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In Old French, genitive structures both mirrored and differed from those found in Modern French. Prepositional genitives were found (i.e., la nièce au duc, la nièce du duc both ‘the duke’s niece’), but there were also structures without prepositions, the juxtaposition genitive, JG (cf. Arteaga D. On Old French genitive constructions. In: Amastae J, Goodall G, Montalbetti M, Phinney M (eds) Contemporary research in Romance linguistics. J. Benjamins, Amsterdam, pp 79–90, 1995; Arteaga D, Herschensohn J. A phase-based analysis of old French genitive constructions. In Colina S, Olarrea A, Carvalho AM (eds) Romance Linguistics 2009: selected papers from the 39th annual conference of the Linguistic symposium on the romance languages. J. Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 285–300, 2010; Delfitto and Paradisi 2009) type la nièce duc or la/le duc nièce.). In an analysis focusing on the evolution of the genitive, we propose that the JG in Old French has directly inherited the same structure in Latin, although Latin had no definite article. In later OF, when case endings ceased to be pronounced, case had to be checked by a preposition. At that point, children no longer had the morphological cues (Lightfoot D. The development of language: acquisition, change, and evolution. Blackwell, Oxford, 1999) to assign a genitive meaning to the possessor, the JG was lost. The reason for the narrowing of the à genitives can be explained by the fact that dative à has always been limited to persons (Herslund M. Problèmes de syntaxe de l’ancien français. Compléments datifs et génitifs. Akademisk Forlag, Uppsala, 1980).

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In this chapter we will discuss the copying of verb argument structure from OF to ME in descriptive, general terms, by providing results from a number of case studies we have conducted. These studies are the empirical basis for evaluating ME and AF as contact varieties in Chapter 3, and for the model of copying we propose in Chapter 4. This chapter covers a range of grammatical phenomena related to verbs and of particular interest for the contact situation under investigation. The data we present here will also be of interest for linguists working on the history of French or English in general terms. The studies are based on annotated, historical corpora of medieval English, French, and Anglo-French. The studies are both qualitative (discussion of specific examples, authors, text genres, translations) and quantitative in nature (showing e.g. diachronic trends by using descriptive statistics and hypothesis testing). The creation of new corpora (for OF and AF) and the verb lemmatisation of existing corpora (like the Penn corpora of Middle English) allow us to present new and original findings for a number of phenomena.
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In 2016, the Going Romance conference series celebrated its 30th edition and the Goethe University of Frankfurt (Germany) had the honor of organizing this. The edited volume at hand presents a selection of 17 peer-reviewed articles, based on papers that were presented at this occasion. The volume covers a wide variety of phenomena, ranging from morphosyntax to prosody. Some are discussed from a synchronic perspective, others from a diachronic perspective, or in the context of language acquisition. In addition to frequently-studied languages such as French, Italian, Portuguese, Romanian, and Spanish, this volume features lesser-studied varieties including Aromanian, Gallo, and Sardinian.
Article
This contribution analyses the role French may have played as a model language in the development of the indirect passive (or recipient passive) in Middle English. It is based on diachronic corpus data showing that the construction appeared in Middle English predominantly with verbs borrowed from French and spread to native verbs only later. The fact that French did not have a recipient passive construction speaks against contact influence, whereas the data as well as the situation of close language contact between Old French and Middle English speak in favour of contact-induced change. The hypothesis of internal change will be contrasted with several explanations in a language contact scenario. The first one is syntactic and regards the type of dative case : English integrated the French structural dative into its native grammar, which so far only had an inherent dative. Passives with structural datives were prior to native constructions and may have triggered them. The transfer may have been facilitated by the reanalysis of certain bridge constructions (proclitics and clausal complements). The more conceptual second part discusses current psycholinguistic research in order to identify methods which help overcome the methodological deadlock that historical linguists are facing when they want to assess the validity of competing explanations.
Chapter
While much of the literature has focused on explaining diachronic variation and change, the fact that sometimes change does not seem to happen has received much less attention. The current volume unites ten contributions that look for the determinants of diachronic stability, mainly in the areas of morphology and (morpho)syntax. The relevant question is approached from different angles, both empirical and theoretical. Empirically, the contributions deal with the absence of change where one may expect it, uncover underlying stability where traditionally diachronic change was postulated, and, inversely, superficial stability that disguises underlying change. Determining factors ranging from internal causes to language contact are explored. Theoretically, the questions of whether stable variation is possible, and how it can be modeled are addressed. The volume will be of interest to linguists working on the causes of language change, and to scholars working on the history of Germanic, Romance, and Sinitic languages.
Chapter
This volume contains a selection of peer-reviewed articles first presented at the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), held in New York in 2013. The articles deal with various synchronic and diachronic aspects of Romance languages and dialects world-wide. They will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics.
Chapter
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This paper is a comparative study of the morphosyntax of the constituents referred as noun phrases (NPs) in traditional grammar, and it focuses on empiri- cal data from English and Mandarin Chinese. This paper investigates the internal structure of nominal phrases in terms of Abney's (1987) Determiner Phrase (DP) Hypothesis, which proposes that nominal phrases are headed by determiners. Furthermore, it pursues a universal structure for the nominal phrase in all lan- guages in line with Pereltsvaig's (2007) Universal-DP Hypothesis, which asserts that the syntactic structure of the nominal phrase is universal regardless of the presence of lexical items which realise the heads of the functional projections. More specifically, it proposes a Probe-Goal feature-valuing model to account for the parametric variation in these two languages within the framework of Chomsky's (2000, 2001, 2004) phase-based Minimalist Programme.
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Any analysis of the syntax of time is based on a paradox: it must include a syntax-based theory of both tense construal and event construal. Yet while time is undimensional, events have a complex spatiotemporal structure that reflects their human participants. How can an event be flattened to fit into the linear time axis? Chomsky's The Minimalist Program, published in 1995, offers a way to address this problem. The studies collected in The Syntax of Time investigate whether problems concerning the construal of tense and aspect can be reduced to syntactic problems for which the basic mechanism and principles of generative grammar already provide solutions. These studies, recent work by leading international scholars in the field, offer varied perspectives on the syntax of tense and the temporal construal of events: models of tense interpretation, construal of verbal forms, temporal aspect versus lexical aspect, the relation between the event and its argument structure, and the interaction of case with aktionsart or tense construal. Advances in the theory of temporal interpretation in the sentence are also applied to the temporal interpretation of nominals.
Chapter
This chapter deals with the relevance of some cases of prepositionless genitives in Romance for a general theory of genitive assignment. It examines the peculiar properties of a specific class of Italian N+N compounds, identifying in the juxtaposition genitives of Old French, Occitan, and crucially Old Italian, the possible diachronic antecedent for such construction, which-it argues-is strictly intertwined with Romance construct state. © individual chapters their various authors 2009. All rights reserved.
Article
This book presents a collection of recent articles by Richard Kayne, one of the top formal linguists in the world. It focuses on both comparative syntax, which uses differences between languages as a new and fine-grained tool for illuminating properties of the human language faculty, and antisymmetry, a restrictive proposal concerning the set of structures available to the language faculty. The essays included in this book address a series of questions having to do with the central notion of movement in syntax, especially remnant movement (a type of movement given special prominence by antisymmetry), and a series of questions revolving around silent elements (especially nouns and adjectives) that, despite their lack of phonetic realization, seem to have an important role in the syntax of all languages.
Article
In this article, we propose a phase-based alternative to Kayne’s (1989) analysis of past participle agreement in Italian. This analysis captures the principal facts without making reference to specifier-head agreement. Instead, the possibility of overt past participle agreement is determined by the Phase Impenetrability Condition and is linked to the surface position of the past participle. The analysis has interesting crosslinguistic implications, notably in that it predicts a general asymmetry between subject and object agreement.
Article
This article presents an analysis of the structure of DPs in Germanic within the Minimalist theory of Chomsky (1993). Under this framework, parametric variation between languages is conditioned purely by functional morphology. The rich nominal morphology of German is argued to be responsible for many of the differences between German and other languages with respect to the distribution of nominal constituents. Particular attention is paid to the prenominal positioning of proper nouns and attributive adjectives. Both elements are shown to attain their surface position by raising operations, which are triggered by independent morphological features
Article
Concord within DP argues that movement is driven by uninterpretable features of either the target or the moved item, contra Chomsky 1995. The uninterpretable f-features of which concord consists must be eliminated by LF, to satisfy Full Interpretation. But raising of inflected APs and KPs into checking relations with N0 cannot be motivated, in Chomsky's system, since N0 has no uninterpretable features that these items can check. Assuming Kayne's (1994, 1998) proposal for APs, the problem can be partially overcome, but inflected of constructions still lack an account. Chomsky's (1998) probe-goal approach applied to concord also encounters difficulties, avoided under revision of the (1995) system: if the f-features of APs and KPs drive them to raise for checking, correct results are obtained.
Article
We analyze Case in terms of independent constraints on syntactic structures — namely, the Projection Principle (inherent Case), the ECP (marked structural Case), and the theory of extended projections (the nominative, a Caseless nominal projection). The resulting theory accounts for (1) the government constraint on Case assignment, (2) all major Case systems (accusative, ergative, active, three-way, and split), (3) Case alternations (passive, antipassive, and ECM), and (4) the Case of nominal possessors. Structural Case may correlate with pronominal agreement because the former can, and the latter must, involve antecedent-government by a functional head. However, neither phenomenon implies the other.
Article
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Agree(X, Subj) accounts for all agreement in West Germanic: complementizer agreement (CA) results from an Agree relation between uninterpretable ϕ-features of Fin0 (Rizzi 1997) and ϕ-features of the subject; subject-verb agreement (SA) spells out uninterpretable ϕ-features of T0 on V0 raised to T0, even in OV clauses (Haegeman 2000). Although DPs need Case to participate in Agree relations (Chomsky 2000), deletion-marked Case remains syntactically accessible until the next strong phase (Pesetsky and Torrego 2001), allowing CA and SA to cooccur. In Frisian, ‘that cannot agree in embedded VO clauses because it is in Force; the verb is in Fin0, bearing CA (contra Zwart 1997).
Article
  This article argues in favor of the Universal-DP Hypothesis, namely the view that the structure of noun phrases is universal, regardless of the presence/absence of overt articles in a language. In particular, it is claimed that the Universal-DP Hypothesis makes better predictions for Russian (an articleless language) than its alternative, the Parameterized-DP Hypothesis. First, it is shown that adjectives in Russian are as rigidly ordered as they are in English, suggesting their placement in ordered functional projections rather than by free adjunction. Second, it is shown that ‘light’ and ‘heavy’ adjectives behave differently in Russian, as well as in languages with overt articles, suggesting head- vs. phrasal status, rather than uniform phrasal adjunction. Third, the so-called ‘pre-modifiers’ (i.e., numerals, demonstratives and possessives) are argued to be hosted by functional projections, different from those hosting adjectives. Overall, it is argued that the absence of overt articles in Russian does not affect the syntax of other prenominal elements in any major way.
Article
This paper argues for the reality of specificity as noteworthiness, a concept built upon Fodor and Sag’s (1982) view of referentiality. Support for this view of specificity comes from the behavior of indefinite this in spoken English, as well as from specificity markers in Samoan, Hebrew, and Sissala. It is shown that the conditions on the use of this-indefinites cannot be accounted for by previous analyses of specificity. The relationship between definiteness and specificity in article systems crosslinguistically is examined, and a distinction between presuppositions and felicity conditions is argued for. Additional evidence for the reality of specificity comes from a study of article choice in the English of adult second language learners (whose L1s, Russian and Korean, lack articles). It is shown that the learners’ errors are tied to specificity: they consist largely of overuse of the in specific indefinite contexts, and overuse of a in non-specific definite contexts. It is concluded that specificity is a universal semantic distinction, which receives morphological expression crosslinguistically and is available to second language learners.
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