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Der Beitrag untersucht die Struktur und Entwicklung des Suchtmodells. Gemeinhin galt der Säufer als Sünder. Erst um 1800 kommt die Vorstellung auf, dass er an einer »Krankheit des Willens« leidet: der »Trunksucht«. Lange eine ärztliche Mindermeinung, setzt sich diese Sichtweise um 1900 durch. Durch Jellinek wird sie dann als »Krankheitsmodell des Alkoholismus« neu formuliert und prägt in dieser Form unser Alltagswissen. In der Forschung hingegen findet das »klassische« Modell kaum noch Anhänger; einigen gilt die Sucht sogar generell als ein »Mythos«. Und doch nimmt der Einfluss dieses empirisch und theoretisch weithin obsoleten Modells sogar noch zu, indem es unkritisch auf andere Substanzen und Verhaltensmuster übertragen wird, zumal seit die WHO den Suchtbegriff durch einen vagen Abhängigkeitsbegriff ersetzte. Diese hoch moralische »Suchtinflation« zeitigt nicht-intendierte Negativfolgen. Daher wird hier abschließend für eine Rückkehr zu einem strengen Suchtbegriff plädiert. --- Teaser below
... Diese Veränderung kann ungewollt sein, aber auch gewollt, um z. B. persönliches Leid zu betäuben (Haasen et al. 2010;Schlimme 2007;Spode 2013). ...
... Diese Veränderung kann ungewollt sein, aber auch gewollt, um z. B. persönliches Leid zu betäuben (Haasen et al. 2010;Schlimme 2007;Spode 2013). ...
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New electronic media and addictive behavior are at the center of socio-political debate due to the overall increase in media usage and the decreasing age of media users. The understanding of what constitutes »normal« media usage is controversial, for example between generations, and leads to disputes and conflicts in families and also in educational institutions. This study, now available in the second edition, focuses on scientific results regarding the extent and effects of addictive media usage. It refers to addictive online gaming and gambling, addictive online shopping, addictive social networking and online sex addiction. Considering the changes in our values and norms, the concerns and interests of stakeholders are evaluated and political options discussed.
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Moderne soziologische Konzepte sehen im Drogenkonsum den Ausdruck einer spezifischen gesellschaftlichen Situation und eines spezifischen Herkunftsmilieus. Die Entstehung süchtigen Verhaltens kann daher nicht monokausal, sondern nur multifaktoriell und multiperspektivisch erklärt werden. Gesellschaftliche Einflüsse bezüglich der Genese von Sucht und Abhängigkeit werden in der soziologischen Forschung aber noch zu sehr vernachlässigt.
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Suchttherapie setzt voraus, dass exzessiven Verhaltensmustern ein Krankheitswert beigemessen wird. Ausgehend von Debatten uber die „Trunksucht“ um 1800, setzte sich dies in der Schulmedizin erst um 1900 endgultig durch. Doch bereits im Zuge des religiosen „symbolischen Kreuzzugs“ der sog. ersten Masigkeitsbewegung entstanden um 1840 laienmedizinische Hilfe- und Selbsthilfeorganisationen fur Trinker. Im Laufe der sog. zweiten, wissenschaftlich fundierten Masigkeitsbewegung wird besonders in Deutschland eine moderne Behandlungskette ausgebaut („Trinkerfursorge“), wobei sich zwischen professionellen Anstalten und zivilgesellschaftlichen Vereinen eine Arbeitsteilung herausbildete. Zugleich aber brach um 1900 eine heftige Fehde zwischen „Masigen“ und „Abstinenten“ aus. Im Kontext der Rassenhygiene kampften Letztere fur ein Alkoholverbot und die Zwangssterilisation „Erbminderwertiger“, ein Programm, das dann in der Zwischenkriegszeit in etlichen Landern umgesetzt wurde. Eine Verquickung von Suchthilfe mit wissenschaftlich verbramter Moralpolitik sollte kunftig vermieden werden. ----- Auszug unten----- Bei Problemen mit der Wiedergabe bitte auf meiner Website anklicken! ----- Treatment of addiction requires a disease model of excessive behavioural patterns. Around 1800 alcohol addiction (“Trunksucht”) was discussed; however, this notion only around 1900 gained acceptance with academic medicine. But already around 1840 – in the course of the Christian “symbolic crusade” of the first temperance movement – laypersons founded aid and self-help organisations for drinkers. In the course of the second, scientifically based temperance movement a modern treatment chain for alcoholics was established (especially in Germany), with the inebriate asylums, or sanatoria, in the hands of professionals whereas the ambulant care remained in the hands of lay associations. However, at the same time the war between “wet” and “dry” broke out. Under the spell of the new science of eugenics, the latter called for prohibition and forced sterilisation of “hereditary inferiors” – a program that in the interwar period was implemented in quite a few countries. In future, mixing up addiction aid with moral reform, dressed up with pseudo-science, should be avoided. --- Teaser below
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Over the past 55 years, two longitudinal studies have been monitoring the drinking behaviors and their consequences of several hundred men from adolescence and early adulthood to old age. The studies identified co-occurring sociopathy, cultural factors (e.g., ethnicity), and genetic factors (i.e., a family history of alcoholism) as risk factors for alcoholism. In most alcoholics, the disease had a progressive course, resulting in increasing alcohol abuse or stable abstinence. However, some alcoholics exhibited a nonprogressive disease course and either maintained a stable level of alcohol abuse or returned to asymptomatic drinking. Long-term return to controlled drinking, however, was a rare and unstable outcome. Formal treatment, with the exception of attending Alcoholics Anonymous, did not appear to affect the men's long-term outcomes, whereas several non-treatment-related factors were important for achieving stable recovery.
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Policy research is commonly presented as a value-free endeavour but, logically speaking, practical conclusions cannot be derived solely from facts. In research methodology, to attempt to do so is termed the ‘Naturalistic Fallacy.’ Consequently, the term ‘evidence-based policy’ ± if interpreted literally ± constitutes a contradiction in itself (oxymoron). This chapter will also deal with several other fallacies that are encountered in empirical addiction research, will reveal some popular concepts to be inconsistent and illogical advocacy tools, and will argue that the specific role of a researcher is completely incompatible with the role of an advocate for certain ideas and/or interest groups. The aim of the chapter is to describe and analyse some common logical fallacies in addiction research ± particularly some fallacies that camouflage ethical questions ± illustrated by some simple examples. I shall not distinguish between fallacies where the perpetrators were victims of their own inadequacy (paralogism) and situations where others were misled on purpose (sophisms), as I am convinced that error and deception are not two distinct categories, but two extremes, with most cases located on the continuum between them. Psychoanalysis tells us that human motives are rarely fully conscious, and dissonance theory tells us that it often easier to deceive oneself than to deliberately deceive others ± at least in the long term. Many of the fallacies and the related practical examples discussed here are not difficult for researchers to understand, and have been well known for a long time among methodologists and epistemologists. The following examples are a rather unsystematic selection of unusual perspectives, descriptions of logical flaws and elaborations on methodological problems, put forward to enhance thinking both along critical methodological lines and about the ethical basis behind practical conclusions.
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This essay speculates on what might have been had alcoholism not been invented. The invention is viewed as a product of the ongoing myth-making process whereby society continuously defines and redefines alcohol, seeking to integrate it into the culture in ways that allow enjoyment of its pleasures with minimum pain. Had alcoholism not been invented, (a) the myth-making process might have yielded another simplistic explanation of drunkenness, but more likely alcohol would have remained the supposed cause; (b) the per capita alcohol consumption uptrend of some 50 years standing might not have reversed as it did in 1982; (c) chronic drunkards might still be denied life-saving hospitalization which gains them more time for the natural reform process to work for them; and (d) local communities nationwide might have taken common-sense actions to facilitate the natural rehabilitation process and provided more benefit to more alcoholics for less cost than treating alcoholism. It is expected that Americans will continue to drink and will continue to seek a more harmonious relationship with alcohol. The informal social controls will continue to largely constrain individual appetites for alcohol's pleasures, and most alcoholics will continue to gain control of their excessive drinking in the natural course of events with or without exposure to alcoholism treatment.