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Spanking and Child Outcomes: Old Controversies and New Meta-Analyses

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Whether spanking is helpful or harmful to children continues to be the source of considerable debate among both researchers and the public. This article addresses 2 persistent issues, namely whether effect sizes for spanking are distinct from those for physical abuse, and whether effect sizes for spanking are robust to study design differences. Meta-analyses focused specifically on spanking were conducted on a total of 111 unique effect sizes representing 160,927 children. Thirteen of 17 mean effect sizes were significantly different from zero and all indicated a link between spanking and increased risk for detrimental child outcomes. Effect sizes did not substantially differ between spanking and physical abuse or by study design characteristics.

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... In another study of over 120,000 children between 2 and 14 years in 28 LMICs, aggressive forms of discipline were common, with approximately 83% of children experiencing psychological abuse and 43% experiencing severe physical abuse (Akmatov, 2011). U.S. and international research suggests the use of physical punishment is harmful to children's socioemotional development in upper-income countries (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Lansford et al., 2014;Lansford, Wager, Bates, Pettit, and Dodge, 2012). Recent studies examining physical punishment against children in LMICs corroborate the finding that physical punishment is linked to poorer child outcomes. ...
... While most parents do not use beating as a form of discipline, minor physical assault (e.g., slapping, spanking) and psychological aggression (e.g., shouting, yelling, or screaming at child) are common (Kim et al., 2014;Lee et al., 2011;Straus et al., 1998). Furthermore, there is consistent evidence that psychological and physical aggression, including less severe forms of assault such as spanking, are harmful to children (Cuartas et al., 2020;Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Gershoff et al., 2018;Lansford et al., 2014;Pettit, 2012, Lansford, Wager, Bates, Pettit, andDodge, 2012). To date, few studies of caregivers in LMICs have examined disciplinary behaviors simultaneously using a latent class approach. ...
... Based on prior studies (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Grogan-Kaylor et al., 2021;Pace et al., 2019;Ward, Grogan-Kaylor, Pace, et al., 2021), we hypothesized that child aggressive behavior and distraction would be higher among the household disciplinary classes characterized by high levels of caregiver-to-child aggression, while children getting along with others would be higher among the household disciplinary classes characterized by low levels of caregiver-to-child aggression. We also hypothesized that caregiver attitudes toward physical punishment would be higher among the household disciplinary classes characterized by high levels of caregiver-to-child aggression. ...
Article
Background Caregivers use a variety of disciplinary methods to respond to undesired child behavior. Many caregivers use nonaggressive forms of discipline, such as verbal reasoning and redirection. Some caregivers use aggressive forms of discipline, such as spanking and yelling. However, most caregivers use a combination of aggressive and nonaggressive discipline. To date, a disproportionately small number of caregiver discipline studies are conducted in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), and few studies in low-resource contexts examine aggressive and nonaggressive behaviors simultaneously. Objective This study aims to elucidate caregiver patterns of 11 disciplinary behaviors used in LMICs, and examine how these patterns relate to child outcomes and household characteristics. Participants and setting Data came from the fourth and fifth rounds of UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) distributed between 2009 and 2017 (N = 218,824 respondents across 63 countries). Focal children were 3–4 years old. Methods Patterns of disciplinary behaviors were estimated using a multilevel latent class analysis (LCA). Multinomial regression analyses examined associations of disciplinary patterns with caregiver-reported child outcomes and household characteristics. Results The LCA suggested caregiver discipline fell into three overall patterns: high behavioral control, moderate behavior control, and lower behavioral control. The lower behavioral control class was associated with the most advantageous child outcomes and household socio-demographic characteristics, whereas the high behavioral control class was associated with the most disadvantageous child outcomes and household characteristics. Conclusions Efforts should be employed to reduce aggressive behaviors and promote positive parenting among caregivers in LMICs.
... A recent meta-analysis of 5 decades of research involving over 160,000 diverse children from around the world concluded that non-injurious hitting with the intention of modifying child behavior is ineffective, associated with increased aggression, defiance, lower cognition and academic achievement, and places children at risk of a host of mental and physiological health problems over the lifespan (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016; see also Holmes & Robins, 1988;Larzelere, 1986;Lefkowitz et al., 1963Lefkowitz et al., , 1977Maurer, 1974;Parke & Slaby, 1983;Straus, 1991). Researchers have also found that both spanking and physical abuse were associated with the same detrimental child outcomes in the same direction and nearly the same strength, irrespective of the racial or ethnic background of the child, parental intent, or the cultural context in which the punishment was administered (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). ...
... A recent meta-analysis of 5 decades of research involving over 160,000 diverse children from around the world concluded that non-injurious hitting with the intention of modifying child behavior is ineffective, associated with increased aggression, defiance, lower cognition and academic achievement, and places children at risk of a host of mental and physiological health problems over the lifespan (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016; see also Holmes & Robins, 1988;Larzelere, 1986;Lefkowitz et al., 1963Lefkowitz et al., , 1977Maurer, 1974;Parke & Slaby, 1983;Straus, 1991). Researchers have also found that both spanking and physical abuse were associated with the same detrimental child outcomes in the same direction and nearly the same strength, irrespective of the racial or ethnic background of the child, parental intent, or the cultural context in which the punishment was administered (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). ...
... More than 1500 published studies demonstrate that spanking is an ineffective form of punishment, does not promote positive child behavior, and is just as harmful as abuse that leaves visible marks and injuries (Afifi et al., , 2020Gershoff et al., 2018). Striking children produces a form of "toxic stress" that has been associated with brain alterations, elevated hormone levels, inflammation in the body and weakening of the immune system which puts children at increased risk for chronic health problems that might not show up until after puberty or over the course of the adult lifespan (Gershoff, 2002(Gershoff, , 2013Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Merrick et al., 2017;Talwar & Lee, 2011). A number of studies link physical punishment to higher levels of aggression among children and intimate partner violence and other crime in adulthood (Larzelere, 1996;Straus, 1983Straus, , 1991Sutton et al., 2019). ...
Article
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The current white supremacist racial order in America fundamentally relies on fear and pain to shape the subjectivities of Black people in childhood. This violence is most visible when enacted by police officers against unarmed Black youth. A less visible yet more pernicious form of racist violence against Black children is exercised by community proxies such as Black teachers and parents. Annual government reports reveal that Black children are more likely to be injured or killed by their parents than by police. In this paper we inquire as to why, despite the many Black writers who have described parental violence as an intergenerational re‐enactment of the violence of slavery, and despite decades of research on the harms of hitting children, social theorists have not analyzed how Black parents can serve as proxies for white supremacist violence. We argue that Black parenting culture has in many ways internalized the white supremacist view that corporal punishment is required to instill the discipline necessary to spare Black youth from police violence and incarceration. We conclude that until social scientists foreground the voices of Black youth in their studies, rather than adults, our ability to understand and confront the reproduction of white supremacist violence will be impeded. We argue that the physical punishment of children in Black families is an aspect of the legacy or “afterlife” of slavery. We contend that this omission persists because Black youth voices are absent from social analysis on the issue of physical punishment, existing only in clinical studies divorced from macro‐sociological analysis, and we discuss how this omission occurred as a matter of scholarly history.
... Whether parental physical punishment and physical abuse may be linked to detrimental child outcomes in similar ways remains a persistent question in the literature. A meta-analytic article by Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor (2016) addressed this question by restricting the definition of physical punishment to non-injurious discipline and examining the association of ordinary physical punishment with physical abuse. Findings from the meta-analysis demonstrated that physical punishment and physical abuse are correlated parenting behaviors such that the adverse effects of physical punishment on child development are comparable to that of physical abuse (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). ...
... A meta-analytic article by Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor (2016) addressed this question by restricting the definition of physical punishment to non-injurious discipline and examining the association of ordinary physical punishment with physical abuse. Findings from the meta-analysis demonstrated that physical punishment and physical abuse are correlated parenting behaviors such that the adverse effects of physical punishment on child development are comparable to that of physical abuse (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). This research underscores the importance of accounting for physical abuse in models that examine the associations of physical punishment with child outcomes. ...
... Observational learning processes (Bandura, 1973), disrupted parent-child relationships (Bowlby, 1982), and maladaptive responses to stress (Gershoff, 2016) provide theoretical bases for the associations of physical punishment and physical abuse with undesirable child behavior. Because coercive behavioral strategies model violent behavior, parents unintentionally communicate its legitimacy in conflictual situations to their children and elicit aggressive behavior (Gershoff, 2002;Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). When children are physically punished or mistreated by their parents, they experience not only physical pain but also feelings of fear and shame (Cuartas, Weissman, Sheridan, Lengua, & McLaughlin, 2021;Gershoff, 2002). ...
Article
Background Prior literature has demonstrated the associations of parental physical punishment with child behavior problems and increased risk of physical abuse. In South Korea, physical punishment is a common parenting practice. In 2021, legislative reforms eliminated legal grounds for parental physical punishment in South Korea. However, research on physical punishment, physical abuse, and child behavior problems in the Korean context is scarce. Objective This study examined whether physical punishment and physical abuse have unique associations with child behavior problems and whether physical punishment is associated with increased exposure to physical abuse. Participants and setting Data came from the 2010 Korean Child and Youth Panel Survey (KCYPS), a nationally representative sample of South Korean children who attended 1st grade in 2010. Our analyses were based on three waves of the KCYPS (N = 2,180). Methods We employed fixed-effects regression to examine the associations of physical punishment and physical abuse with child behavior problems and the association of physical punishment with physical abuse after controlling for time-invariant characteristics. Results Exposure to physical punishment and physical abuse was associated with higher levels of aggression, depression, and lower levels of academic behavior regulation. Physical punishment was associated with increased risk of physical abuse. Conclusions Our findings suggest that physical punishment is a risk for child behavior problems and physical abuse in South Korea. Child maltreatment prevention efforts should focus on shifting favorable social norms around physical punishment and promoting non-physical disciplinary practices.
... Physical punishment is defined as "any punishment in which physical force is used and intended to cause some degree of pain or discomfort, however light" (Committee on the Rights of the Child, 2006). Spanking is a form of physical punishment that involves hitting or slapping the child's bottom with a bare hand for disciplinary purposes (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). Child rights advocates argue that child discipline should be a socialization process free from any parental violence (Durrant & Stewart-Tufescu, 2017). ...
... Indeed, many studies support the notion that as parental spanking intensifies, risk of physical abuse increases as well (e.g., Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Heilmann et al., 2021;Russa & Rodriguez, 2010;Zolotor et al., 2008). In a meta-analysis including over 160,000 children worldwide, Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor (2016) demonstrated consistent associations between spanking and physical abuse. ...
... Indeed, many studies support the notion that as parental spanking intensifies, risk of physical abuse increases as well (e.g., Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Heilmann et al., 2021;Russa & Rodriguez, 2010;Zolotor et al., 2008). In a meta-analysis including over 160,000 children worldwide, Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor (2016) demonstrated consistent associations between spanking and physical abuse. This meta-analysis found that among a range of adverse child outcomes associated with spanking, the largest effect was for physical abuse. ...
Article
Background Nearly one third of children under five in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) experience spanking. Studies from North America suggest that spanking is associated with heightened risk of physical abuse. However, the link between spanking and physical abuse in the international context remains understudied. Objective To examine the association between caregivers' spanking and physical abuse of young children in LMICs, and to estimate the extent to which physical abuse might be reduced if spanking were eliminated. Participants We used nationally representative data from 156,166 1- to 4-year-old children in 56 LMICs from the fourth and fifth rounds of UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys. Methods A nationally weighted multilevel logistic regression model examined the association between spanking and physical abuse. We calculated predicted probabilities of physical abuse, which we present using natural frequencies. Results Spanking was associated with higher odds of physical abuse (OR = 5.74, p < .001). The predicted probability of physical abuse decreased by 14% comparing children who were spanked (22%) and who were not spanked (8%). When our estimates were translated to a hypothetical sample of 100 children using a natural frequency approach, 32 children were spanked; of those, seven experienced physical abuse. The elimination of spanking would result in four fewer children who were exposed to physical abuse. In relation to the population of abused children, estimates suggest that physical abuse could reduce by up to 33% if spanking were eliminated. Conclusions Results support the UN Sustainable Development Goals Target 16.2 that calls for eliminating all forms of violence against children. Child welfare advocates should discourage caregivers from using spanking, in order to prevent physical abuse.
... Childhood physical abuse is associated with a range of detrimental outcomes within both childhood and adulthood, such as decreased mental or physical health, as well as increased levels of both aggression perpetration and victimization (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Malinosky-Rummell & Hansen, 1993;Springer et al., 2007). Recent literature has identified a relationship between experiencing childhood physical abuse and peer-victimization among adolescents, arguing that experiencing violence early in life may predispose individuals to future vulnerability Dussich & Maekoya, 2007;Söderberg et al., 2016). ...
... Although the methods used in the current study captured experiences of childhood physical abuse, the distinction between physical abuse and physical disciple appears to be that of legality. A recent meta-analysis found the effect sizes of detrimental outcomes such as decreased mental health and increased antisocial behaviour for individuals who experienced childhood physical abuse (d = 0.38) compared to being spanked (hit with open palm, usually on the buttocks; d = 0.25) were quite similar (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). Further, evidence suggests that those who are spanked are at increased risk of also experiencing physical abuse (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Zolotor et al., 2008). ...
... A recent meta-analysis found the effect sizes of detrimental outcomes such as decreased mental health and increased antisocial behaviour for individuals who experienced childhood physical abuse (d = 0.38) compared to being spanked (hit with open palm, usually on the buttocks; d = 0.25) were quite similar (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). Further, evidence suggests that those who are spanked are at increased risk of also experiencing physical abuse (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Zolotor et al., 2008). As such, the current study adds to the evidence body that underpins the prohibition of childhood corporal punishment in 61 countries (Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children, 2020). ...
Article
Background High-risk intoxication, trait aggression and conformity to masculine norms are associated with increased risk of barroom aggression; however, less is understood regarding the factors associated with victimization in the night-time environment. Objective This study aimed to explore the influence of childhood physical abuse, high-risk intoxication, conformity to masculine norms and trait aggression on physical and/or verbal victimization in the night-time environment. Participants and setting A sample of N = 490 patrons aged 18–50 years (M = 23.02, SD = 5.89, 58.8% female) were recruited in Fortitude Valley and West End district, Queensland. Method Participants completed a street interview, including breathalyser, and a follow-up online survey asking about experiences of aggression on the night of interview, experiences of childhood physical abuse and psychosocial correlates. Results For males, but not females, childhood physical abuse (OR = 3.98) increased the risk of physical and/or verbal victimization. Conformity to the masculine norm of Winning (OR = 0.21) was protective against physical and/or verbal victimization for males, and trait aggression (OR = 1.51) was significantly associated with increased risk of physical and/or verbal victimization for females. Conclusions These findings add to the growing literature surrounding the long-term impacts of childhood physical abuse, demonstrating experiences of childhood physical abuse are significantly associated with victimization in the night-time economy. The current findings should be taken into consideration when constructing public policy or directed interventions, to help reduce aggression and violence in the night-time economy.
... Unfortunately, corporal punishment is common-between 65% and 90% of parents believe that these practices are necessary (Fleckman et al., 2018, Gershoff et al., 2012. Risk factors for use of corporal punishment include younger caregiver age, being Black, lower household income, lower educational attainment, residing in the southern region of the U.S., identification as conservative Christian, and higher levels of depressive symptoms (Fréchette & Romano, 2015;Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Gershoff et al., 2012). Longitudinal and meta-analytic findings have indicated that, across cultures, corporal punishment is associated with negative lifelong ramifications (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Gershoff et al., 2012). ...
... Risk factors for use of corporal punishment include younger caregiver age, being Black, lower household income, lower educational attainment, residing in the southern region of the U.S., identification as conservative Christian, and higher levels of depressive symptoms (Fréchette & Romano, 2015;Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Gershoff et al., 2012). Longitudinal and meta-analytic findings have indicated that, across cultures, corporal punishment is associated with negative lifelong ramifications (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Gershoff et al., 2012). In one meta-analysis, corporal punishment was linked with increased mental health problems, aggressive and antisocial behavior, lower moral internalization, lower cognitive development and self-esteem, and more negative parent-child interactions (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). ...
... Longitudinal and meta-analytic findings have indicated that, across cultures, corporal punishment is associated with negative lifelong ramifications (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Gershoff et al., 2012). In one meta-analysis, corporal punishment was linked with increased mental health problems, aggressive and antisocial behavior, lower moral internalization, lower cognitive development and self-esteem, and more negative parent-child interactions (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). Further, corporal punishment and children's aggressive behaviors appear to be reciprocal, wherein spanking predicts aggressive behavior and aggressive behavior increases the risk for being spanked (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Maguire-Jack et al., 2012). ...
Article
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Corporal punishment is associated with negative outcomes for children. Increased risk for such adverse parenting practices may be increased for individuals with a history of maltreatment and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms. However, it is unclear whether specific trauma types are associated with worse outcomes. Prior work has found relations between parental history of child physical abuse (CPA) and more positive endorsement of corporal punishment, but less is known about associations between childhood sexual abuse (CSA) and witnessing intimate partner violence (IPV) and views regarding corporal punishment. Further, the DSM-5 PTSD symptom clusters have not been previously examined regarding beliefs about punishment. The aims of the study were to determine whether maltreatment, PTSD symptoms, and the PTSD symptom clusters were related to beliefs about the utilization of corporal punishment. The sample included parents (N = 281; Mage = 36.70 SD = 8.06; 63.3% female; 53.4% White) who were recruited from a university (26.5%) or MTurk (73.5%). The data were collected through questionnaires utilizing survey software and analyzed using regression models. Results: CSA was associated with more positive attitudes toward corporal punishment, β = 0.12; however, CPA and IPV were unrelated to attitudes towards corporal punishment. Higher PTSD symptoms were also linked with more positive corporal punishment beliefs, β = 0.18. When the clusters were examined, none of the symptom clusters were associated with corporal punishment. CSA and PTSD symptoms may be relevant in understanding and improving parenting outcomes and behaviors among trauma-exposed parents.
... Globally, the most pervasive forms of violence against children are physical and emotional punishment committed by their parents and other caregivers [1][2][3][4][5]. Over the past two decades, mounting evidence indicates that physical (also called corporal) punishment is harmful to children and has no known benefits [6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14]. It has consistently been shown to be a risk factor for injury, aggression, anti-social behavior, mental health problems, poor parent-child relationships, slower cognitive development, and violence towards partners and children later in life [6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14]. ...
... Over the past two decades, mounting evidence indicates that physical (also called corporal) punishment is harmful to children and has no known benefits [6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14]. It has consistently been shown to be a risk factor for injury, aggression, anti-social behavior, mental health problems, poor parent-child relationships, slower cognitive development, and violence towards partners and children later in life [6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14]. In 2018, the American Academy of Pediatrics published a statement explicitly recommending against any physical or emotional punishment, including spanking, hitting, slapping, threatening, insulting, humiliating, and shaming [16]. ...
... It is likely that adolescents' beliefs about physical punishment are linked to their parents' beliefs, but few studies have examined that relationship. To date, most of the research on physical punishment has relied on parent samples who self-report use of physical punishment [9,13]. As well, research on spanking attitudes or beliefs has mostly focused on adults-both parents and professionals [32,[35][36][37][38]. Very little is known about the spanking beliefs of adolescents. ...
Article
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Background Research consistently demonstrates that physical punishment of children including “spanking” is harmful. Interest in effective prevention is growing rapidly. The aim of the current study is to examine spanking beliefs among adolescents and parents in relation to reports of spanking that the adolescents experienced before 11 years of age. Methods Data were drawn from Wave 1 of a study conducted in 2017–2018 that included adolescents (14–17 years old) and one of their parents/caregivers from Manitoba, Canada ( n = 1000 pairs). The study objectives were to examine: 1) spanking beliefs of adolescents and their parents; 2) the correlation between parent and adolescent spanking beliefs; 3) whether parents perceive the words “spank” vs. “hit” differently using intraclass correlation; 4) the association between parents’ beliefs about spanking and parent- and adolescent-reported use of it; and 5) the relationship between sociodemographic variables and spanking. The data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, Spearman’s correlation, intraclass correlation, and binary and multinomial logistic regression analyses. Results The prevalence of adolescent-reported and parents’-reported spanking were 46.0% and 39.6%, respectively. The proportions agreeing that spanking is a normal part of parenting were similar among adolescents (22.0%) and parents (18.5%), and were moderately correlated (intraclass correlation = 0.38, SE = 0.038). More than five times as many parents believed that “spanking” is necessary (19.5%) than believed that “hitting” is necessary (3.5%). Parents’ positive spanking beliefs were associated with increased likelihood of adolescent- and parent-reported spanking. Few significant associations were found between sociodemographic variables and parent-reported or adolescent-reported spanking. Conclusions Adolescents’ spanking beliefs are related to their parents’ spanking beliefs, suggesting that they are transmitted across generations. Public education and law reform are needed to decrease the normalization and perceived necessity of spanking in child-rearing. Efforts should include improving the understanding that spanking is a form of violence against children. With only a few significant differences noted between sociodemographic variables and parent- and adolescent- reported spanking and the prevalent use of spanking across all sociodemographic variable categories, it may be useful to develop universal approaches to awareness-raising and implementation of education strategies in Canada.
... Mothers who physically discipline their children often do so with the goal of regaining a sense of control of their child, specifically to stop repetitive stressful behaviors, that are perceived to predict potential future behavioral problems (Kistin et al., 2014). Although the strategy of using physically aggressive discipline is employed by many parents in the United States, violent discipline can cause increased child externalizing behaviors (Gershoff, 2002), higher likelihood of perpetuating child abuse (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Lee et al., 2014), interruption of the parent-child relationship (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016), and is associated with poorer parenting for Latinx families (Ogbonnaya et al., 2019). ...
... Mothers who physically discipline their children often do so with the goal of regaining a sense of control of their child, specifically to stop repetitive stressful behaviors, that are perceived to predict potential future behavioral problems (Kistin et al., 2014). Although the strategy of using physically aggressive discipline is employed by many parents in the United States, violent discipline can cause increased child externalizing behaviors (Gershoff, 2002), higher likelihood of perpetuating child abuse (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Lee et al., 2014), interruption of the parent-child relationship (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016), and is associated with poorer parenting for Latinx families (Ogbonnaya et al., 2019). ...
... The finding that mothers who endorsed only non-violent discipline had higher positive parenting scores is consistent with scholarship that outlines the deleterious affect violent discipline has on children and families reported multiple similarly structured studies (Gershoff, 2002;Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Lee et al., 2014). The correlation between non-violent discipline and positive parenting, suggests that supporting parents to enhance their parenting strengths and protective factors and utilizing a trauma-informed approach may help support parents to explore both why they are using specific disciplinary strategies and how to interpret challenging child behaviors within the context of the mothers' own childhood experiences. ...
Article
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For young children, positive parenting is predictive of their prosocial development and positive emotional well-being. Understanding the factors that promote or undermine positive parenting is of particular importance for families at risk of child welfare involvement. For Latinx families, conceptualizations of risk are better viewed through a cultural lens. This paper explores predictors of positive parenting among Latinx families (Mexican and Puerto Rican) who are vulnerable to child welfare involvement. Weighted data were drawn from Wave 1 of the National Survey on Child and Adolescent Well-being II—Restricted Release (NSCAW-II), a national sample that approximated a probability sample of child welfare involved families. After controlling for all other variables in the model, being married and using only non-violent parenting were related to higher positive parenting scores. Experiencing IPV within the last 12 months was related to significantly lower positive parenting scores. Results from the study highlight the need for a trauma-informed approach to culturally specific services for Latinx families who are vulnerable to the child welfare system. The connection between IPV experiences and the context of positive parenting is discussed.
... Fourth, research shows that children will change their behavior rather out of fear for CP [12] than out of respect for the teacher and an understanding of the behavioral norms [13]. Fifth, meta-analyses of the outcomes of CP inflicted on children by their parents or caregivers in the home environment found detrimental effects on children's behavior and cognitive functioning [14][15][16][17]. ...
... SCP was stronger related to externalizing behavior problems than to internalizing behavior problems and school performance, which is in line with findings of a recent metaanalysis on the effects of corporal punishment in the home environment of children [16]. This may be explained by the overlap in children's externalizing behavior and the behavior of teachers inflicting corporal punishment upon children (i.e., physical aggression). ...
Article
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School corporal punishment (SCP) is still widely used in many countries. Although primary studies have pointed toward detrimental effects of SCP, a quantitative review of these studies was not yet available. To gain better insight into effects of SCP, three meta-analyses were conducted on the association between SCP and children’s (1) externalizing behavior, (2) internalizing behavior, and (3) school performance. These meta-analyses synthesized 21 studies (120 effect sizes; N = 67,400), 14 studies (18 effect sizes; N = 39,917), and 20 studies (47 effect sizes; N = 977,367), respectively. Studies were synthesized using a three-level approach to meta-analysis. The results revealed that SCP is positively associated with externalizing behavior (r = 0.27, p < 0.001) and internalizing behavior of children (r = 0.16, p < 0.001), and negatively with children’s school performance (r = −0.11, p < 0.001). This review concludes that SCP is a risk factor for externalizing behavior, internalizing behavior, and reduced school performance of children. Other techniques than SCP should be used for class management, and we recommend psychoeducational programs for schools and the wider community in which corporal punishment is still used. These programs should convey the detrimental effects of SCP and alternative discipline techniques. More awareness of the detrimental effects of SCP is needed to make the school environment a safe place for all children across the world.
... Children treated with involvement, acceptance, emotional availability, warmth, and responsivity more often develop a stable personality than those who are not (Cummings, 2000). Likewise, children exposed to harsh physical punishments develop behavioral problems such as aggression (Del Hoyo-Bilbao et al., 2017), hyperactivity (Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor, 2016), antisocial behavior (Straus, 1997), and an inability to adjust to their environment. ...
... Evidently, CP is implemented in and often accepted by many cultures worldwide. An abundance of literature has discussed this topic (Lansford et al., 2010, Gershoff, ET andGrogan-Kaylor, AT 2016). To a lesser degree, some literature has addressed the use of CP on children with ADHD. ...
Article
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Purpose: The use of physical punishment by parents varies across cultures. Parents of children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) might use physical punishment at a higher rate than other parents due to the prevalence of behavioral problems among their children. This study compared the use of physical punishment by parents of children with ADHD and parents of typically developed (TD) children. Method: This descriptive and comparative study used a sample of 100 parents, including 50 parents (25 mothers and 25 fathers) with children aged 7-17 years who were diagnosed with ADHD (ADHD group) and an equal number of parents with children who were not diagnosed with ADHD (TD group). Both groups were recruited using convenience sampling at a psychiatric clinic. Results: The two groups had comparable demographic information. The ADHD group used physical punishment at a higher rate than the TD group (P=0.001) even when the parents were grouped by sex. In the TD group, the mothers used physical punishment twice as often as the fathers (40% and 20%, respectively; P=0.00). Most parents in the ADHD and TD groups had been subjected to physical punishment as children (74% and 64%, respectively). The prevalence of physical punishment against the TD children (30%) was significantly lower than the prevalence of past violence against their parents. The parental opinions of physical punishment as a disciplinary method did not significantly differ between the groups (P=0.294). Both groups made similar decisions regarding the use of physical punishment (P=0.235). Conclusion: Practitioners working with ADHD children should inquire about the use of physical punishment during their assessments due to its harmful effects.
... Research from around the world shows that corporal punishment can have negative and long-lasting repercussions on children's physical and emotional well-being (4,5). In schools, corporal punishment has been related to decreased school performance and higher dropout rates (2). ...
... Presently, there are no rules (at least not enforced) for opening a school or becoming a teacher in Haiti. In Haiti, 80% of primary schools are non-state schools (and three quarter of them operate without a license of the Ministry of Education) 4 . Furthermore, only 20% of primary school teachers receive formal basic pedagogical training 5 . ...
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ContextAlthough teacher violence at schools is a serious problem in Haiti, there is a lack of systematic evidence on the effectiveness of school-based interventions in reducing teacher violence in this low-income country.Objective To test the effectiveness of the preventative intervention Interaction Competencies with Children for Teachers (ICC-T) aiming to reduce teachers' use of violent disciplinary strategies and to improve their interaction competences with children in the Haitian context.Design, Setting, ParticipantsThe study is designed as a two-arm matched cluster randomized controlled trial. The sample consists of 468 teachers and 1,008 children from 36 (community and public) primary schools around Cap-Haïtien (Département du Nord) in Haiti. Data will be collected in three phases, before the intervention, and 6 and 18 months after.InterventionIn the group of intervention schools, ICC-T will be delivered as a 5-day training workshop. Workshop sessions are divided into five modules: 1) improving teacher-student interactions, 2) maltreatment prevention, 3) effective discipline strategies, 4) identifying and supporting burdened students, and 5) implementation in everyday school life.Main Outcome MeasureThe main outcome measure is teacher violence assessed in two ways: (i) teachers' self-reported use of violence, and (ii) children's self-reported experiences of violence by teachers.Conclusions Prior evaluations of ICC-T had been conducted in sub-Saharan Africa with promising results. This study will test for the first time the effectiveness of this intervention outside the context of sub-Saharan Africa.
... The diffusion of detrimental educational practices and harsh discipline presents an urgent theme to be addressed (UNICEF, 2014). This research field is multifaceted and many authors gave their contributions underlining the necessity of deepening our understanding of harsh discipline in its diffusion, determinants, and consequences that hinder children's well-being in several ways (Jansen et al., 2012;Gunnoe, 2013;Knerr et al., 2013;Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Banzon-Librojo et al., 2017;Niu et al., 2018;Petts et al., 2018;Pace et al., 2019;Lokot et al., 2020;Silveira et al., 2020;Wang et al., 2021). According to a recent study (Pace et al., 2019) involving data from a very large sample of children (215,885) across 62 countries, "spanking" is a common method used by parents for imparting discipline. ...
... As the number of contributions on the subject has grown, a disparity of definitions and dissimilarities in items assessed has gradually emerged, which has often made it difficult to make precise comparisons between the studies (Jansen et al., 2012). For example, Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor (2016) consider the fact that spanking has been confounded with harsher forms of physical punishment and they highlight the need to consider it alone, then they proceed to distinguish this specific action in their meta-analyses. On the other hand, there are studies that widen the focus on harsh discipline to include both corporal punishments and psychological/verbal aggression (Niu et al., 2018;Silveira et al., 2020). ...
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In a complex and systemic view of human development, the educational relationship is conceived as the keystone of development (Pianta, 1999; Pianta, 2001). However, harsh discipline practices may still be culturally rooted, thus affecting children’s well-being. Two constructs that may provide useful insights on this topic are Adultcentrism (AD) and Black Pedagogy (BP). AD is conceived as a paradigm of thought entailing a bias in the interpretation of children’s needs, hindering adults’ capability to truly understand children’s culture, and promoting a binary thinking based on the adult–child opposition. BP represents a label for those “old-fashioned” disciplinary methods (punishments or physical/mental violence) based on adults’ power and control over children, that may be still deemed as acceptable to a certain degree in a specific cultural and social context. Adultcentrism and Black Pedagogy Scales were administered to a sample of 294 Italian primary school teachers (age M = 47 years, SD = 8.96). Measures of authoritarian educational styles and of the ability to recognize subtle maltreating situations were also included. Results indicated that the higher the agreement with AD and BP, the lower the capacity to correctly recognize subtle maltreating situations in classroom. Adultcentrism proved to be a significant predictor of Black Pedagogy: F(1, 231) = 71.06, p = .000, with R² = .24. Results support the idea that it is worth reflecting on the risk that Adultcentrism brings about detrimental Black Pedagogy educational practices, in order to provide suggestions about possible application models for family and professional caregivers to use to foster children’s well-being.
... et une baisse d 'internalisation morale (d = -.33 ;Gershoff, 2002). Suite aux critiques quant à la définition trop vague de la punition physique utilisée par Gershoff dans sa première méta-analyse (Gershoff, 2002), Gershoff et Grogan-Kaylor (2016) ont mené une autre méta-analyse en contrôlant le facteur de punition physique dure et potentiellement abusive, pour ne pas que cela interfère avec les données issues de la punition corporelle dite plus « douce ». Ils se sont concentrés seulement sur la fessée à travers l'analyse de 75 études. ...
... Ils se sont concentrés seulement sur la fessée à travers l'analyse de 75 études. Parmi les 79 effets de tailles significatifs, 99% montrent que la fessée est associée avec des conséquences néfastes sur l'enfant, avec des comportements d'internalisation et d'externalisation problématiques, des comportements antisociaux et agressifs, et une baisse de développement cognitif et d'internalisation morale (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). Une fois de plus, leur étude ne trouve aucun bénéfice associé avec la punition corporelle. ...
Article
Le programme Positive Discipline in Everyday Parenting (PDEP) apporte des techniques alternatives à la punition physique, aux parents, en promouvant la discipline positive. Cette étude évalue de façon préliminaire l’efficacité du programme sur des pratiques parentales telles que la discipline positive, l’utilisation de la punition physique et non-physique. Nous examinons auprès de parents si les changements post-programme sur ces pratiques parentales sont prédits par les variables appartenant au modèle cognitif du programme et celles appartenant au modèle des buts et actions. Les résultats montrent une diminution significative sur l’utilisation de la punition non-physique suite à la participation au programme, comparé aux parents sur la liste d’attente. De plus, les parents les plus impulsifs ont tendance à profiter le plus du programme. Ces résultats ont des implications importantes concernant les facteurs déterminants pour le succès du programme et les éléments qui peuvent influencer des changements dans l’utilisation de stratégies parentales punitives.
... Two out of three children younger than five living in lowand-middle-income countries (LMICs) are exposed to corporal punishment in the home [1]. Growing evidence from cross-sectional and longitudinal studies-mostly from the U.S and other high-income countries (HICs)-has shown that corporal punishment relates to an array of detrimental child outcomes, including internalizing and externalizing behavior problems and poorer cognitive abilities [2][3][4]. In response, the United Nations (UN) clarified that corporal punishment is a form of violence against children and recommended its eradication in the Convention on the Rights of the Child-CRC [5] and the Sustainable Development Goals-SDGs [6]. ...
... The searches used combinations of keywords and controlled vocabulary for corporal punishment (e.g., "child discipline;" "corporal punishment;" "punishment;" "spanking") and child developmental outcomes (e.g., "child behavior;" "cognitive development;" "psychosocial development;" "childhood development"; see the Appendix for further details). Second, I examined all studies included in published meta-analyses on this topic [i.e., 2,8,19,[67][68][69]. Finally, I searched the International Bibliography of the Social Sciences using the same keywords with the goal of identifying more studies from LMICs. ...
Article
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Most studies and reviews of studies on the developmental consequences of corporal punishment have focused on samples from the U.S. and other high-income countries. This study conducted a rapid review of the literature on the associations between corporal punishment and children’s cognitive and social-emotional development in low- and- middle-income countries (LMICs). Information from more than 42 studies of children younger than 18 years living in 64 LMICs was reviewed. Overall, the reviewed studies show associations between corporal punishment and negative cognitive and social-emotional outcomes, and there is no evidence that corporal punishment may relate to any positive developmental outcome in LMICs. Yet, issues of internal and external validity are common in the literature. The current evidence indicates that corporal punishment might increase the risk of detrimental child outcomes in LMICs, but further research with stronger methodological designs including samples from multiple settings is warranted.
... Les réponses sur les huit questions qui nous ont permis de recueillir le déclaré de nos répondants sur quelques-unes des conséquences les plus citées dans la littérature spécialisée sont résumées dans le tableau 9. En nous focalisant sur les seuls enseignants qui ne croient pas à l'existence de telles conséquences, nous aboutissons au graphique 21 qui représente la seule réponse « jamais » apportée à la question de savoir si la PC entrainait « Toujours, souvent, rarement ou jamais » chacune de ces conséquences choisies par nous parmi tant d'autres évoquées dans la littérature. Gal, 2008), même si la sanction reste nécessaire pour l'apprentissage de la responsabilité (Robbes, 2010et Prairat, 2003, elle ne peut plus se concevoir dans l'ignorance des risques que sa forme basée sur la violence fait peser sur le développement de l'enfant selon de certains spécialistes (Clement, 2011 ;Gershoff, Lansford, Sexton, Davis-Kean & Sameroff, 2012;Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016 ;Greydanus, 2010 ;Robinson, Funk, Beth & Bush, 2005 ;Salmona, 2014). ...
... "Although the majority of research to date on corporal punishment has been focused on parents' use of it(Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016), there is sufficient data on several potential outcomes of school corporal unishment to engender concern about its continued use around the world"?.3@-*;$%"&$%"$*%$1=*-*+%"%)."5-",)*1+13*";3.,3.$55$"à"5'é;35$"é5é#$*+-1.$ A"BC$#,5$"&$"5'DB7"&$"8:3)."E" ...
Research
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Au nom de la discipline, des éducateurs continuent à recourir à la punition corporelle des élèves malgré les mises en garde de la science et son interdiction par les textes. Pour y voir plus clair sur les raison de cette persistance, nous avons enquêté auprès des enseignants.
... As for harsh parenting, such as physical punishment, studies from many societies show a positive association with child EBP. A comprehensive meta-analysis including 160,927 children from both US based-and international studies found that spanking associated with both internalizing and externalizing child behaviors [37]. Another meta-analysis with children from several countries found that physical punishment was associated with adverse child outcomes, especially in countries in which physical punishment was less culturally normative [38]. ...
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Background There is a substantial gap in our knowledge about family correlates of child emotional and behavioral problems in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC). The present study contributes to filling this gap by examining such correlates in a larger population study in Nepal. Methods Our study is a cross-sectional, observational study among 3840 Nepali children aged 6–18 years from 64 schools and 16 districts in the three main geographical regions in the country. We used the Nepali version of the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL)/6-18 to assess children’s internalizing and externalizing problems and an additional background information questionnaire to assess possible family correlates which included parental education, family structure, migrant worker parents, parental mental and physical illness, family conflicts, and child-rearing. The associations between family variables and child internalizing and externalizing problems were analyzed using bivariate correlations and multiple regression. Results Using bivariate analysis, we found that mental and physical illness in parents, conflict in the family, parental disagreement in child-rearing, and physical punishment of child correlated positively with both Internalizing Problems and Externalizing Problems. The same associations were found by using multiple regression analysis. In addition, parental education, family structure, and migrant worker mothers were associated with Externalizing Problems. However, the effect sizes were small. Conclusion The results suggest that in Nepal, child mental problems were associated with several family risk factors. Further, the study points to the need of strengthening prevention- and intervention measures to minimize family risk factors of child mental health disorders.
... Child abuse potential is a construct that reflects this estimate of the likelihood physical discipline will intensify to reach the level of physical abuse (Milner 1994). Harsh physical discipline is associated with greater child abuse potential and serves as a precursor to child abuse (Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor 2016;King et al. 2018). Greater understanding of the development of harsh parenting approaches and child abuse potential is imperative to advance efforts toward child abuse prevention. ...
Article
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Although research demonstrates intergenerational transmission of parenting attitudes and child abuse risk, greater clarity on the potential mechanisms in this process is needed. Role-specific modeling refers to an individual’s tendency to adopt the attitudes or behaviors of those in roles they themselves expect to ultimately occupy. How gender influences role-specific modeling—namely, how emerging adults align with same-gender parents—has not been well examined in this intergenerational transmission. The current study used a multi-informant approach to examine the associations between emerging adults’ child abuse potential, parenting style history, and expected parenting styles and their parents’ child abuse potential and parenting styles. Further, whether maternal and paternal parenting styles were concordant versus discordant was also considered in relation to emerging adults’ child abuse potential. In a multi-phase study, the first phase included 867 emerging adults; the second phase included a sample of these emerging adults’ mothers (n = 237) and fathers (n = 176). Both mothers’ and fathers’ parenting style and abuse potential related to emerging adults’ abuse potential, with more pronounced effects for daughters. Results indicated gender-specific modeling was not apparent in emerging adults’ abuse risk, alternatively suggesting potential cross-gender effects. Concordance in both parents adopting an authoritative parenting style resulted in emerging adults’ significantly lower child abuse risk compared to those with any authoritarian parenting history. Findings indicated the importance of mothers’ and fathers’ use of an authoritative approach to parenting, which may be critical for the prevention of intergenerationally sustained harsh and abusive parenting.
... physical punishment that does not rise to the threshold of abuse) and psychological aggression (i.e. threatening and demeaning a child) are both associated with actual child maltreatment and have longterm negative consequences for children (Gershoff, 2002;Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;King et al., 2018;Lee et al., 2014;Masud et al., 2019;Rodriguez, 2010). Higher parental stress during the COVID-19 pandemic is associated with an increased use of harsh parenting (such as, yelled at children more often and spanked or caned children more often; Chung et al., 2020). ...
Article
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To assess the relationship between stress throughout the day and aggressive discipline practices by parents during COVID-19 stay at home orders. For this study, participants took baseline survey online, then provided data three times a day (10 a.m., 3 p.m., and 9 p.m.) for 14 consecutive days using Ecological Momentary Assessment procedures. Data were collected from 323 participants, covering 9,357 observations from April 13 to May 27, 2020 in Central Ohio during stay-at-home orders due to COVID-19. Use of aggressive discipline, including corporal punishment and psychological aggression, was measured using the Dimensions of Discipline Inventory. For each higher level of stress, parents had 1.3 greater odds of using aggressive discipline. Having used aggressive discipline at baseline was related to three times greater odds of using it during the study period. Higher situational stress was associated with use of aggressive parenting. When combined with less contact with mandatory reporters, this places children at risk for abuse and neglect that may go without detection and intervention for longer time-periods. First responders and medical professionals become more important in identifying and reporting suspected child maltreatment, as this may be a child’s only contact with a mandated professional for six months to a year. Well child visits, routine vaccinations, and problem-focused care are important opportunities to assess parents’ stress and discipline practices that may be suggestive of abuse or neglect.
... Family risk factors show considerable variation across communities and nations. Children are at greater risk for the development of emotional and behavioural problems, as well as child maltreatment, if they grow up in family environments that are conflicted, poorly managed [5] or harsh, punitive, and/or unpredictable [6][7][8]. Large child population improvements have been demonstrated through parenting changes [5]. To improve parenting practices and optimize child development, a range of parent education and support programs have been developed and evaluated. ...
Article
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Parents can be essential change-agents in their children’s lives. To support parents in their parenting role, a range of programs have been developed and evaluated. In this paper, we provide an overview of the evidence for the effectiveness of parenting interventions for parents and children across a range of outcomes, including child and adolescent mental and physical health, child and adolescent competencies and academic outcomes, parental skills and competencies, parental wellbeing and mental health, and prevention of child maltreatment and family violence. Although there is extensive research showing the effectiveness of evidence-based parenting programs, these are not yet widely available at a population level and many parents are unable to access support. We outline how to achieve increased reach of evidence-based parenting supports, highlighting the policy imperative to adequately support the use of these supports as a way to address high priority mental health, physical health, and social problems.
... A exposição a punições físicas e outras formas de violência familiar prediz uma série de impactos negativos ao longo da vida, incluindo problemas de comportamento, tais como agressividade, comportamento antissocial, baixa autoestima e problemas de saúde mental (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Pinquart, 2017). A punição corporal com palmadas impacta negativamente no desenvolvimento cerebral (Cuartas et al., 2021). ...
... Many studies are focused on the harmful effects of parents' corporal punishment practices on both the parents and their children. The most common effects of corporal punishment are physical and mental problems as well as increased aggression among children and adults along with reduced quality of the parent-child relationship (Breen, Daniels, & Tomlinson, 2015;Gershoff, 2013;Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;MacKenzie, Nicklas, Waldfogel, & Brooks-Gunn, 2013;Park, 2010;Maguire Jack, Gromoske, & Berger, 2012;Simons & Wurtele, 2010;Straus & Paschall, 2009). Additionally, when punished, children often temporarily stop engaging in their misbehaviour. ...
... For example, studies show that physical punishment of children places them at greater risk for chronic medical illnesses such as cardiovascular disorder (Afifi et al., 2013), metabolic diseases (Danese et al., 2009), neoplasia (Hyland et al., 2013), (Dede Yildirim et al., 2020) physical injury, and increased admission and longer hospital stays. In addition, physical punishment is associated with negative socio-emotional outcomes such as internalizing and externalizing behavioral problems, regression of cognitive development, poor academic achievement, and poor interaction with peers and caregivers (Dede Yildirim et al., 2020;Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Lorber et al., 2011;Mackenzie et al., 2012;McKee et al., 2007;Mackenzie et al., 2013;Norman et al., 2012). ...
Article
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Harsh parental discipline is ineffective and potentially harmful to children, yet it is still common, particularly in many African countries. Culturally responsive education programs are needed to shift parenting practices in African countries, but there is limited baseline research to inform such efforts. This study’s objectives were to establish the baseline prevalence of harsh physical discipline practices among primary caregivers of pre-school children in Ethiopia and to identify associated factors to inform intervention efforts. The well-established Parent–Child Conflict Tactics Scale section on physical assault was translated and administered to primary caregivers of 1139 pre-school children aged 4–6 years sampled from four regions of Ethiopia. Trained interviewers also collected basic socio-demographic data. Based on caregiver report, 52.5% (n = 598) of the children had experienced harsh physical discipline and an additional 12.7% (n = 145) experienced moderate physical discipline in their lifetimes. After controlling for covariates, the factors significantly related to increased likelihood of harsh discipline were geographic region, female caregivers, lack of employment, at least moderate perceived social status, and non-Muslim religion. These data establish a baseline from which to evaluate the impact of future educational interventions designed to shift practices. Information about the correlates can be used to tailor such intervention efforts toward those most likely to use harsh discipline practices.
... A study amongst urban primary school children in Jamaica found exposure to aggression among peers at school, physical punishment at school, and exposure to community violence were associated with poor school achievement (Baker-Henningham et al., 2009). Effects on adolescents that linger into adulthood include aggression, crime, violence, anxiety, depression, suicidal ideations, sexual problems, alcohol and substance abuse, disrupted sleep, obesity, cancer, and cardiovascular disease (Cicchetti & Handley, 2019;Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Gomez et al., 2017;Jaffee et al., 2018;Roopnarine & Jin, 2016;Roopnarine et al., 2013;Tran et al., 2017;Yoon et al., 2018). Child maltreatment has economic costs such as direct medical expenses, and indirect costs as a result of loss of productivity, disability, decreased quality of life, premature death as well as costs borne by the justice system, social services, places of safety, foster care and adoption (Currie & Widom, 2010;Krug et al., 2002;Peterson et al., 2018;WHO et al., 2008;WHO et al., 2014). ...
Article
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Child maltreatment is a human rights issue and social problem for the global society. Given the scientific discourses about the Human Capability Approach as a normative and evaluative framework to measure human development that captures the quality of life, human dignity, and flourishing, this article attempts to conceptualize child maltreatment as a capability impediment. The authors contend that the Capability Approach can be explored to map out those human capabilities deprived in children who experience child maltreatment. Case studies are used to explore the correlates between child maltreatment and human development using Nussbaum's 10 Central Human Capabilities. The article concludes that child maltreatment constitutes a human development deprivation, advocates designing a Caribbean Child Friendliness Index, and valorizes child maltreatment as an indicator for human development. Implications for social work education are highlighted, and further research is recommended.
... Ces résultats vont dans le même sens que ceux retrouvés dans l'étude de Kai D. Bussman et al. [12], qui montrait que la diminution de l'usage des VEO par les parents Suédois était bien plus forte chez les parents nés après leur interdiction et qui avaient eux-mêmes subi moins de violence éducative. Enfin, les deux études de Gershoff et al. [13] [14] décrites plus bas soulignent deux tendances : les enfants victimes de violence éducative présenteraient, d'une part, un risque plus important d'être victimes de violence au cours de leur vie, et, d'autre part, un risque majoré d'utiliser à leur tour la violence dans leur propre cadre familial à l'âge adulte. ...
Article
Résumé Le 10 juillet 2019, la France est devenue le cinquante-sixième pays à interdire officiellement les violences éducatives ordinaires (VEO). Ce type de méthode était jusqu’ici toléré par une jurisprudence qui reconnaissait aux détenteurs de l’autorité parentale un « droit de correction » coutumier. Cette appellation de VEO laisse entendre que la violence pourrait avoir une vertu éducative, et se présenter comme ordinaire, banale, sans générer de conséquences néfastes pour les enfants. Alors même que leur utilisation est fortement plébiscitée par les parents français, et que cette loi dite « anti-fessée » a été présentée dans les médias comme relevant du débat de mœurs, la littérature théorique et scientifique, notamment les conclusions de cinq méta-analyses récentes, apporte des éléments de réponse assez clairs quant aux conséquences de ces VEO. L’American Psychological Association et l’American Academy of Pediatrics ont ainsi reconnu l’inefficacité éducative de ces méthodes, tout en déclarant que les preuves scientifiques sont aujourd’hui suffisantes pour attester de leur effet néfaste à court terme (difficultés cognitives et attentionnelles, troubles externalisés) comme à long terme (troubles mentaux). Si cette interdiction est forte sur le plan symbolique, l’enjeu est désormais celui d’un basculement des conceptions éducatives vers des pratiques de parentalité plus positives. Il appartient à l’ensemble du secteur de la petite enfance d’être acteur et porteur de ce changement. De nombreux dispositifs d’accompagnement à la parentalité sont déjà effectifs, qu’ils s’adressent à toutes les familles ou à des populations plus ciblées, lorsque des vulnérabilités sont identifiées. Le premier module du programme triple P, qui a bénéficié d’une expérimentation positive dans la région Grand-Est et qui est aujourd’hui accessible gratuitement pour l’ensemble des parents français, constitue un exemple de dispositif innovant efficace et abordable.
... Numerous studies have established important connections, such as the influence of nutrition on physical and brain development [10][11][12][13][14]. The emerging literature has pointed out that physical punishment and child neglect are both adverse childhood experiences and among the most serious public health concerns related to detrimental ECD [15][16][17]. In low socioeconomic settings, harsh discipline practices impact all members of the family, as well as communities and societies. ...
Article
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Children who are under the age of five in underdeveloped and developing countries, including China, exhibit developmental delays due to their exposure to risks such as impoverishment, deprived health conditions, parental punishment, neglect, and poor psychosocial stimulation. Adverse experiences during the formative years of life, such as harsh parental discipline, may put them at risk for poor physical and mental well-being. The aim of this research is to explore the pervasiveness and developmental outcomes of different forms of discipline practices in the underdeveloped rural areas of China. To do this, we used cross-sectional data on child–caregiver dyads from a large survey held in 22 poor counties in the QinBa Mountain Region. The sample included 1622 children aged 12–36 months. Partakers were requested to respond to a general survey on parenting which included basic demographic questions, the Ages and Stages Questionnaire: Social-Emotional (ASQ-SE), the Bayley Scales of Infant and Toddler Development (BSID-III), and questions on exposure of children to different discipline practices. Our findings from OLS estimates reveal that aversive discipline methods adversely affect cognitive, language, and socio-emotional development, whereas, non-aversive discipline practices have constructive effects on cognitive, language, and motor development of children.
... Given this reporting limitation, an accurate prevalence of child abuse is difficult to capture; thus, child abuse risk and harsh parenting typically serve as proxies for predicting actual child abuse (Chaffin & Valle, 2003;Milner, 1994). In the United States, greater child abuse risk is evident when parents engage in more parent-child aggression (PCA)-namely, severe physical discipline and psychological aggression (Afifi et al., 2017;Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Rodriguez, 2010;Zolotor et al., 2008). Thus, parental child abuse risk can be estimated by evaluating parent reports of harsh, aggressive parenting behaviors exhibited during parent-child conflict (Chan, 2012;Straus et al., 1998;van der Put et al., 2016). ...
Article
Background Intergenerational transmission of abuse processes imply that individuals abused as children are more likely to abuse their own children when they become parents, with similar intergenerational patterns observed for parenting styles. Objective The present study addresses an important gap in the literature regarding the intergenerational cycle, investigating how perceived parenting style history predicts mothers' and fathers' child abuse risk across the transition to parenthood, with particular attention to the role of gender by comparing cross-gender and same-gender grandparent-parent dyads. Participants and methods The sample is drawn from a four-wave longitudinal study that enrolled 203 families beginning the final trimester of mothers' pregnancy until children were four years old. Parents responded to measures on parenting style history received from both their mothers and fathers as well as measures of their own child abuse risk, parent-child aggression, and personal parenting style. Results Mothers demonstrated more same-gender effects, whereas fathers demonstrated more cross-gender effects–both patterns supportive of a tendency to follow maternal influences when considering child abuse risk. With regards to behavior, both mothers' and fathers' reports of parent-children aggression were most influenced by perceived harsh parenting received from their fathers. Conclusions Future development of parenting interventions could be more individualized to the participating parent's reported personal history of parenting style and gender.
... The acceptability of such means has been challenged increasingly around the world, mainly due to its associations with negative behavioral, psychological, and social outcomes in childhood and adulthood (Grogan-Kaylor et al., 2018). According to Gershoff's (2002) review (see also Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016), corporal punishment has been shown to improve immediate compliance, but those who have received corporal punishment as children also reported increased aggressive, criminal, and antisocial behavior, as well as decreased mental health. ...
Article
Despite corporal punishment being associated with negative developmental outcomes for children, it is commonly practiced in Malaysian courts, schools, and homes. This study examined the relationships among the Dark Tetrad personality traits (Machiavellianism, narcissism, psychopathy, sadism), anger rumination, and attitudes toward corporal punishment of children. Two hundred sixty-three participants from a university and community sample in Malaysia completed measures of attitudes toward child corporal punishment, the Short Dark Tetrad, and the Anger Rumination Scale. Participants also answered questions about whether they received corporal punishment at home and school as children. Correlation analyses showed that Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and sadism were positively associated with acceptance of corporal punishment. Further regression analyses revealed that having received corporal punishment at home – but not at school – during childhood as well as trait Machiavellianism and sadism predicted accepting attitudes toward corporal punishment. Identifying factors that influence people’s attitudes regarding corporal punishment and discipline behaviors could yield new insights into parenting education programs and policies.
... Different from physical abuse, punitive methods mainly refer to 'corporal punishment', which is defined as 'the use of physical force with the intention of causing a child to experience pain, but not injury, for the purpose of correction or control of the child's behavior' (Straus, 1994). Spanking is the most common form of corporal punishment in the United States, which is defined as a non-injurious, open-handed hitting with the intention of modifying child behaviour (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). ...
Article
Home‐visiting mental health professionals (HMHPs) have an important role in identifying suspected child maltreatment in the community. However, it is unclear how professionals in Hong Kong differentiate acceptable discipline behaviours from reportable forms of abuse, and how their characteristics may influence their view. This study examined HMHPs' views on acceptable versus unacceptable parent discipline behaviours. Using Q‐methodology, 50 HMHPs in Hong Kong sorted 52 statements on parent discipline behaviours along a continuum ranging from ‘Most Unacceptable’ to ‘Most Acceptable’. By‐person factor analysis was conducted to uncover prevailing views based on their sorts. Three unique viewpoints in differentiating discipline behaviours from abuse were uncovered, which varied based on how HMHPs prioritised children's physical safety, mental wellness and parental intention. Different views were supported by professionals with different characteristics and occupational backgrounds.
... En general, la violencia física sufrida en la infancia se asocia con diversos problemas conductuales y de salud mental, de acuerdo con una extensa literatura científica. Por ejemplo, en un reciente metaanálisis de estudios sobre castigos físicos ejercidos sobre niños -realizados a lo largo de cinco décadas-se encontró que dichos castigos (nalgadas específicamente) se vinculaban a la larga con "conductas antisociales", agresiones a otros y variados trastornos de salud mental en la adultez (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). En lo que respecta a adolescentes ofensores sexuales, Seto & Lalumière (2010) hallaron en su metaanálisis una mayor prevalencia de experiencias de abusos físicos en esta población, luego de revisar una veintena de estudios que los comparaban con adolescentes no ofensores sexuales, y calcularon asimismo una razón de probabilidad global de 1.6 para este factor. ...
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Los delitos sexuales constituyen en el Perú una importante causa de sanción e internamiento de menores en Centros Juveniles de Diagnóstico y Rehabilitación (CJDR). Con el fin de mejorar la comprensión de esta problemática, se realizó un estudio de casos y controles para identificar los factores de riesgo asociados con delitos sexuales en jóvenes varones de CJDR. Se aplicó un cuestionario ad hoc a 300 jóvenes internos en los CJDR de Lima (250) y Cusco (50), de entre quienes 111 constituyeron los casos y 189 los controles. El análisis se efectuó aplicando técnicas de estadística descriptiva e inferencial. Los factores de riesgo se determinaron mediante el cálculo de la razón de momios (OR) con un intervalo de confianza al 95%; se ajustó modelos de regresión logística, considerándose las variables con coeficientes significativos (p<0.05); y finalmente se obtuvo la tabla de clasificación de cada modelo. En el análisis descriptivo se identificó, en primer lugar, una importante diferenciación interna en el grupo de jóvenes internos por delitos sexuales, definida por la presencia o ausencia de antecedentes delictivos: quienes no reportaron tener problemas legales previos (66 casos) mostraron un perfil en muchos aspectos similar al de otros jóvenes de la población general; y en marcado contraste, quienes declararon tener antecedentes delictivos (45 casos) presentaron un extenso rango de complicaciones y singularidades en sus características individuales, psicológicas, familiares, sociales, sexuales y de sus contextos de vida más amplios. Considerando esta diferencia, se procedió con el análisis estadístico de los factores de riesgo no solo en función del eje delitos sexuales/otros delitos, sino realizando pruebas adicionales para cada uno de los dos segmentos identificados en el grupo de casos. En un primer modelo logístico, para delitos sexuales vs. otros delitos, aparecieron como factores de riesgo: tener fantasías sexuales con niños o niñas (OR= 4.484; IC 95%: 1.639 – 12.273), reportar lesiones autoinfligidas (OR= 2.512; IC 95%: 1.268 – 4.978) y sentimientos de soledad o desamparo (OR= 1.824; IC 95%: 1.028 – 3.234) antes del internamiento, haber experimentado violencia física en la familia después de los 12 años de edad (OR= 1.915; IC 95%: 3.341 - 63.0) y entender o hablar alguna lengua indígena (OR= 2.581; IC 95%: 1.291 – 5.162). Luego, en un segundo modelo de regresión, aplicado solo al segmento con antecedentes delictivos, surgieron como factores de riesgo: lesiones autoinfligidas (OR= 3.418; IC 95%: 1.583 – 7.378), fantasías sexuales con niños o niñas (OR= 4.892; IC 95%: 1.726 – 13.866), violencia física en la familia antes de los 12 años (OR= 2.493; IC 95%: 1.282 – 4.848), tener madres más jóvenes (edad<=40 años: OR= 1.116; IC 95%: 1.012 – 1.230), tener madres menos educadas, cuya escolaridad no supera el nivel primario (OR= 2.628; IC 95%: 1.239 – 5.574) y hablar alguna lengua indígena (OR= 2.714; IC 95%: 1.155 – 6.378). El tercer modelo, aplicado al segmento sin antecedentes delictivos, arrojó como único factor de riesgo la co-residencia con una madrastra o la pareja del padre (OR= 20.273; IC 95%: 0.670 – 613.346). Se concluye, en primer lugar, que existe una gran diferenciación interna en el grupo de jóvenes de CJDR sancionados por delitos sexuales, para la cual el criterio de los antecedentes delictivos constituye tan solo un indicador de muchas otras diferencias; y en segundo lugar, que los factores de riesgo para delitos sexuales entre estos jóvenes son diversos e involucran la violencia familiar, los estados emocionales y psicológicos, la estructura familiar (particularmente en relación con las madres) y aspectos culturales. Estos y otros hallazgos del estudio tienen implicancias para la definición y puesta en práctica de estrategias de tratamiento y rehabilitación de jóvenes que han cometido delitos sexuales, así como para las acciones y políticas de prevención de la violencia sexual.
... In contrast, non-physical discipline strategies such as "timeout" and explanations for desirable behaviors are characteristics of authoritative parenting styles (Steinberg et al. 1994). Numerous correlational studies show links between corporal punishment, such as spanking, and a host of adverse cognitive and socioemotional child outcomes (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor 2016). ...
... Because so much child maltreatment remains unreported to officials, researchers have developed proxy measures to capture the attitudes and behaviors that characterize parents who may become abusive, a concept termed child abuse risk [8][9][10]. For example, parents who engage in any form of physical parent-child aggression (PCA) pose a risk of escalating in intensity to abuse [11][12][13], whereby more frequent use of PCA is a prominent predictor of child abuse. Assessment of child abuse risk permits potential identification of those who have not been identified through official channels yet share commonalities with those who have been substantiated for abuse. ...
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Most research on factors related to physical child abuse risk rely heavily on direct self-report measures, which is a methodological strategy susceptible to participant response distortions. Such methodological reliance obfuscates the interpretations rendered about the risk factors predictive of child abuse. Efforts to develop alternative indirect assessment approaches, such as analog tasks, show promise, although most of those studies have applied these methods to community samples rather than with child welfare-involved samples. The present study evaluated the psychometric evidence for four separate analog tasks that have not yet been considered with mothers identified for child maltreatment by child welfare services, also contrasted to a sociodemographically matched sample of mothers. The results indicate acceptable reliability for the analog tasks, with additional evidence of validity. However, the two groups of mothers did not substantively differ across measures, suggesting that identification for abuse through child protective services does not differentiate from those closely matched on critical sociodemographic characteristics. The promising preliminary results of these analog tasks in the current study suggest that indirect analog assessment approaches to estimate child abuse risk could be useful in efforts to minimize dependence on self-report methods.
... It is usually displayed as spanking, shaking, punching, or using objects like belts, brooms, and sticks to beat the child. Although caregivers do not normally intend to harm their children, evidence has demonstrated that CP can put children at risk for numerous detrimental behavioural, mental, and cognitive outcomes (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016, for a review; Kwok & Shek, 2010). More importantly, all forms of physical discipline, even mild, may have both short-term (Gershoff, 2002) and long-term (Merrick et al., 2017) negative impacts on children. ...
Article
Background Various parental disciplinary strategies may have different impacts on children's wellbeing. Protective factors, such as school attachment and a growth mindset, may mitigate the influence of harsh discipline on a child's wellbeing. Objective Based on the strengths-based trauma-informed positive education model, the current study investigated the impacts of three types of parental discipline (corporal punishment, psychological aggression, and nonviolent discipline) on primary school students' wellbeing and examined the moderating roles of school attachment and a growth mindset (both disjunctive and conjunctive moderating effects) in the relationship between parental discipline and student wellbeing. Methods A sample of 854 primary school students (M = 9.40) from eight schools in Hong Kong, China, completed the questionnaire survey at two time points (Time 1 and Time 2), one year apart. Hierarchical regression analysis was applied for data analysis. Results Parental psychological aggression at Time 1 (T1) was significantly and negatively related to student wellbeing at Time 2 (T2). Parental nonviolent discipline students' school attachment and growth mindset at T1 were significantly and positively correlated with student wellbeing at T2, when controlling for the students' initial wellbeing and important confounding demographic variables. School attachment moderated the association between parental psychological aggression and student wellbeing. Conclusions Parental psychological aggression has negative impacts while nonviolent discipline has positive impacts on primary school students' wellbeing. Students who are more attached to school and have a growth mindset show higher levels of wellbeing. The study provides further evidence of the role of school attachment in moderating the effect of parental psychological aggression on children's wellbeing in the trauma-informed positive education model.
Article
Research on generational transmission of violence suggests that parental corporal punishment in Western countries often leads to violent behavior among children. Violence begets violence, to most Western childrearing scholars. However, the socio-cultural context within which corporal punishment is administrated matters and often produces unexpected consequences. Utilizing a sample (N = 2,075) from six middle schools in central China, we employed a series of conditional process analysis to assess the mediating effect of self-control and moderating effect of parenting style in the relations of corporal punishment and physical bullying. Our findings show that parental corporal punishment was not always associated with physical bullying in school. Its impact on physical bullying was moderated by the parenting style within which it is applied. Authoritative parenting would protect children from elevated physical bullying perpetration even when they were physically punished. Self-control mediated the relations of corporal punishment and physical bullying only among boys raised by rejecting parenting and girls raised by indulgent and rejecting parenting. These findings suggest that cultural and parental contexts need to be considered in the exploration of impacts of corporal punishment on child development. Implications for practice and directions of future research are discussed.
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Background There is a vast literature on the negative associations between spanking in childhood and various psychosocial developmental outcomes; yet, control for potential genetic confounds is rare. Objectives The current research aimed to provide probable ranges of estimates of the degree to which genetic and nonshared environmental covariation could explain the reported phenotypic effects in the Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor (Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor, Family Relations 65:490–501, 2016a, Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor, Journal of Family Psychology 30:453, 2016b) meta-analysis of spanking. Participants and setting. The analytic sample for Study 1 was secured from the Children of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (CNLSY) and consisted of 2868 respondents (siblings and half-siblings). The data for Study 2 were secured from the published literature. Methods Study 1 analyzed the data from the CNLSY using univariate ACE models and bivariate Cholesky decomposition models. Study 2 used simulation modeling to provide a summative evaluation of the psychosocial effects of spanking with regard to genetic and nonshared environmental covariation. Results Study 1 replicated previous work showing that associations between spanking and outcomes of delinquency, depression, and alcohol use were explained by moderate-to-large degrees of genetic covariation and small-to-moderate degrees of nonshared environmental covariation. Simulation estimates from Study 2 suggest that genetic covariation accounts for a substantial amount of the phenotypic effect between spanking and psychosocial outcomes (≈60–80%), with the remainder attributable to nonshared environmental covariation (≈0–40%). Conclusions Results of the current research indicate that continued work on the effects of spanking is best served by behavior genetic research on a broader range of outcomes than what is currently available.
Article
There is a robust and growing literature base indicating that spanking is a common, but potentially problematic, discipline strategy. Goals: Using a randomized controlled trial design, this study examined whether participation in a brief online program, Play Nicely, would result in favorable changes in caregivers’ attitudes toward spanking. The study also examined whether the intervention was equally effective for participants of color (POC) and White participants, and it assessed caregivers’ perceptions of the program’s cultural sensitivity. Methods: Participants were 52 caregivers from 1- to 5-year-old children who were visiting a pediatric clinic. Participants were enrolled and randomly assigned to either engage in the Play Nicely online program ( n = 21) or view a control condition website ( n = 31) in a clinic exam room. Results: There was not a statistically significant difference between the treatment and control groups’ scores on attitudes toward spanking (ATS) at post-test ( F (1, 49) = 1.515, p = 0.224), but a small between-group effect size was detected ( d = 0.20). Within the treatment condition, desired changes in ATS scores were significantly higher among White participants than POC ( t (17) = −2.125, p = 0.049), but there was not a significant difference in reported perceptions of Play Nicely’s cultural acceptability between White participants and POC ( t (19) = 0.469, p = 0.644). Conclusions: Findings suggest a need for further investigation of Play Nicely’s impact on caregivers’ ATS with a larger sample to clarify the program’s utility as a potential population-based tool for parent education and violence prevention. Additional research is needed to identify sociocultural factors that may moderate the effects of spanking interventions for families across diverse racial backgrounds.
Article
To prevent diseases, efforts are needed to determine how to address Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs), including parenting behaviors. The objective of this study, conducted in Nashville TN in 2017, was to initiate testing the psychometric properties of two new Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) screening tools, the Quick Parenting Assessment (QPA) and Other Childhood Stressors (OCS). In a clinic serving low-income families, caregivers of children ages 2–10 completed assessments of parenting (QPA), other stressors (OCS), child behavior problems ((Strength and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ)), and Attitudes Toward Spanking (ATS). The QPA takes 1 min to complete and assesses for healthy and unhealthy parenting behaviors. Seventy-five percent of eligible participants completed the survey (N=558). A reduced 10-item QPA yielded a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.79 and, in 4–10-year-olds, was associated with high SDQ conduct, hyperactivity, and total difficulties scores (r=0.44, 0.48, and 0.47; all p< 0.001). Children with QPAs of >4 were nine times more likely than those children with scores of ≤2 to have behavior problems (OR=8.93, 95% CI = 3.74–21.32). Elevated QPAs were associated with the ATS (r=0.47, p < .001). The OCS was also associated with high SDQ total difficulties scores (r=0.28, p< 0.001). Two pediatric ACEs screening tools, the QPA and the OCS, have promising psychometric properties. The findings suggest that parenting behaviors may play an outsized role in the pathogenesis of outcomes associated with ACEs. We discuss the clinical application of QPA at our institution and the theoretical potential for this instrument to reduce the rates of short- and long-term health problems.
Article
Background The overrepresentation of Black children in the child welfare system is a social problem that has received longstanding attention in the United States, but has recently received increasing attention in Canada. Objective This qualitative study explores the findings of two quantitative studies (Antwi-Boasiako et al., 2020, 2021) in order to interpret them through the perspectives of child welfare workers and community service providers. The aim is to gain a deeper understanding on the potential factors that contribute to the overrepresentation of Black children in Ontario's child welfare system. Participants and setting The study involved twenty-one child welfare workers from two child welfare organizations in Ontario serving lots of Black families and thirteen community service providers in Toronto. Methods Six focus groups were completed with thirty-four participants. Each of the focus groups was audio recorded and manually transcribed verbatim. Constant comparison analysis was used to analyze the transcribed data. Results Themes that emerged from the study include the following concerns: racism and bias from referral sources; racism and bias from child welfare workers; lack of cultural sensitivity; lack of workforce diversity/training; lack of culturally appropriate resources; assessment tools; duty to report; fear of liability; lack of collaboration; and poverty. Conclusions The results from this study reinforce the need to shift practice that acknowledges Black families as valuable stakeholders and experts of their own lives and involves them in the development and implementation of policies and practices that affect them.
Article
Gewalt gegen Kinder ist ein globales Problem und hat massive negative individuelle und gesellschaftliche Folgen. In vielen Ländern ist Gewalt in der Erziehung gesellschaftlich akzeptiert und weit verbreitet. Gewalt gegen Kinder hat vielfältige gesellschaftliche und individuelle Ursachen sowie aufrechterhaltende Faktoren. Auch in Schulen sind Kinder andauernder Gewalt ausgesetzt, was für die Notwendigkeit präventiver schul-basierter Programme spricht. Die Zielgruppe präventiver Programme sollten vor allem die Personen sein, von denen die Gewalt ausgeht – in diesem Kontext: Lehrer/innen. Die ursächlichen Faktoren sollten möglichst umfassend adressiert werden, wobei der oftmals ressourcenarme Kontext berücksichtigt werden muss. In diesem Übersichtsartikel wird die präventive Intervention Interaction Competencies with Children – for Teachers beschrieben und deren Wirkmechanismen diskutiert. Die Intervention ist ein 5,5-tägiges Training für Lehrer/innen in Gesellschaften, in denen Gewalt als Disziplinierungsmaßnahme akzeptiert ist. Ziel der Intervention ist eine Verhaltensveränderung der Lehrer/innen. Ein zentraler Wirkfaktor ist die Dynamik der Intervention, durch die zunächst eine Verände­rungsbereitschaft, dann eine Handlungskompetenz und Handlungsmotivation bewirkt wird. Des Weiteren wirkt die Intervention auf verschiedenen Ebenen und adressiert normative Aspekte, die sowohl das System Schule betreffen, als auch individuelle Faktoren. Wie die verschiedenen Metho­den und Themen auf individueller und schulischer Ebene wirken und miteinander interagieren, sollte zukünftig durch eine Evaluation des Veränderungsprozesses beantwortet werden.
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There are no known studies that have explored a conceptual basis for valorizing child maltreatment as a human development impediment using the Human Capability Approach. The pilot study assessed the prevalence of child maltreatment amongst 68 (N=219) school-aged children 12-17 years in one secondary school in Aruba using Nussbaum's list of 10 central human capabilities. Among this sample, the prevalence of child maltreatment was at 100%. The most prevalent types of child maltreatment were emotional abuse (94.2%), physical abuse (88.4%), severe physical abuse (66.7%) and neglect (42%). Sexual abuse had the lowest prevalence rate at 18.8%. The levels of functionings achieved varied according to types of child maltreatment and their prevalence. Neglect, witnessing inter-parental violence and sexual abuse were associated with lower achievements on the combined 10 central human capabilities except for emotional abuse, physical abuse and severe physical abuse which reported highest prevalence. These types of child maltreatment were too common and left little to no variability to calculate statistical relationships with the 10 human capabilities. These findings are disturbing and raise concerns about the normalization of abuse. Further research is recommended to determine the contributing factors to widespread use of emotional and physical abuse and the potential for intergenerational transmission of child maltreatment. Future research is also recommended with a larger sample that may provide more meaningful analysis of the capability space of children affected by child maltreatment. Capacidades humanas infantiles y maltrato infantil: un estudio piloto de una escuela secundaria en Aruba Resumen: No hay estudios conocidos que hayan explorado una base conceptual para valorizar al maltrato infantil como un impedimento para el desarrollo humano utilizando el Enfoque de Capacidad Humana. El estudio piloto evaluó la prevalencia del maltrato infantil entre 68 (N = 219) niños en edad escolar de 12 a 17 años en una escuela secundaria en Aruba, utilizando la lista de Nussbaum sobre diez capacidades humanas centrales. La prevalencia del maltrato infantil es del 100%. Los tipos de maltrato infantil más frecuentes fueron: el abuso emocional, con 94,2%, abuso físico 88,4%, abuso físico severo 66,7% y negligencia 42%. El abuso sexual tuvo la tasa de frecuencia más baja, en 18,8%. Los niveles de funcionamiento alcanzados variaron según los tipos de maltrato infantil y su prevalencia. La negligencia, presenciar la violencia entre padres y el abuso sexual se asociaron con logros más bajos entre las diez capacidades humanas centrales combinadas, excepto el abuso emocional, el abuso físico y el abuso físico severo que tuvieron la prevalencia más alta. Estos tipos de maltrato infantil eran demasiado altos y dejaban poca o ninguna variabilidad para calcular las relaciones estadísticas con las diez capacidades humanas. Estos hallazgos son preocupantes y generan inquietudes sobre la normalización del abuso. Se recomienda realizar más investigaciones para determinar los factores que contribuyen al uso generalizado del abuso físico y emocional y el potencial de transmisión intergeneracional del maltrato infantil. Se recomienda, además, realizar investigaciones futuras con una muestra más grande que pudiera proporcionar un análisis significativo del espacio de capacidad de los niños afectados por el maltrato infantil. Palabras clave: Maltrato infantil; prevalencia; frecuencia; enfoque de capacidades y las 'Capacidades Humanas Centrales' de Nussbaum.
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We investigated the boundary between child physical abuse and reasonable child discipline. To determine that boundary, we asked participants to write the criteria they used to administer corporal punishment, as well as their perceptions of the criteria used by other parents. To analyze the data, we used text mining techniques. The results revealed that the two sets of criteria differed according to multiple factors, including the parent, the child, the cause, the type, and the expected results of the punishment. The participants believed that corporal punishment was an acceptable method of discipline only if it was administered according to a clear and mutually understood rule. Without such a rule, however, and if the child was made to be fearful, the punishment was considered to be abuse. If the punishment stemmed from thoughtful parental reasoning processes, it was considered acceptable discipline, but if it sprang from volatile parental emotions, such as anger, it was considered abuse. It was also considered acceptable discipline if the severity of the punishment was mild; otherwise, it was thought to be abuse. Furthermore, we explored whether positive beliefs about the efficacy of corporal punishment related with agreement/disagreement between the punishment criteria of individual parents and the criteria of other parents. The majority of participants(70%) agreed to the use of corporal punishment as a method of discipline. Their positive belief about corporal punishment was higher when their punishment criteria matched that of other participants. Finally, there was a positive correlation between positive beliefs about corporal punishment and parental stress. These findings showed that success in ending the use of corporal punishment to discipline children depends not only on changing the perceptions of parents on an individual basis, but also on changing the attitudes held by our society as a whole.
Article
The increasing curiosity and various hormones (partic­u­lar­­ly sexual hormones) are problems for adolescents, which fre­quent­ly cause them to become unstable. Another factor that con­tri­butes to the complexity of adolescent problems is technological advances. Apart from being a useful means of information tech­nology that is generally beneficial to human life, the internet may also become a threat to adolescents by facilitating access to explicit sexual content, namely online pornography. Besides the above factors, this research exam­ined other factors associated with adoles­cents’ inclination to con­sume online porno­graphy. The purpose of this study is to discover whether there is a correlation between past experiences of vio­lence and parental attachment to the desire to use online por­no­gra­phy. The research method is quantitative and the research subjects were adolescents (N=167, male=70.1%, female=29.9%, M=15–19 years). The findings revealed two things: first, there was no correlation between the past experiences of violence and the desire to use online porno­graphy (r=0.102; p>0.05); and second, parental attachment had a negative cor­relation with the desire to use online pornography (r=–0.157; p<0.05). The contribution of this research is to reaffirm the significance of quality adolescent-parent attachment in fostering a whole­some emotional sense of security and developing a healthy sexu­al identity.
Chapter
It is increasingly being recognized that children have the right to not be hit by anyone, including parents and teachers. This chapter focuses on the need to protect children from corporal punishment (CP) and represents an update to our chapter in the first edition (Holden & Ashraf, 2016). The chapter will review what is known about the use of CP in one country in South Asia: Pakistan. The chapter marshals the available evidence about the prevalence of CP in the home and schools, as well as problems associated with its use. We then examine the legal status of corporal punishment from the perspective of federal, provincial, and Shariah laws. Recent efforts at federal law reform will then be reviewed. The final section of the chapter will provide recommendations for advancing the protection of Pakistani children from CP and their right to safety.
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Purpose Preliminary research early in the COVID-19 pandemic suggested children appeared to be at increased risk for child maltreatment, particularly as parents struggled with mental health and economic strains. Such strains were likely to influence parental emotions about their children, affecting their parent-child interactions to contribute to elevated maltreatment risk. To identify the potential affective elements that may contribute to such increased maltreatment risk, the current study focused on whether maternal worry about children’s behavior specifically as well as maternal anger were related to increased risk for neglect or physical or psychological aggression six months into the pandemic. Method The racially diverse sample included 193 mothers who completed an online survey during the COVID-19 pandemic in late September-early October 2020. Results Mothers’ reported increases in neglect and physical and psychological aggression during the pandemic were significantly related with established measures of maltreatment risk. Furthermore, path models indicated that maternal anger and worry about children’s behavior, as well as their interaction, were significantly related to indicators of physical aggression risk and neglect during the pandemic, but only maternal anger related to increased psychological aggression during the pandemic. Conclusions Maternal worry and anger about children’s behavior may have exacerbated risk for maltreatment under the stressful conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic. Findings suggest affective reactions of both parental worry and anger focused on child behavior warrants greater empirical attention and consideration in intervention efforts both during the pandemic and potentially post-pandemic.
Article
Background Parental education is one of the best predictors of child school achievement. Higher parental education is not only associated with higher child intelligence, but children from highly educated parents also perform better in school due to other family related factors. This study evaluates the relation between parental education, child non-verbal intelligence and parenting practices with child school achievement. Methods Longitudinal data from a large population-based, multi-ethnic cohort of children in the Netherlands (63% Dutch origin) followed from birth to age 13 years (3547 children; 52.3% girls) were analyzed. School achievement was measured at the end of primary school (12 years of age) with a national Dutch academic test score. Parental education was assessed at age 3 years. The non-verbal intelligence of the child was measured at age 6 years and a full intelligence was measured at age 13 years. Maternal and paternal family routines, harsh parenting and corporal punishment were assessed in early and mid-childhood. Mediation analysis was performed with the G-formula and Structural Equation Models. Results Child intelligence partially mediated [B indirect effect =0.54 95% CI (0.46, 0.62) P < 0.001] the association between parental education and child school achievement. Independent of intelligence, family routines [B indirect effect =0.04 95% CI (0.01, 0.07) P < 0.01], but not harsh parenting mediated this association. Conclusions Higher parental education was associated with better school achievement through two independent mechanisms, through higher intelligence of the child and parenting practices.
Article
Background Previous research demonstrates that there are environmental and genetic factors associated with the use of corporal punishment (CP) and children's behavior problems. Thus, it is difficult to disentangle whether CP has a causal effect on children's developmental outcomes. Objective This study explored the relationship between maternal use of CP at ages 3–4 years and symptoms of internalizing and externalizing behavior problems between the ages of 6 and 9 years using a sibling comparison design. In doing so, we were able to control for shared environmental factors and partially control for genetic factors that could explain the relationship between CP and behavior problems. Methods This study analyzed data from 11,506 children from the United States. We used generalized linear models to assess the relationship between the use of CP and behavior problems among biological siblings raised in the same home. Results At the population level, CP was significantly associated with the development of internalizing behavior problems (β = 0.134, SE = 0.03, p < .001). When comparing siblings, this relationship was no longer significant. In contrast, CP was significantly associated with externalizing behavior problems at both the population (β = 0.233, SE = 0.02, p < .001) and sibling comparison level (β = 0.107, SE = 0.03, p < .001). Conclusion We did not find evidence to suggest that the association between CP and externalizing behavior problems is due to environmental and genetic factors exclusively. Corroborating previous research, these results suggest that CP may increase the likelihood of externalizing behavior problems.
Article
Using the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study – Kindergarten Class of 2010–2011, this study examined the associations between spanking experiences and children's subsequent reading and math scores. Two different groups were matched on a range of family sociodemographics and children's initial reading and math scores using entropy balancing: not spanked vs spanked (Ns=17,171–17,537); and not recently vs recently spanked (Ns=10,393–10,724). Sample sizes were provided in ranges because they varied across multiple imputed data sets. The results of the lagged dependent variable regression analyses showed that a lifetime experience of spanking by age 5 did not predict children's subsequent reading and math scores. However, children who were recently spanked at the age of 5 showed significantly lower reading and math scores at ages 6 and 7 compared with those who were spanked but not recently. These results, replicated using different estimation methods (i.e., difference score analyses), strengthen the argument that spanking may impair early reading and math skills.
Article
Introdução: A reflexão sobre violência familiar contra a criança ganhou destaque internacional nas últimas décadas, acompanhada de políticas para a abolição de atos de disciplina violenta, que ainda permanecem aceitos socialmente e são utilizados por muitos responsáveis. Objetivo: Conhecer as percepções e práticas no âmbito da Estratégia Saúde da Família (ESF) relacionadas à orientação sobre métodos de disciplina em duas unidades no município do Rio de Janeiro. Métodos: Foram abordados 38 profissionais que atuam no atendimento cotidiano às crianças. Procedeu-se à análise de conteúdo dos relatos obtidos por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas, e os dados foram organizados nas categorias: “percepção dos profissionais da ESF sobre disciplina infantil” e “práticas sobre disciplina na infância: existem oportunidades de promoção na ESF?” Resultados: Parece ainda não existir abordagem rotineira sobre disciplina infantil em nenhuma das clínicas estudadas, nem são realizadas atividades direcionadas à prevenção de maus-tratos. Os profissionais relacionaram suas experiências pessoais (vivenciadas na própria infância e com seus filhos) com as ações realizadas em sua prática cotidiana. Conclusões: Os relatos sugerem que a abordagem do castigo corporal permanece encoberta nas consultas de puericultura, com perdas de oportunidades de apoio aos pais e de promoção de vínculos familiares positivos. Com base em mudanças significativas na percepção sobre o que se considera violência, os profissionais possam ressignificar suas crenças, ampliando suas ações sobre o tema.
Chapter
In diesem Kapitel betrachten wir viele entwicklungsrelevante Aspekte familiärer Interaktionen. Wir beginnen mit einer Untersuchung über den möglichen Einfluss von sozialen Veränderungen in den letzten Jahrzehnten in den Vereinigten Staaten auf das Funktionieren von Familie und die Entwicklung der Kinder – vom Alter der ersten Elternschaft bis zu einem erhöhten Anteil an Scheidungen, Wiederverheiratungen und mütterlicher Berufstätigkeit. Neben der Familiendynamik wird auch das Thema Kindesmisshandlung mit seinen Risikofaktoren und den Folgen aufgegriffen. Weiterhin werden wir uns damit befassen, wie sich Armut, Kultur und ähnliche Faktoren auf die Entwicklung auswirken können.
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Drawing on a sample of twin children from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Birth Cohort (ECLS-B; Snow et al., 2009), the current study analyzed 2 of the most prominent predictors of externalizing behavioral problems (EBP) in children: (a) parental use of spankings and (b) childhood self-regulation. A variety of statistical techniques were employed, and, overall, the findings can be summarized into 2 points. First, the results show that the relationships among spanking, self-regulation, and EBP are highly nuanced in that multiple explanations for their intercorrelations appear to fit the data (e.g., bidirectional relationships and shared methods variance). Second, genetic influences accounted for variance in each variable (EBP, spankings received, self-regulation) and even explained a portion of the covariance among the different variables. Thus, research that does not consider genetic influences when analyzing these associations runs a risk of model misspecification. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).
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This study examined whether the longitudinal links between mothers' use of spanking and children's externalizing behaviors are moderated by family race/ethnicity, as would be predicted by cultural normativeness theory, once mean differences in frequency of use are controlled. A nationally representative sample of White, Black, Hispanic, and Asian American families (n = 11,044) was used to test a cross-lagged path model from 5 to 8 years old. While race/ethnic differences were observed in the frequency of spanking, no differences were found in the associations of spanking and externalizing over time: Early spanking predicted increases in children's externalizing while early child externalizing elicited more spanking over time across all race/ethnic groups.
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Punishment has long been a controversial topic in psychology, perhaps partly because its effects are different under different circumstances. This study used retrospective reports from college students to examine the effects of spanking, a common aversive punishment, on self-esteem and perceived fairness of parental discipline, while taking the effects of other parental characteristics into account. No parental characteristic interacted with the slightly negative effect of spanking on self-esteem and fairness. However, controlling for positive communication or for a parent-oriented motivation for spanking eliminated the negative effects of spanking, suggesting that the negative effects reflected use of spanking as a replacement for positive communication with the child.
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To challenge the application of an unqualified social learning model to the study of spanking, positing instead a developmental-contextual model in which the effects of spanking depend on the meaning children ascribe to spanking. Population-based survey data from 1112 children aged 4 to 11 years in the National Survey of Families and Households. Controlled for several family and child factors including children's baseline aggression. Schoolyard fights and antisocial scores on the Behavior Problems Index at the 5-year follow-up. Structural equation modeling yielded main effects (P < or = .05, change in chi 2) of children's age and race; spanking predicted fewer fights for children aged 4 to 7 years and for children who are black and more fights for children aged 8 to 11 years and for children who are white. Regression analyses within subgroups yielded no evidence that spanking fostered aggression in children younger than 6 years and supported claims of increased aggression for only 1 subgroup: 8- to 11-year-old white boys in single-mother families (P < or = .05, F test). For most children, claims that spanking teaches aggression seem unfounded. Other preventive effects and harmful effects of spanking may occur depending on the child and the family context. Further efforts to identify moderators of the effects of spanking on children's adjustment are necessary.
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To deal with the causal relationship between corporal punishment and antisocial behavior (ASB) by considering the level of ASB of the child at the start of the study. Data from interviews with a national sample of 807 mothers of children aged 6 to 9 years in the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth-Child Supplement. Analysis of variance was used to test the hypothesis that when parents use corporal punishment to correct ASB, it increases subsequent ASB. The analysis controlled for the level of ASB at the start of the study, family socio-economic status, sex of the child, and the extent to which the home provided emotional support and cognitive stimulation. Forty-four percent of the mothers reported spanking their children during the week prior to the study and they spanked them an average of 2.1 times that week. The more spanking at the start of the period, the higher the level of ASB 2 years later. The change is unlikely to be owing to the child's tendency toward ASB or to confounding with demographic characteristics or with parental deficiency in other key aspects of socialization because those variables were statistically controlled. When parents use corporal punishment to reduce ASB, the long-term effect tends to be the opposite. The findings suggest that if parents replace corporal punishment by nonviolent modes of discipline, it could reduce the risk of ASB among children and reduce the level of violence in American society.
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E. T. Gershoff (2002) reviewed processes that might mediate and contexts that might moderate the associations between corporal punishment (CP) and child behaviors and provided an account of the methodological weaknesses of the research reviewed in her meta-analyses. In this examination of Gershoff, the authors argue that the biases and confounds in the meta-analyses further limit any causal inferences that can be drawn concerning the detrimental "effects" of CP on associated child behaviors. The authors suggest that undesirable child outcomes are associated with CP because the construct marks inept harsh parenting and conclude that although the harmful effects of physical abuse and other extreme punishments are clear, a blanket injunction against spanking is not justified by the evidence presented by Gershoff.
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Selection bias can be the most important threat to internal validity in intervention research, but is often insufficiently recognized and controlled. The bias is illustrated in research on parental interventions (punishment, homework assistance); medical interventions (hospitalization); and psychological interventions for suicide risk, sex offending, and juvenile delinquency. The intervention selection bias is most adequately controlled in randomized studies or strong quasi-experimental designs, although recent statistical innovations can enhance weaker designs. The most important points are to increase awareness of the intervention selection bias and to systematically evaluate plausible alternative explanations of data before making causal conclusions.
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The present study is a meta-analysis of the published research on the effects of corporal punishment on affective, cognitive, and behavioral outcomes. The authors included 70 studies published between 1961 and 2000 and involving 47,751 people. Most of the studies were published between 1990 and 2000 (i.e., 53 or 68%) and were conducted in the United States (65 or 83.3%). Each of the dependent variables was coded, and effect sizes (ds) were computed. Average unweighted and weighted ds for each of the outcome variables were .35 and .20 for affective outcomes, .33 and .06 for cognitive outcomes, and .25 and .21 for behavioral outcomes, respectively. The analyses suggested small negative behavioral and emotional effects of corporal punishment and almost no effect of such punishment on cognition. Analyses of several potentially moderating variables, such as gender or socioeconomic status, and the frequency or age of first experience of corporal punishment, the relationship of the person administering the discipline, and the technique of the discipline all had no affect on effect size outcome. There was insufficient data about a number of the moderator variables to conduct meaningful analyses. The results of the present meta-analysis suggest that exposure to corporal punishment does not substantially increase the risk to youth of developing affective, cognitive, or behavioral pathologies.
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This study examined whether Head Start, the nation’s main two-generation program for low-income families, benefits children in part through positive changes in parents’ use of spanking and reading to children. Data were drawn from the 3-year-old cohort of the national evaluation of the Head Start program known as the Head Start Impact Study (N = 2,063). Results indicated that Head Start had small, indirect effects on children’s spelling ability at Age 4 and their aggression at Age 4 through an increase in parents’ reading to their children. Taken together, the results suggest that parents play a role in sustaining positive benefits of the Head Start program for children’s behavior and literacy skills, one that could be enhanced with a greater emphasis on parent involvement and education.
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Spanking remains a common, if controversial, childrearing practice in the United States. In this article, I pair mounting research indicating that spanking is both ineffective and harmful with professional and human rights opinions disavowing the practice. I conclude that spanking is a form of violence against children that should no longer be a part of American childrearing.
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Social scientists continue to debate the impact of spanking and corporal punishment (CP) on negative child outcomes including externalizing and internalizing behavior problems and cognitive performance. Previous meta-analytic reviews have mixed long- and short-term studies and relied on bivariate r, which may inflate effect sizes. The current meta-analysis focused on longitudinal studies, and compared effects using bivariate r and better controlled partial r coefficients controlling for time-1 outcome variables. Consistent with previous findings, results based on bivariate r found small but non-trivial long-term relationships between spanking/CP use and negative outcomes. Spanking and CP correlated .14 and .18 respectively with externalizing problems, .12 and .21 with internalizing problems and -.09 and -.18 with cognitive performance. However, when better controlled partial r coefficients (pr) were examined, results were statistically significant but trivial (at or below pr=.10) for externalizing (.07 for spanking, .08 for CP) and internalizing behaviors (.10 for spanking, insufficient studies for CP) and near the threshold of trivial for cognitive performance (-.11 for CP, insufficient studies for spanking). It is concluded that the impact of spanking and CP on the negative outcomes evaluated here (externalizing, internalizing behaviors and low cognitive performance) are minimal. It is advised that psychologists take a more nuanced approach in discussing the effects of spanking/CP with the general public, consistent with the size as well as the significance of their longitudinal associations with adverse outcomes.
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Using data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (N = 3,870) and cross-lagged path analysis, the authors examined whether spanking at ages 1 and 3 is adversely associated with cognitive skills and behavior problems at ages 3 and 5. The authors found spanking at age 1 was associated with a higher level of spanking and externalizing behavior at age 3, and spanking at age 3 was associated with a higher level of internalizing and externalizing behavior at age 5. The associations between spanking at age 1 and behavioral problems at age 5 operated predominantly through ongoing spanking at age 3. The authors did not find an association between spanking at age 1 and cognitive skills at age 3 or 5.
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This project evaluated the effect of time-out release contingencies on changes in child noncompliance to maternal instructions. Twenty-four clinic-referred, noncompliant, preschool children served as subjects. Each child was assessed under baseline conditions and then under one of three experimental conditions: Parent Release, Child Release, or Control. Children in the Parent Release and Child Release conditions experienced time-out contingent upon noncompliance. Temporal and behavioral time-out release contingencies were present in the Parent Release condition but not in the Child Release condition. A spanking procedure was used to inhibit premature escape from time-out for children in the Parent Release group. The results indicated that both time-out groups demonstrated increased compliance ratios. However, improvement associated with the Child Release condition was considered to be clinically insignificant.
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Research suggests that corporal punishment is related to higher levels of child externalizing behavior, but there has been controversy regarding whether infrequent, mild spanking predicts child externalizing or whether more severe and frequent forms of corporal punishment account for the link. Mothers rated the frequency with which they spanked and whether they spanked with a hand or object when their child was 6, 7, and 8 years old. Mothers and teachers rated children's externalizing behaviors at each age. Analyses of covariance revealed higher levels of mother-reported externalizing behavior for children who experienced harsh spanking. Structural equation models for children who experienced no spanking or mild spanking only revealed that spanking was related to concurrent and prior, but not subsequent, externalizing. Mild spanking in one year was a risk factor for harsh spanking in the next year. Findings are discussed in the context of efforts to promote children's rights to protection.
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A large body of research has linked spanking with a range of adverse outcomes in children, including aggression, psychopathology, and criminal involvement. Despite evidence concerning the association of spanking with antisocial behavior, not all children who are spanked develop antisocial traits. Given the heterogeneous effects of spanking on behavior, it is possible that a third variable may condition the influence of corporal punishment on child development. We test this possibility using data drawn from a nationally representative dataset of twin siblings. Our findings suggest that genetic risk factors condition the effects of spanking on antisocial behavior. Moreover, our results provide evidence that the interaction between genetic risk factors and corporal punishment may be particularly salient for males.
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: There is paucity of knowledge on the long-term outcome of hypochondriasis, with even less knowledge about the effect of treatment with a selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI). : This prospective follow-up study included 58 patients with Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (DSM-IV) hypochondriasis who had participated in a trial of SSRI treatment 4 to 16 years earlier (mean ± SD = 8.6 ± 4.5 years). : Information was obtained on 79.3% (n = 46) of the original group. At follow-up, 40% of the patients continued to meet full DSM-IV criteria for hypochondriasis. Persistence of hypochondriasis was individually predicted by longer duration of prior hypochondriasis (P = 0.003), history of childhood physical punishment (P = 0.01), and less usage of SSRIs during the interval period (P = 0.02). Remission status was not significantly predicted by demographic characteristics, baseline hypochondriasis severity, or psychiatric comorbidity. : A substantial proportion of patients with hypochondriasis who receive treatment with SSRIs achieve remission over the long term. Interim SSRI use may be a factor contributing to better prognosis.
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This study aimed to determine levels of behaviour problem in primary school children, and to explore key determinants relevant to the Chinese context: being an only child, urban living, school stressors, being bullied and physical punishment. We administered a child self-completion questionnaire to children aged 7-13 and Rutter Parent Scales to their parents in nine primary schools, in urban and rural Zhejiang Province, eastern China. Full data were available for 2,203 child-parent pairs. Rutter Scores showed that 13.2% of the children (16.4% of boys, 9.4% of girls) had a behaviour problem. Girls manifest more emotional problems (5.3 vs. 2.3%) and boys more conduct problems. Questions about school stress showed that 78% worry "a lot" about exams, 80% felt pressure to perform at school "all the time", and 44% were bullied at least sometimes. Seventy-one percent were sometimes or often physically punished by their parents. Conduct problems were strongly significantly associated with male gender (OR 3.8 95% CI 3.0-4.6), rural residence OR 2.3, 1.3-3.4, having been bullied (1.8, 1.5-2.2) and frequent physical punishment (4.5, 3.2-5.8). Emotional problems were most strongly associated with being bullied (OR 4.9, 2.3-7.7). Being an only child was not associated with behaviour problems. High levels of behaviour problems in these Chinese children could relate to high expectations in a very competitive educational environment. Our results raise concerns for the future mental well-being of those children with behaviour problems.
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This study examines whether a mother's style of parenting at child age 5 years predicts problematic patterns of drinking in adolescence, after controlling for relevant individual, maternal and social risk factors. Data were used from the Mater-University Study of Pregnancy, an Australian longitudinal study of mothers and their children from pregnancy to when the children were 14 years of age. Logistic regression analyses examined whether maternal parenting practices at child age 5 predicted problematic drinking patterns in adolescence, after controlling for a range of confounding covariates. Physical punishment at child age 5 did not predict adolescent alcohol problems at follow-up. Results indicated that low maternal control at child age 5 predicted adolescent occasional drinking patterns at age 14. More frequent maternal partner change coupled with lower levels of control was the strongest predictor of more problematic patterns of drinking by adolescents. These findings highlight the importance of family structure and level of parental control in the development of problematic patterns of drinking in adolescence.
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Systematic research about the continuity of mental health problems from childhood to adolescence is limited, but necessary to design effective prevention and intervention strategies. We used a population-based representative sample of Greek adolescents, followed-up from birth to the age of 18 years, to assess early influences on and the persistence of mental health problems in youth. We examined the role of peripartum, early development and parental characteristics in predicting mental health problems in childhood and adolescence. Results suggest a strong relationship between behavioural problems in childhood and adolescence for both genders, while emotional problems were more likely to persist in boys. Age and sex-specific models revealed significant positive associations between higher scores on the behavioural and emotional problems scales and higher frequency of accidents in preschool years, physical punishment in early childhood, lack of parental interest in child's school and activities, and perceived maternal stress in all children. Perceived paternal stress was associated with higher scores on the Total and Internalizing problems scales in the total population. Our results suggest that early interventions are necessary as mental health problems strongly persist from childhood to late adolescence. The adverse effects of parental stress and poor care-giving practices on child's psychopathology need to be recognised and improved.
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Previous studies have shown an association between spanking and child physical abuse. However, the relationship between more frequent and severe corporal punishment and abuse remains unknown. The objective of this study was to examine the associations between reported spanking, spanking frequency, or spanking with an object and the odds of physical abuse in a representative sample of mothers from North and South Carolina. This study is a cross-sectional, anonymous telephone survey of adult mothers with children aged<18 years living in the Carolinas in 2002. The analysis was conducted in 2007. Survey responses were used to determine the association between corporal punishment (spanking, spanking frequency, and spanking with an object) and an index of harsh physical punishment consistent with physical abuse (beating, burning, kicking, hitting with an object somewhere other than the buttocks, or shaking a child aged<2 years). Mothers who report that the child was spanked are 2.7 (95% CI=1.2, 6.3) times more likely to report abuse. Increases in the frequency of reported spanking in the last year are also associated with increased odds of abuse (OR=1.03, 95% CI=1.01, 1.06). Mothers reporting spanking with an object are at markedly increased odds of reporting abuse (OR=8.9, 95% CI=4.1, 19.6). Although reported spanking increases the odds of reported physical abuse, the relationship between the reported hitting of a child with an object and reported abuse is much stronger. Reduction in this form of discipline through media, educational, and legislative efforts may reduce child physical abuse.
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Tennant. F. S., Jr. (Community Health Projects. Inc., 336'/2 S. Glendora Ave., W. Covina. CA 91790), R. Detels and V. Clark. Some childhood antecedents of drug and alcohol abuse.Am J Epidemiol102:377–385. 1975. Unsatisfactory intrafamilial relationships and child-rearing practices have frequently been implicated as prime determinants of personalities that are susceptible to drug and alcohol abuse. Five thousand forty-four US Army soldiers were surveyed by anonymous questionnaires. The reported occurrence of a variety of activities, events and behaviors in childhood among drug and alcohol abusers were compared to non-users. Childhood antecedents that were associated with non-use of illegal drugs and which showed as much as a 20% difference in reported occurrence between abusers and non-users of illegal drugs were: spanking, church attendance, first alcoholic drink after 15 years, and perceived “happy” parental marriage. These associations were found within white and non-white groups and in subjects with divorced or separated parents. There was no antecedent that showed as much as a 20% difference in reported occurrence between alcohol abusers and non-users.