is linked to emotion experiences is
through processes of emotion regulation. We suggest that religion regulates emotions and
highlight several processes by which it might do so.
Emotions are responses to external or internal events that are significant to the individual
(e.g., Frijda, 1986). Emotional experiences are typically reactions to changing events. However,
in addition to responding to events as they occur, individuals can also shape their emotional
experiences by actively engaging in emotion regulation (Gross & Thompson, 2007). As depicted
in Figure 1, emotion regulation involves the set of processes by which individuals change their
current emotional state to bring it closer to their desired emotional state (Mauss & Tamir, in
press). These changes can occur as a result of intrinsic emotion regulation, which are processes
that originate from within the individual (e.g., as when an anxious baby diverts her gaze from a
threatening stranger and looks at her mother instead). These changes can also occur as a result of
extrinsic emotion regulation, which are processes that originate outside the individual (e.g., as
when an anxious baby is soothed by her mother).
We propose that religion can influence multiple points in the process of emotion
regulation. Although religion likely influences emotion generation as well as emotion regulation,

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 4
the present chapter focuses on the potential impact of religion on emotion regulation, in
particular. We begin by discussing how religion might shape desired emotional states. We
discuss the potential impact of religion on intrinsic emotion regulation, and continue with a
discussion of the impact of religion on extrinsic emotion regulation. Finally, given that emotion
regulation influences emotional experience and psychological health, we discuss the role of
religion as a regulator of emotions and its possible implications for adaptive functioning and
well-being.
Culture and Emotion
Emotional experiences are constituted within a cultural context. As highlighted by
Mesquita and Albert (2007), cultures shape both the experience and the regulation of emotion.
First, with respect to emotion generation, by setting values and shaping models of the self and
the world, cultures can determine the significance of events to the individual, and in doing so,
shape emotional experiences (e.g., Markus & Kitayama, 1991). For example, cultures of honor
highlight the importance of personal honor and respect, leading people to react more negatively
to behaviors that could be interpreted as insults (Cohen, 2009).
Second, in addition to changing how people actually feel, cultures can change how
people want to feel. For example, Tsai and her colleagues have shown that Americans value
high-arousal positive affect and Chinese value low-arousal positive affect (Tsai, Miao, Seppala,
Fung, & Yeung, 2007). These differences were mediated by culturally-prescribed goals.
Influencing others is a goal that is consistent with American culture. Pursuing this goal may
benefit from positive affect and higher physiological arousal (Tomaka, Blascovich, Kelsey, &
Leitten, 1993). Correspondingly, adjusting to others is a goal that is consistent with Chinese
culture. Pursuing this goal may benefit from relatively lower physiological arousal (Tomaka et

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 5
al., 1993). Whereas the valuation of high arousal positive affect was mediated by the goal of
influencing others, the valuation of low-arousal positive affect was mediated by the goal of
adjusting to others.
Third, cultures actively help individuals to move from current states toward culturally-
desired states. One way in which they do so is by facilitating forms of intrinsic emotion
regulation that are culturally congruent. For example, cultures that value hierarchy and
collectivism encourage the suppression of emotional expression to help maintain group cohesion
and harmony (Matsumoto, Yoo, & Nakagawa, 2008).
Another way in which cultures contribute to successful emotion regulation is through
extrinsic emotion regulation. Such regulation processes operate, in part, through cultural rituals
or institutions that facilitate the experience of culturally-desired emotions (Mesquita & Albert,
2007). For example, institutionalized award ceremonies, which are common in American culture,
create opportunities to experience pride and further reaffirm the value of personal achievement.
To summarize, culture can influence emotion regulation in multiple ways.
Religion as a Unique Cultural System
We define religion as a cultural system that is characterized by unique features that
include rites, belief systems and worldviews, which relate humanity to presumed super-natural
entities (Cohen, 2009). We argue that because religion is a cultural system, religion can influence
the experience and the regulation of emotion. Indeed, like other cultural systems, religion may
influence emotional reactivity, desired emotional states, and the process of emotion regulation,
via both intrinsic and extrinsic processes. However, we also suggest that religion is a unique
cultural system. Because it emphasizes faith and the relationship with the divine (Cohen, 2009),
religion has substantial power over its adherents and a unique ability to guide behavior and self-

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 6
regulation (James, 1902). Perhaps more so than with cultures, therefore, people tend to follow
religion with exceptional faith and conviction (Sheikh, Ginges, Coman, & Atran, 2012). This, we
argue, makes religion a particularly powerful regulator of emotion.
In what follows, we describe how religion shapes some of the key aspects of emotion
regulation. First and foremost, religion defines which emotions are desirable and which are
undesirable. Second, it influences the process of emotion regulation by shaping both intrinsic and
extrinsic processes of emotion regulation. At the intrinsic level, religion cultivates skills in self-
regulation, influences implicit beliefs about emotion, and trains and encourages the use of
particular regulation strategies. At the extrinsic level, religion offers a social support network
that propels changes in emotional experience, and fosters rituals that can regulate emotions. With
respect to each stage, we discuss the potential impact of religion and provide specific examples.
Religion Sets Emotion Goals
Emotion goals are cognitive representations of emotional states that serve as desired
endpoints (Mauss & Tamir, in press). Although people often seek to experience pleasant
emotions and avoid unpleasant ones, emotion goals can vary dramatically across situations and
across people (e.g., Tamir, 2005; Tamir, Mitchell, & Gross, 2008). This is, in part, because
people can be motivated to experience emotions that maximize pleasure as well as utility (e.g.,
Tamir, 2009). To the extent that an emotion helps individuals attain goals that are important to
them, they may be motivated to experience that emotion, whether it is pleasant or unpleasant to
experience.
For example, Tamir and Ford (2012a) found that participants who needed to be
confrontational in a negotiation preferred to engage in anger-inducing activities as they prepared
to negotiate. Such preferences were fully mediated by the expected utility of anger. Participants

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 7
who expected anger to result in better performance showed stronger preferences for anger. When
participants engaged in anger-inducing activities, in turn, they became angrier and performed in
a more confrontational manner, as a result. These and similar studies demonstrate that emotion
goals can be determined, in part, by instrumental considerations, even when such considerations
involve hedonic costs.
Utility can be determined by the situational context, as shown in the example above.
Utility, however, can also be determined by one’s cultural environment. By setting values and
norms, cultures can shape emotion goals. In particular, cultures can increase the desirability of
specific emotional experiences that promote the attainment of culturally-valued goals (e.g., Tsai
et al., 2007).
Here, we argue that religion shapes emotion goals by prescribing which emotions are
desirable and which are undesirable, both in particular contexts and in general. We propose that
religions define an emotional experience as desirable to the extent that it helps reaffirm religious
values. We suggest that certain religions prescribe these emotional experiences and that such
experiences, in turn, might assist in the fostering and preservation of relevant religious values.
Below, we offer several examples that demonstrate how religions can prescribe emotional
experiences, focusing on awe, gratitude, joy, guilt, and hatred.
Awe
Awe is an emotional experience that typically occurs in reaction to a natural wonder, a
powerful or prestigious person, beauty, or a moral exemplar. It is experienced when one
encounters something that is much larger that one’s self, in size, power, or prestige and it
typically requires adjusting mental structures to accommodate such new experiences (Keltner &
Haidt, 2003). As a result, awe typically leads to less focus on the self and to greater respect and

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 8
admiration toward an external source (Shiota, Keltner, & Mossman, 2007). In addition, people
who are prone to experiencing awe are more open-minded and willing to revise their mental
representations of the world (Shiota et al., 2007). In a religious context, awe can be elicited by
thinking about one’s relations with the supernatural (James, 1902).
Given the implications of awe, one might expect awe experiences to strengthen belief in
and commitment to religion. Indeed, there is some evidence that awe plays a role in religious
experiences. For example, participants who were led to experience awe, by watching videos
about childbirth and natural wonders, rated themselves as more religious relative to those who
saw a neutral or a funny video (Saroglou, Buxant, & Tilquin, 2008). If awe promotes religious
commitment, one might expect religions to set awe as an emotion goal. Indeed, awe appears to
be central in Christianity and Buddhism (Haidt, 2003), as well as Judaism (Wettstein, 1997).
The most basic requirement of many religions is knowing of or believing in a divine
being. In Judaism this was articulated by Maimonides, the 12th century Jewish legal scholar, in
the opening sentence of his legal work, the Mishneh Torah: "The foundation of all foundations
and the pillar of wisdom is to know that there is a Primary Being who brought into being all
existence" (Laws of the Foundation of the Torah 1:1, Moznaim Trans.). This requirement is also
articulated in the New Testament (John 6:29) and in the first of the five pillars of Islam. To the
extent that awe fosters awareness of something greater than oneself, then in a religious context
awe fosters awareness of the divine. By deeming awe a desirable emotional experience, religions
can facilitate awareness of the divine, strengthening religious belief.
Gratitude
Gratitude is an emotional response that accompanies the recognition of other people’s
contribution to one’s positive experiences and outcomes (McCullough, Emmons, & Tsang,

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 9
2002). Gratitude involves acknowledgement of the source of these contributions (Algoe & Haidt,
2009; McCullough, Kilpatrick, Emmons, & Larson, 2001) and motivates reciprocation (Algoe &
Haidt, 2009; Clark, 1975, Goldman, Seever, & Seever, 1982; McCullough et al., 2001; Moss &
Page, 1972). Moreover, the motivation to reciprocate that is elicited by gratitude can extend
beyond the benefactor and include other people (Bartlett & Desteno, 2006).
Gratitude is a common experience across Judaism (Schimmel, 2004), Christianity, and
Islam (Emmons & Crumpler, 2000), and has been found to be positively correlated with
religiosity (McCullough et al., 2002; Watkins, Woodward, Stone, and Kolts, 2003). The
experience of gratitude may occur naturally, but it is also prescribed in many religions, and most
clearly so in prayers and blessings. For instance, Jewish law requires the recitation of certain
blessings which explicitly express gratitude (e.g. the morning blessings: “blessed is he who
dresses the naked… who fulfills all my needs…who gives strength to the sleepy”). These
blessings concern the most mundane matters, including waking up in the morning (Shulchan
Aruch O.H. 46:1), going to sleep at night (“blessed is he who makes sleep fall upon my eyes”,
Shulchan Aruch O.H. 239:1), using the restroom (Shulchan Aruch O.H. 6:1), and eating
(Shulchan Aruch O.H. 85). One is required to make a blessing on speciously negative outcomes
as well: “One is obligated to make a blessing on bad [outcomes], just as he makes a blessing on
good [outcomes]” (Tractate Berachot 9:5). The Talmud says that one must recite one hundred
blessings every day (Tractate Menachot 43b) and this has been codified into Jewish law
(Shulchan Aruch O.H. 46:3).
Likewise, Islamic prayer dictates the expression of gratitude (Padwick, 1997). Islam also
requires the recitation of certain blessings which explicitly express gratitude for mundane
actions, including waking up in the morning (Sahih al-Bukhari 80:16), going to sleep at night

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 10
(Sahih al-Bukhari 80:7), using the restroom (Sahih al-Bukhari 80:15), and eating (Sahih al-
Bukhari, 70:2, 54). Prayers, therefore, may explicitly require adherents to express and experience
gratitude.
Different religions prescribe the experience of gratitude, in part, because it facilitates the
acknowledgement of the divine as the source of one’s well-being. The expression of gratitude for
the most mundane affairs guarantees that this awareness of the contribution of the divine is
continuous and ever present. The prescription of gratitude may serve another purpose. One of the
goals of religion is to create a community of people with shared values (Durkheim, 1915/1965;
Graham & Haidt, 2010). To the extent that experiencing gratitude fosters pro-social action
tendencies, gratitude may also help create positive interpersonal interactions within religious
communities.
Joy
Joy is a pleasant emotion which is typically experienced when desired goals have been
achieved (Carver, 2001). It reflects positive evaluations, signals safety, and facilitates
interpersonal trust (Forgas, 2011; Krumhuber, Manstead, Cosker, Marshall, Rosin, & Kappas,
2007; Smith, Haynes, Lazarus, & Pope, 1993; Van Doorn, Heerdink, & Van Kleef, 2012). To the
extent that religions prescribe emotional experiences that support religious goals and values, they
might deem the experience of joy desirable when safety and trust are consistent with religious
values, and deem the experience of joy undesirable when they are not.
In the Talmud, a compilation of Jewish laws and folklore that was written roughly from
the 1st century, B.C.E., through the 5th century, C.E., there are several explicit references to joy.
The Talmud explicitly dictates that joy is desirable only when experienced in moderation, by
stating that it is forbidden for one to be overly joyous (Tractate Berachot, 31a).The Talmudic

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 11
discussion explains that it is forbidden for one to be completely joyous before the messiah
arrives. One explanation of this decree is that it is propelled by the concern that the intense
experience of joy may lead people to be overly satisfied with their current state and, as a result,
neglect their religious duties, which would delay the coming of the messiah (Tractate Sanhedrin
97b). By discouraging the intense experience of joy, the Talmud may help adherents fulfill their
religious duties, setting the stage for the coming of the messiah.
Proscription of joy is also reflected in relation to the destruction of the holy temple in
Jerusalem (70 CE). Certain activities which can induce joy, such as playing musical instruments
and wearing ornaments, are prohibited, and these have been codified into the authoritative and
binding source of Jewish law, The Shulchan Aruch (O.H. 560). The Talmud’s justification for
these prohibitions is that it is inappropriate to experience joy when the temple lies in ruins.
According to the Talmud, these prohibitions are to be lifted when the temple is rebuilt in the
messianic era.
Interestingly, according to the Talmud, although intense joy is generally undesirable,
moderate joy may be desirable, but only to the extent that it arises from the fulfillment of
religious duties (Tractate Shabbat 30b). Likewise, In Islam, only joy which arises from the
fulfillment of a religious duty is encouraged (Koran 3:170), while joy which arises from
nonreligious duties is discouraged (Koran 13:26). By encouraging the experience of joy in this
manner, the religions motivate both the performance of religious activities and their positive
evaluation.
The examples above suggest that religions can dictate the desirability of specific
emotional states across contexts. However, religions may also prescribe specific emotional
experiences in specific contexts. Such prescriptions can promote religion-congruent appraisals of

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 12
certain contexts and encourage behaviors that are consistent with religious values. For example,
in the Jewish tradition, there are particular contexts in which increasing or decreasing the
experience of joy is explicitly prescribed. In particular, the Talmud dictates that: “When [the
month of] Adar begins, we increase joy” (Tractate Ta’anit 29a, Schottenstein Trans.). This
instruction is not merely a description of what typically happens during the month of Adar, it is a
decree that is as binding as other rabbinic decrees that relate to ritual or ceremonial law. In this
sense, it is a clear example of a case in which religions set explicit emotion goals in a specific
context.
Why is the experience of joy desirable during the month of Adar? During this month, Purim
is celebrated to commemorate the deliverance of the Jewish people from their Persian enemies.
The story of Purim serves as a prototype for the divine deliverance of the Jewish people from its
enemies, and modern enemies, including Hitler, are often equated with the Persian enemy in the
original story (Yerushalmi, 1982). To the extent that joy elicits positive evaluations and a sense
of safety, the up-regulation of joy in this context promotes gratitude and trust in God’s ability to
deliver the Jewish people from its enemies.
In contrast, the Talmud dictates that: “When the month of Av begins, we curtail our joy”
(Tractate Ta’anit 26b, Schottenstein Trans.). Why is the experience of joy undesirable during the
month of Av? According to the Jewish tradition, both holy temples in Jerusalem were destroyed
in the month of Av (586 BCE and 72 CE), a month during which other calamities also took place
throughout Jewish history. The down-regulation of joy in this context promotes the negative
evaluation of such events and reaffirms the symbolic meaning of the holy temples. The Talmud
similarly dictates the attenuation of joy in contexts commemorating other calamities in Jewish
history, including the fast commemorating the beginning of the Roman siege of Jerusalem, and a

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 13
fast commemorating the breaching of Jerusalem’s walls. By calling to decrease joy in these
contexts, the Talmud may strengthen the perceptions of loss and promote remorse and
repentance.
Together, these examples demonstrate how religions can explicitly prescribe certain
emotional experiences in general, as well as in particular contexts. In addition, although further
evidence is required, these examples are consistent with an instrumental account. They
demonstrate how religions may prescribe emotional experiences that promote the maintenance of
religious values.
Guilt
Guilt is an unpleasant emotion that arises primarily when one senses he has wronged
another (Baumeister, Stillwell, & Heatherton, 1994; 1995). Guilt makes people aware that their
conduct is unfitting and facilitates reformative actions to correct the misdeed. Engaging in
corrective action (e.g., apologizing), in turn, deactivates guilt (Watts, 1996, 2007). According to
Geyer and Baumeister (2005), in a religious context, guilt serves as a feedback mechanism which
lets adherents know when their behavior is not in line with religious values and prompts
corrective action. If so, religions might prescribe guilt in order to promote adherence to its value
system.
Indeed, at least some religions seem to accommodate the experience of guilt. Much as
institutionalized award ceremonies, common to American culture, create opportunities to
experience pride (Mesquita & Albert, 2007), the Catholic ritual of confession creates
opportunities to experience guilt (Martinez-Pilkington, 2007), guaranteeing a pardon on
condition that resolutions are made to amend one's behavior (Watts, Nye, & Savage, 2002).
Jewish rituals also encourage experiences of guilt, particularly during the time leading up to Yom

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 14
Kippur, the day of atonement. During this period, confessions are recited every morning. The
culmination of the period is Yom Kippur itself. As with confession in Catholicism, Yom Kippur
guarantees a pardon only on condition that resolutions to amend one's behavior have been made
(Maimonides, Laws of Repentance, Ch. 1). Thus, both the Catholic ritual of confession and
Jewish rituals associated with Yom Kippur provide opportunities to experience guilt, and
guarantee forgiveness only when resolutions are made to amend one's behavior. Because guilt
arises primarily when one senses that he has wronged another (Baumeister et al., 1994, 1995),
guilt plays an important role in maintaining harmonious community relations, which is important
in all religions.
Hatred
To the extent that religions prescribe emotional experiences that are consistent with
religious values and goals, differences in emotion goals may reflect differences in underlying
values. This may be reflected in the different attitudes of Judaism and Christianity toward hatred.
Hatred is elicited when another person or group is viewed as evil and impervious to change
(Elster, 1999). Hatred promotes a willingness to harm the hated object (Halperin, 2008).
On the one hand, hatred is consistent with a fixed moral worldview, where reward and
punishment are commensurate with behavior. On the other hand, hatred is inconsistent with a
more malleable moral worldview, where any act can be forgiven and any character can be
transformed. These world views may differentially map on to Judaism and Christianity,
respectively. Judaism maintains, generally, that one’s reward and punishment is commensurate
with one’s behavior (e.g. Tractate Avot 2:7; Tractate Rosh Hashanah 12a; Tractate Sotah 1:7).
Christianity maintains, generally, that divine grace can correct all human ill-doing (McGrath,
1994). To the extent that hatred is based on the idea that evil cannot be changed, hatred may

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 15
enforce the Jewish theological value that reward and punishment are commensurate with
behavior. In contrast, hatred clashes with the Christian theological value that grace may extend to
all, regardless of their past behavior. Accordingly, hatred of evil is encouraged in Judaism and
discouraged in Christianity.
Consistent with this analysis, it appears that in Judaism, one should hate that which is evil
(Tractate Pesachim 113b; Soloveichik, 2003, 2005; Soloveitchik, 1958/2003). This is reflected in
the Jewish Bible, where hatred of evil is explicitly prescribed: “Lovers of God, hate evil”
(Psalms 97:10). In contrast, in Christianity, one should not hate, but learn to forgive evil doers
(Hesburgh, 1997). This is reflected in the New Testament: “Ye have heard that it hath been said,
Thou shalt love thy neighbor, and hate thine enemy. But I say unto you, Love your enemies,
bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully
use you, and persecute you (Matthew 5:43-44, KJV).” Hatred, in other words, is never justified
in Christianity (Soloveichik, 2003). Religions, therefore, may prescribe the increase or decrease
of hatred, in a manner that reinforces religious worldviews.
In conclusion, in this section we have argued that religions set emotion goals. In
particular, religions can prescribe emotional experiences that serve to promote the religion’s
values. We provided several examples. The experience of awe may be encouraged to increase
awareness of God. The experience of gratitude may be encouraged to increase awareness and
appreciation of God and to build social relations in a religious community. The experience of joy
may be encouraged (or discouraged) to motivate the pursuit of religious duties and as an
expression of trust in God. The experience of guilt may be encouraged to promote religious
values and to help maintain social relations. Finally, the experience of hatred may be encouraged

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 16
to enforce the theological value of reward and punishment, or it may be discouraged to enforce
the theological value of divine grace.
Although they are anecdotal, the examples presented above are consistent with the
argument that religion can determine which emotions people are motivated to experience. Thus,
one way religion shapes emotion regulation is by setting desired emotional end-points. When
concurrent emotional experiences differ from the desired emotional experiences, individuals
might attempt to regulate their emotions. Here too, religion might play a role. In particular, we
suggest that religion may influence the process of intrinsic emotion regulation, as discussed in
the following section.
Religion Influences Intrinsic Processes in Emotion Regulation
Religion may influence intrinsic processes of emotion regulation. We propose that it does
so by promoting basic self-regulation skills, by influencing adherents’ beliefs about the
malleability of emotions, and by teaching adherents strategies for emotion regulation. We
describe each of these processes below.
Self-regulation skills
McCullough and Willoughby (2009) observed that many religious settings require
exercise of self-regulation. For example, religious communal affairs require exercise of self-
regulation in order to be in line with behavioral norms for socially approved or censured
behaviors. Likewise, many religious rituals require the exercise of self-control. For example,
fasting, a central ritual of the Muslim month of Ramadan and a ritual that occurs six times a year
in the Jewish tradition, requires exercising self-control.
According to the strength model of self-control, resources for self-control are limited
(Muraven & Baumeister, 2000). By regularly exercising self-control, these resources decrease in

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 17
the short term, but increase and replenish in the long term (Denson, Capper, Oaten, Friese, &
Schofield, 2011; Muraven, 2010; Muraven, Baumeister, & Tice; 1999; Oaten & Cheng, 2006).
By setting strict rules of conduct, culture requires the constant exercise of self-control. By doing
so, over time religion may help increase adherents’ general self-regulatory resources. Such
resources enable all forms of self-regulation (Baumeister, Vohs, & Tice, 2007), including the
regulation of emotion. Therefore, by instructing adherents to exercise self-control, religion
increases self-regulatory resources that enable the successful regulation of emotion.
There is now empirical evidence for the link between religion and general self-regulation
skills, and some have argued that religion facilitates self-regulation (e.g., McCullough &
Willoughby, 2009). There is evidence that religious individuals are more likely than non-
religious individuals to engage in self-control and self-regulation (McCullough & Willoughby,
2009). Another study has found that parents’ religiousness was positively associated with their
children’s self-control (Bartkowski, Xu, & Levin, 2008). There is even some evidence for the
causal role of religion. In particular, Rounding, Lee, Jacobson, and Ji (2012) found that priming
religious concepts increased performance in self-control tasks, including enduring discomforts
and delaying gratification. We propose that such developed self-regulation skills are likely to
facilitate all forms of self-regulation, including emotion regulation.
Religion influences beliefs about the malleability of emotions
People differ in their beliefs about the malleability of personal attributes. Dweck and
colleagues have referred to such beliefs as implicit theories (for a review, see Dweck, 1999;
Dweck, Chiu, & Hong, 1995). Entity theorists maintain that a given attribute is fixed and cannot
be changed by intervention, practice or habit. Incremental theorists maintain that a given
attribute is malleable and may be changed. Implicit theories have cognitive, emotional, and

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 18
behavioral consequences. For example, implicit theories of intelligence can determine how much
effort is exerted (Dweck, 1999). Entity theorists of intelligence exert less effort than incremental
theorists of intelligence (Hong, Chiu, Dweck, Lin, & Wan, 1999).
Tamir, John, Srivastava, and Gross (2007) have shown that people also differ in their
implicit theories of emotions. Individuals with an incremental theory of emotion believe that
emotions are controllable, whereas individuals with entity theories of emotion believe that
emotions are relatively less controllable. Individuals with an incremental theory of emotion have
a greater sense of self-efficacy in emotion regulation, and use more adaptive regulation
strategies, whereas the opposite is true for individuals with an entity theory of emotion.
By prescribing to its adherents what to feel, religion promotes an implicit assumption that
emotion can be regulated. In doing so, religion can indirectly promote an incremental theory of
emotion. This point is demonstrated in the following quote by Rabbi Dr. Joseph B. Soloveitchik
(1969/2003):
Man, Judaism, maintains and insists, is capable of determining the kind of emotional life
he wants to live… Man must never be overwhelmed by his emotions. He can invite
emotions as well as reject them, opening the door and inviting feelings and sentiments if
they are worthy, and slamming the door on those which are degrading and unworthy of
attention. (p. 10)
It appears, therefore, that by implying that emotion can be regulated, religion can
facilitate an incremental theory of emotion. Endorsing such a theory, in turn, may have important
implications for emotion regulation and emotion experience. The belief that emotions are
malleable is essential for the initiation of emotion regulation (Tamir et al., 2007). In order to try
to regulate one’s emotions, one must first believe that active change of emotional experience is

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 19
possible. By fostering the belief that changing emotions is possible, religion enables adherents to
initiate emotion regulation processes.
Religion fosters the use of specific emotion regulation strategies
In addition to developing general self-regulatory skills and the belief that emotions can be
controlled, religion may directly contribute to the effective use of specific emotion regulation
strategies. We propose that religion identifies, demonstrates, and encourages the use of specific
emotion regulation strategies, including reappraisal, distraction and expression modulation. We
will discuss each strategy and provide examples for the role of religion in disseminating it below.
Cognitive reappraisal. Cognitive reappraisal involves giving a new meaning to a
situation in a way that changes the situation’s emotional significance (Gross & John, 2003).
Religion, as a symbolic meaning-making system, provides ready reappraisals of negative events
(Pargament, 1996, Davies, 2011, Watts, 2007). One of the ways by which this is accomplished is
prayer. Sharp (2010) investigated the mechanisms by which prayer manages negative emotions.
She found that one way in which it does so is by reinterpreting situations in a way that makes
them less negative. For example, religion offers explanations for (i.e., reappraisals of) human
suffering.
Human suffering, according to most religions, is not random, but rather is governed from
above for a purpose that may not be known to man but is known to the divine agent.
Reappraising negative life events as resulting from God's will can cause the event to be
perceived as less negative. For example, McIntosh, Silver, and Wortman (1993) found that the
more important religion was in the life of parents who lost an infant, the greater meaning they
found in the loss and the greater well-being they reported a year and a half after the loss. By re-

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 20
interpreting events as being willed by a divine agent, religion provides a different overreaching
and comforting meaning to negative events that can make them relatively easier to bear.
More generally, many theological systems have dealt with the problem of theodicy – the
question of innocent human suffering vis-à-vis a just, benevolent, and omnipotent God or Gods.
How is it possible that someone who is innocent suffers, while an all-powerful benevolent divine
agent looks on (Weber, 1968)? First, religions may suggest that what appears as innocent human
suffering is not actually so: all humans are guilty, as in the Christian conception of original sin
(McGrath, 1994). Second, religions may suggest that suffering has positive qualities. For
example, suffering may be construed as a redemptive act which actually elevates the sufferer
(Soloveitchik, 1960/2003). Third, religions may suggest that the benevolent divine agent may
compete against another divine agent, such as a satanic figure, and it is he who causes innocent
human suffering (e.g., The Book of Job, Ch. 1). Framing suffering as part of a divine struggle
provides a transcendental meaning to suffering. By re-interpreting events as being willed by a
divine agent or as being part of a divine struggle, religion provides a framework that adherents
can use to reappraise other events. Such an exercise not only helps adherents apply reappraisal to
resolve the issue of human suffering, it also provides the opportunity to practice and apply
reappraisal to cope with other undesirable emotional states.
Distraction. Distraction refers to the reduction of emotion by deploying attention away
from the emotion eliciting object (Gross, 1998). Religious texts encourage and demonstrate how
distraction can be effectively used to regulate emotions. There are several examples for using
prayer to distract one’s self from negative events or from temptation. The Talmud, for instance,
encourages the distraction from evil and immoral thoughts by prayer and religious studies

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 21
(Tractate Berachot 5a). Religious prayers can help individuals focus their attention away from
temptation (e.g., Sharp, 2010).
A powerful example for using prayer as a form of distraction comes from the Talmud
(Tractate Berachot 61b), in a story about Rabbi Akiva following the revolt of the Jews in Israel
against the Roman Empire between 132 and 135 CE: When the Romans took Rabbi Akiva out to
be executed, it was time to recite the daily nighttime prayer. As the Romans tortured Rabbi
Akiva, he recited a prayer. In this story, Rabbi Akiva is able to use his ritualized religious
obligations to distract himself from physical pain. By demonstrating how prayer can be used as a
form of distraction, and by motivating people to do so when confronting intensely negative
emotional stimuli, religion may cultivate and encourage emotion regulation. So far, we have
demonstrated that religion recommends its adherents to change the way they appraise negative
emotions and the attention they give to stimuli that arouse negative emotions. However, it
remains unclear if once the emotion is experienced religion prescribes control over the
expression of emotion.
Expressive suppression. Expressive suppression is a form of emotion regulation which
involves modulating overt emotional expressions (Gross & John, 2003). Religions often
prescribe certain emotional expressions in certain contexts. For instance, Maimonides (Hilchot
De’ot 2:3, Moznaim Trans.) suggested the following: “He should school himself not to become
angry… If he should wish to arouse fear in his children and household… to motivate them to
return to the proper path, he should present an angry front to them to punish them, but he should
be inwardly calm.” On the one hand, Maimonides identifies anger as an undesirable emotion. On
the other hand, Maimonides suggests that given certain circumstances it can be justified, but only
if it is faked. Maimonides assumes that the inner state of emotion may be divorced from the outer

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 22
experience. Since the expression of anger can have positive consequences, Maimonides
recommends modulating the emotional response such that anger will be expressed without being
experienced.
We have seen therefore that religion fosters the use of specific intrinsic emotion
regulation strategies. More specifically, religion enhances cognitive reappraisal by providing
powerful schemas for reinterpreting events that elicit negative affect, provides means for
distraction from the adversities of life, and instructs its followers to modulate the expression of
their emotions.
Religion Influences Extrinsic Processes in Emotion Regulation
In the previous section, we suggested that religion may contribute to intrinsic emotion
regulation. Religion, however, may also contribute to extrinsic emotion regulation. It can do so,
in part, by creating communities and developing rituals that provide external sources of emotion
regulation. We elaborate on each of these processes below.
Religious Communities
Religion creates social communities (Durkheim, 1915/1965; Graham & Haidt, 2010),
which provide a network of social support (Diener, Tay & Myers, 2011). Most religions involve
regular communal meetings that afford people the opportunity to engage in social interactions on
a regular basis. Christians go to church on Sundays, Muslims meet in the mosque on Fridays, and
Jews meet in the synagogue on Saturdays. These regular meetings provide a basis of social
support for members of the religious community. Diener, Tay and Myers (2011) found, in a large
worldwide survey, that people who were more religious reported receiving greater social support.
One of the important benefits of social support involves emotion regulation. Receiving
social support helps individuals decrease unpleasant emotions when dealing with negative life

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 23
events (Lakey & Orehek, 2011). Similarly, the negative association between social support and
depression may be mediated by increased interpersonal (or extrinsic) emotion regulation
(Marroquín, 2011). Social sharing of emotions helps individuals cope with negative emotional
events (e.g., Rime, 2007). Indeed, some evidence suggests that merely holding another person’s
hand can alleviate emotional pain (Coan, Schaefer, & Davidson, 2006).
By creating and maintaining tight social communities, religion may foster networks of
social support. For instance, McIntosh, Silver, and Wortman (1993) examined how parents who
lost a child coped with that loss. They found that perceived social support among religious
practitioners was positively correlated with adaptive coping both 3 weeks and 18 months after
the tragedy. The more parents were involved in a religious community, the better they coped
with the loss. Thus, it appears that religion provides social support, which in turn, provides
extrinsic emotion regulation.
Religious rituals
Previously, we showed that religions prescribe specific emotional states. One of the ways
religions foster these emotional states is through rituals (Alcorta & Sosis, 2005; McCauley,
2001). Rituals refer to standardized behaviors which are endowed with symbolic meaning
(Kertzer, 1988). An aphorism that guides ritualized practices in Judaism states: “The heart is
pulled by the deed” (Sefer HaChinuch, Commandment 20). Having previously elaborated on the
emotions of awe and guilt, in what follows we describe how religious rituals help up-regulate
these emotions.
Ritualized blessings require acknowledgement and awareness of life’s most minor details
and considering the wondrous quality of such details. Therefore, religions, including Judaism,
foster awe through ritualized blessings (Wettstein, 1997). Earlier, we mentioned that blessings

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 24
can teach adherents the importance of gratitude, but before they do so, they induce some degree
of awe. For example, according to Jewish law, people must recite a standardized blessing upon
awakening in the morning. The act of awakening, however, is not described merely as such.
Instead, it is described as God returning man from a temporary state of near-death, where God is
described as “the one who gives life to the dead” (Shulchan Aruch O. H. 6:8). By describing the
mundane act of waking up in the morning in such terms, religion directly increases the
experience of awe through prayer. Similar descriptions apply to blessings concerning the
wonders of a functional digestive system (Shulchan Aruch O.H. 6:1), the wonders of the first
fruit blossoms of the new year (Shulchan Aruch O.H. 226:1), hearing lightning or seeing a
rainbow (Shulchan Aruch O.H. 227:1, 228:3, 229:1), and others. These ritualized blessings take
a natural phenomenon, some of which are quite mundane, and presenting it as a wondrous and
miraculous act of God. Such descriptions are perhaps intended to increase the experience of awe,
thereby strengthening religious beliefs.
Similarly, there are Jewish and Christian rituals which are explicitly attuned to regulate
guilt. Leading up to Yom Kippur, the day of atonement for transgressions, Jews recite Slichot in
which they confess their personal and collective misdeeds. These confessions are recited when
one is bent forward, banging on one’s chest. The purpose of banging on one’s chest is to promote
the feeling of unpleasant emotions, such as sorrow and guilt. These feelings are conducive to
repentance, which is the theme of Yom Kippur. Indeed, in line with research on embodiment (for
reviews, see Barsalou, 2008; Barsalou, Niedenthal, Barbey, & Ruppert, 2003; Niedenthal,
Barsalou, Winkielman, Krauth-Gruber, & Ric, 2005), slouched postures can induce negatively
valenced states (Stepper & Strack, 1993).

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 25
Consistent with these ideas, the 4th century Christian theologian Augustine argued that
behaviors associated with prayer are meant to intensify emotional states (Matthews, 1980). By
bending one’s knees, stretching out one’s hands, and prostrating during prayer, “the heart's
affection which preceded… grows because they [these behaviors] are made” (On Care to Be Had
for the Dead, 7, Browne Trans.). The postures dictated in these rituals may play a causal role in
promoting unpleasant emotional experiences, such as guilt.
Implications for well-being
Religious individuals tend to have higher subjective well-being (Diener, Suh, Lucas, &
Smith, 1999; Diener, et al., 2011). Subjective well-being, in turn, is comprised of both cognitive
(i.e., satisfaction with life) and emotional (i.e., positive and negative affect) components (see
Diener, 1984). Religious individuals may have higher well-being due to differences in cognitive
evaluations, including a stronger sense of meaning in life (Diener et al., 2011; Steger & Frazier,
2005), or due to differences in emotional components, including more positive than negative
emotions over time (Diener et al., 2011; Smith, McCullough, & Poll, 2003). We propose that
processes of emotion regulation may contribute, to some degree, to the links between religion
and the cognitive and emotional components of well-being. Below, we focus on the different
ways reviewed in this chapter in which religion shapes emotion regulation, and discuss possible
implications for well-being.
Emotion goals and well-being
We have argued that religion sets emotion goals which are instrumental to achieving
religious goals. By setting clear goals for regulation, religion initiates the process of emotion
regulation and determines its direction. Such effects could influence well-being at both a
molecular and a molar level. At the molecular level, the short-term emotional outcome depends

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 26
on the emotion goals prescribed. Specifically, to the extent that religion prescribes the increase of
positive emotions (e.g., awe, gratitude) or the decrease of negative emotions (e.g., hatred),
religion may contribute to a more positive hedonic balance, which would increase well-being. In
contrast, to the extent that religion prescribes the increase of negative emotions (e.g., guilt) or the
decrease of positive emotions (e.g., joy), religion may contribute to a less positive hedonic
balance, which would decrease well-being.
At the molar level, however, there may be positive implications for having clear emotion
goals, regardless of whether they target positive or negative emotions. First, merely having
personal goals is positively associated with well-being (Diener et al., 1999; Emmons, 2003,
1986). Having personal goals in which one is invested and considers important promotes a sense
of meaning and purpose in life (Emmons, 1986; Pomerantz, Saxon, & Oishi, 1998). Since
religion has a strong influence over its adherents, religiously prescribed emotion goals should be
deemed meaningful and important.
Second, there is evidence that some emotion goals may be instrumental for the attainment
of higher-order goals (e.g., Tamir, 2009). Goal attainment, in turn, leads to positive affect and
greater meaning in life (Carver, 2001; Emmons & Diener, 1986). To the extent that the emotion
goals prescribed by religion are instrumental for the attainment of valued religious goals, such
emotion goals can promote higher-order goal achievement, and in doing so, contribute both to
meaning in life and to greater hedonic balance over time. Indeed, there is evidence that the more
people are willing to experience pleasant or unpleasant emotions in the service of higher-order
goals, the greater their subjective and psychological well-being (Tamir & Ford, 2012b).
Self-regulation skills and well-being

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 27
Self-regulation requires the ability to pursue long-term goals despite immediate
temptations and obstacles. Greater self-regulation resources enable people to pursue their goals
more effectively. Effective self-regulation has been related to greater competence, including
academic and social competence, verbal fluency, and attentiveness (Mischel, Shoda, & Peake,
1988). In addition, effective self-regulation has been related to better coping with stress
(Mischel, Shoda, & Rodriguez, 1989), lower delinquency (McCullough & Willoughby, 2009),
and lower substance use (Walker, Ainette, Wills, & Mendoza, 2007). To the extent that religions
helps promote self-regulation skills (McCullough & Willoughby, 2009; Koole, McCullough,
Kuhl, & Roelofsma, 2010; Geyer & Baumeister, 2005), they may facilitate people’s ability to
effectively pursue their long-term goals and contribute to the development of other
competencies, thereby increasing well-being.
Implicit beliefs and well-being
We proposed that religion promotes an incremental theory of emotions, which refers to
the belief that emotions are malleable and can be regulated. Such beliefs are necessary in order to
initiate the process of emotion regulation (Kuhl, 1984; Mischel, Cantor, & Feldman, 1996).
Holding an incremental theory of emotion, as opposed to an entity theory, is related to greater
well-being (Tamir et al., 2007). Individuals who believe that emotions are malleable experience
more positive and less negative greater well-being, less depression, better social adjustment, and
less loneliness. If an incremental theory of emotion promotes emotion regulation and greater
well-being, religion should promote well-being, in part, by eliciting an incremental theory of
emotion.
Emotion Regulation Strategies

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 28
Some emotion regulation strategies are more adaptive in some contexts, and some are
more adaptive in others (Sheppes et al., 2011). Having options for emotion regulation strategies
allows the regulator to select the strategy that is most adaptive in the given context. It is possible,
therefore, that by increasing adherents’ repertoire of emotion regulation strategies, religion not
only provides adherents with a more sophisticated tool box, it also enables them to fit the
strategy to the given context. If so, religion may contribute to more effective emotion regulation,
which in term, contributes to greater well-being.
Social communities and well-being
Earlier we proposed that religion regulates emotions, in part, by creating social
communities. Such communities help create novel emotional experiences (e.g., joy), and they
help regulate existing emotional experiences (e.g., sadness). This form of external emotion
regulation has both emotional and social implications, both of which can impact well-being. At
the emotional level, extrinsic emotion regulation is quite effective in regulating emotions. To the
extent that religion contributes to effective emotion regulation, it is likely to contribute to well-
being, as well.
At the social level, extrinsic emotion regulation can help strengthen social bonds and
facilitate social support. For instance, experiencing emotions with others can draw people closer
together (Rime, 2007). Strong interpersonal relationships and social support, in turn, are among
the strongest predictors of well-being (Ryan & Deci, 2001; Tay & Diener, 2011). By
strengthening social bonds and facilitating social support, religion can promote greater well-
being. Indeed, there is evidence that social support mediates the relation between religion and
well-being (Diener et al., 2011). We propose that at least some of the beneficial effects of social
support on well-being are mediated by emotion regulation processes. Consistent with this idea,

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 29
McIntosh and colleagues (1993) found that following the loss of a child, religious parents
reported higher social support, better coping with loss and higher levels of well being, compared
to nonreligious parents.
Rituals and well-being.
Rituals turn self-regulation into a regular habit, making self-regulation a relatively more
automatic process (Koole, McCullough, Kuhl, & Roelofsma, 2010). Automatic self-regulation is
more efficient in demanding situations, since it requires less conscious effort (Koole, Jostmann,
& Baumann, 2012). Thus, rituals can help automatize emotion regulation, and in doing so,
making it more efficient. This could benefit well-being, but only to the extent that the regulation
process that is automatically triggered is itself adaptive.
Conclusion
In this chapter, we argued that religion is a powerful regulator of emotion. As a cultural
system that includes faith and relationship with the divine, people follow religion with
exceptional faith and conviction. Religion shapes emotion regulation by influencing three
important components. First, religion sets emotion goals which may be instrumental in serving
higher-order religious values. Second, religion influences intrinsic processes in emotion
regulation, including developing self-regulation skills, fostering beliefs about the ability to
regulate emotions, and teaching specific emotion regulation strategies. Third, religion influences
extrinsic processes in emotion regulation, including forming religious communities and dictating
religious rituals. By shaping emotion regulation in this way, religion impacts emotional
experiences and well-being, broadly construed.

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 30
Figure 1. Processes in emotion regulation that may be affected by religion.

RELIGION, EMOTION REGULATION, AND WELL-BEING 31
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