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Fabbriche invisibili. Storie di donne, lavoranti a domicilio

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In the volume, I have analysed the industrial homework both as form of production and its historical evolution, with a particular focus on Italy. I stressed the attention on the ideology of domesticity and the effects on women's condition produced by the alliance between Fascism and Catholic church. This heritage has been cultivated by the ruling classes of the post-war period, particularly through the dispersion of the workforce. In this process, the spread of small firms and homeworkers has played a key role in the social and capital reproduction. So, homeworkers have been crucial for both the maintenance of the political consent and the increase of companies' revenues (especially textile-clothing and shoe companies).
... En France et en Italie ces recherches ont connu un nouvel élan à partir de la seconde moitié des années 1970, en correspondance avec les enquêtes sur la nocivité du travail à domicile et dans le sillage des études sur le télétravail qui ont été conduites de manière précoce aux États-Unis et en Angleterre 6 . Plus récemment, ce champ d'investigation a pu bénéficier d'un surcroit d'intérêt grâce aux approches socio-historiques (Sonetti, 2006 ;Pacini, 2009 ;Avrane, 2013 ;Toffanin, 2000Toffanin, , 2016. En sociologie, les recherches centrées sur la multiplicité des formes de travail au sein de l'espace domestique -activités non seulement manufacturières, mais aussi agricoles ou artisanales 7 -ont souligné le rôle des rapports de sexe dans les dispositifs d'exploitation familiale. ...
... En France et en Italie, le travail à domicile se répand d'abord à la campagne dans le cadre de l'activité économique familiale à laquelle tous les membres sont conviés, afin de fournir un revenu collectif en complément des revenus issus des travaux des champs (Avrane, 2013 ;Toffanin, 2016). La situation est bien plus complexe dans les zones urbaines. ...
... L'examen de l'évolution de la législation sur le travail à domicile en Italie et en France met à jour les tensions suivantes : d'une part, l'assimilation tardive du travail à domicile au travail subordonné ; d'autre part, l'invisibilisation constante de cette partie de la maind'oeuvre. Bien que, depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le travail à domicile soit reconnu comme un travail subordonné, la dérogation à l'application des normes du travail est en fait la règle (Lallement, 1990 ;Toffanin, 2016). Les efforts tardifs des syndicats pour étendre aussi au domicile la protection accordée aux salariés employés dans les entreprises se sont heurtés à la rareté des initiatives de mobilisation de cette partie de la maind'oeuvre. ...
... Quel flusso che a partire dagli anni Settanta del Novecento vede il dibattito pubblico italiano, così come quello di molti paesi dell'Europa occidentale, essere attraversati dalla progressiva centralità della "piaga" dei doppi lavori, dell'evasione fiscale e dell'impegno di molti cittadini a tenere nascoste parti della propria ricchezza e delle sue fonti (Gallino 1975;Gutmann 1978;Alden 1981). È utile, a tale proposito, ricordare come sia stato proprio il settore «informale» a coadiuvare l'accelerazione degli anni Sessanta e il cosiddetto boom economico (Crainz 2005;Toffanin 2016). Ciò che ha fatto di questo mondo parallelo, informale, «segreto» e invisibile un elemento strutturale dell'economia italiana (e non solo questa. ...
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This essay explores the semantics of the term “informal economy” and, in particular, the relation between the two words. It shows how this subject is anything but something with no form and no structure. Moreover, it reflects on the historical relations between this type of economy and the cyclical transfor-mations of capital. Informal economy is seen as a buffer that makes such changes both socially bearable and symbolically necessary – in order to produce alliances between classes and mobilize different sentiments in given circumstances. The example of (neo-)populism(s), especially in a Southern Italian city (Messina), is provided and shortly discussed. Finally, it advocates descriptions of the phenom-enon that unfold the substantial overlapping of what is official and “secret”, and is in fact part of the experience of millions of people in an endlessly changing world.
... Home work here is probably caused by the lack of a national minimum wage, the fragmented structure of the sector, the common practice of outsourcing. National statistics estimates that in 2017 there were 3,647 home workers in the manufacturing sector, operating with regular contracts, but other researchers calculate that there are 2,000 to 4,000 irregular ones (Toffanin, 2016). The informal dimension of design is becoming increasingly important with the current trends of design democratisation and the rise of social media (Gerritzen & Lovink, 2010), alongside with the growing ties between design, social innovation, citizen participation (Manzini, 2015). ...
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The practice of designers has recently evolved from a relatively closed ecosystem of professional actors to an ecosystem with less clear boundaries and roles. Makers can be considered (and often are) designers or a new kind of designers working with open, peer-to-peer, distributed and DIY approaches. And both makers and designers increasingly work with social innovation initiatives, becoming thus social entrepreneurs or collaborating with them. Where are makers, designers and social entrepreneurs, how many are there, how do we reach them and network them? This article presents a first exploration of literature, cases and datasets that represent direct or indirect approaches for mapping where they can be found. These formal or informal approaches are clustered in three groups: work, place and community. Each dimension generates a different perspective with different approaches and datasets, which influences our view and definition of makers, designers and social entrepreneurs.
... Home work here is probably caused by the lack of a national minimum wage, the fragmented structure of the sector, the common practice of outsourcing. National statistics estimates that in 2017 there were 3,647 home workers in the manufacturing sector, operating with regular contracts, but other researchers calculate that there are 2,000 to 4,000 irregular ones (Toffanin, 2016). The informal dimension of design is becoming increasingly important with the current trends of design democratisation and the rise of social media (Gerritzen & Lovink, 2010), alongside with the growing ties between design, social innovation, citizen participation (Manzini, 2015). ...
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The practice of designers has recently evolved from a relatively closed ecosystem of professional actors to an ecosystem with less clear boundaries and roles. Makers can be considered (and often are) designers or a new kind of designers working with open, peer-to-peer, distributed and DIY approaches. And both makers and designers increasingly work with social innovation initiatives, becoming thus social entrepreneurs or collaborating with them. Where are makers, designers and social entrepreneurs, how many are there, how do we reach them and network them? This article presents a first exploration of literature, cases and datasets that represent direct or indirect approaches for mapping where they can be found. These formal or informal approaches are clustered in three groups: work, place and community. Each dimension generates a different perspective with different approaches and datasets, which influences our view and definition of makers, designers and social entrepreneurs.
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Comment le genre façonne-t-il les catégories d’appréhension du monde social et celles des sciences sociales elles-mêmes ? Et comment ces catégories contribuent-elles à produire du sens et des effets sociaux dans le cadre des relations de genre ? Des contentieux récents sur le port du foulard islamique dans les lieux du travail aux transformations des normes de parentalité face à l’homoparentalité et aux nouvelles modalités de « faire famille », de l’octroi des prestations sociales aux migrants dans l’Europe communautaire aux formes de régulation et (de)qualification du travail à domicile, des statistiques élaborées pour mettre au jour les discriminations à l’embauche aux politiques sociales destinées aux « mères seules précaires » ou encore aux politiques d’égalité et de la diversité développées dans les entreprises, c’est tout un ensemble de réflexions théoriques et de recherches empiriques qui est présenté ici. Elles donnent à voir le « travail » de catégorisation qui investit les rapports de genre dans plusieurs domaines, en se focalisant sur les genèses, les enjeux et les conflits qui animent ces opérations à la fois de description, de production et de transformation de la réalité sociale, ainsi que leur impact sur les sciences sociales et juridiques contemporaines en France. Citation suggérée: Lechevalier, A.; Mercat-Bruns, M.; Ricciardi, F. (coordination) (2021) Les catégories dans leur genre, Buenos Aires, Teseo. URL: https://www.teseopress.com/lescategoriesdansleurgenre
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en Critically engaging with Marxist‐Feminist debates, this article argues that only interpretations of social reproduction as value‐producing capture the features of contemporary informalised labour relations. Building on early social reproduction analyses and informed by debates in political economy of development and feminist geography, the article sketches a “value theory of inclusion” premised on the centrality of all labour to value‐generation; accounting for different forms of exploitation; and stressing the dynamic interpenetration of production and reproduction in processes of labour‐surplus extraction. By re‐centring the geographical focus on the global South, the article illustrates this interpenetration by identifying three reproductive mechanisms of value‐generation, based on: industrial housing arrangements; spatial processes of externalisation of reproductive costs across urban–rural divides; and processes of formal subsumption of labour, analysed with special reference to women homeworkers in India. An inclusive theorisation of value‐generation is crucial for the development of inclusive politics, recognising exploitation in its varied manifestations. Resumen es A través de una discusión critica de los debates marxistas‐feministas, este artículo sostiene que solo las interpretaciones de la reproducción social como productora de valor capturan las características de las relaciones laborales informales contemporáneas. Sobre la base de los primeros análisis de la reproducción social e utilizando debates contemporáneos propio de la economía política del desarrollo y de la geografía feminista, el artículo esboza una teoría «inclusiva» del valor. Esta, partiendo de la premisa que todo trabajo genera valor, permitiría dar cuenta de las diferentes formas de explotación y de extracción de plus valor que se encuentran en el cruce entre las dinámicas de la producción y de la reproducción. Al volver a centrar el enfoque geográfico en el Sur Global, el artículo ilustra este cruce identificando tres procesos de reproducción social que permiten generar valor: el alojamiento de trabajadores en las fabricas o en las viviendas fabriles; la externalización de los costos reproductivos en el espacio geográfico, utilizando las divisiones entre los espacios urbanos y rurales; la subsunción formal del trabajo, en particular con referencia a las trabajadoras a domicilio en la India. Una teorización inclusiva de la generación de valor es crucial para el desarrollo de ideas y construcciones políticas de clase inclusivas, reconociendo la explotación en sus variadas manifestaciones.
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Devido à instabilidade progressiva dos contratos de trabalho e à fragmentação geral do ambiente de trabalho, os limites entre público e privado, produção e reprodução, valorização e depreciação são cada vez mais frágeis. Para muitas mulheres, a multiplicação de empregos não padronizados ofereceu a oportunidade de participar no mercado de trabalho, introduzindo, porém, características típicas do trabalho "doméstico" nos aspectos organizacionais de seu trabalho "profissional": a ausência de um cronograma rigoroso; a dificuldade de obter reconhecimento e pagamento por tarefas. Com base em uma pesquisa recente que explora as semelhanças singulares entre as demandas progressivamente diversificadas de "desempenho do trabalho" e as características desse trabalho vivo (melhor exemplificado pelo trabalho doméstico), o artigo se concentrará em como as trabalhadoras (trabalhadoras autônomas, consultoras, freelancers) mudaram o emprego para o espaço doméstico.
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