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This article examines contemporary feminist ‘digilante’ responses to the increasing problem of misogyny online. In particular, it focuses on female gamers and a recent incident in which the Australian gamer Alanah Pearce responded to threats of sexual violence from young male Internet users by alerting their mothers. Pearce’s move was celebrated in international media commentary as the ‘perfect’ solution to the problem of online rape threats. This article, however, argues that while ‘do-it-yourself’ strategies such as Pearce’s have some benefits, unsupplemented, they do not constitute an adequate solution to the broader problem of gendered vitriol online. Further, they comport with a wider trend which shifts the burden of responsibility for the problem of gendered cyber-hate from perpetrators to targets, and from the public to the private sphere. Over the course of this article, I will show that the contemporary problem of gendered ‘e-bile’ has parallels with some key social issues addressed by second-wave feminism. As such, I argue that a hybrid of feminist activist efforts – including a recalibrated approach to collectivism – is required to achieve the legislative and corporate reforms necessary to address the significant social problem of gendered hate on the Internet.
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... Mid-range digilantism of this type utilises similar methods but also exposes at least the online identities of individuals. At the most extreme end of the naming and shaming spectrum, digilantes deploy tactics such as tracking down assailants offline and exposing them to the broader public, sometimes ensuring that perpetrators are 'outed' to family members, friends and employers, and inciting others to join the counter-attack (Jane 2016a(Jane , 2016b(Jane , 2016c. This chapter draws on data from an ongoing series of research projects dedicated to mapping and studying the history, manifestations, nature, prevalence, aetiology and consequences of gendered cyberhate. ...
... While Price's tactics are an unusually strong form of digilantism, similar strategies are increasingly being deployed by other feminists and, for the most part, are receiving extremely celebratory media coverage (Jane 2016b). In late 2014, for instance, the Australian gamer Alanah Pearce began contacting the mothers of boys who were sending her rape threats on Facebook and then publishing these digilante efforts on Twitter (although not in a way that identified the perpetrators or their families). ...
... There is a risk, however, that gushing media coverage reifies the view that no other interventions are required with regards to the gendered cyberhate situation. Further, media applause for the actions of feminist digilantes as constituting the 'perfect' solution to online rape threats comports with the wider trend of shifting the burden of responsibility for the problem of gendered cyberhate from male perpetrators to female targets and from the public to the private sphere (Jane 2016b). Noteworthy, for instance, is the way in which the Pearce case involved an all-female cleanup crew, in the form of the female target and the perpetrators' mothers. ...
... Research on violence against women has shown that it serves multiple social functions (Jane 2016). Whether it happens online or offline, in public or private spaces, violence against women aims to exercise social control over their actions, bodies, and overall existence (Sundén and Paasonen 2018). ...
... Similarly, gendered abuse resorts to strikingly homogenous linguistic and discursive patterns which resemble the patterns of offline abuse. In particular, these attacks resort to the idea of women's inferiority, their sexual objectivation, their domestic role, and their overstepping into the public sphere (Jane 2016) to shame, scare, and silence transgressors (Sundén and Paasonen 2018). Furthermore, Jane (2014) identifies three common features and themes that emerge in online sites. ...
... Results of the analyses show that direct abuse targeted at female politicians who openly supported the abortion bill is not as frequent as other studies suggest (e.g. Jane 2014Jane , 2016Sundén and Paasonen 2018). When it occurs, however, we can see a clear distinction between sexual and hyperbolized abuse against female public figures in general. ...
This paper explores the misogynistic abuse against female Chilean politicians who openly supported a pro-choice bill that allowed the access to abortion in limited circumstances. We analysed the verbal abuse targeted at these politicians during the legislation of the abortion bill (2015–2017) and the linguistic and discursive patterns of online abuse. To that end, we collected tweets from this legislation period and created a subset with specific milestones of the parliamentary debate. Further, we undertook a corpus-assisted analysis of the data, focusing on collocations and keywords, which were then analysed in the light of van Leeuwen’s framework on the representation of social actors and legitimation strategies (2008). Results evidence that violence against women in power can take forms other than the explicit sexual, physical, and psychological threats that are commonly identified. Violence turns to these women’s alleged unsuitability to legislate for abiding and protecting crime, which delegitimizes them as legislators and women. Therefore, the corrective function of abuse takes the form of legal actions against their crimes.
... 'Nightmare audiences' (Murumaa-Mengel, 2017;Marwick & boyd, 2011) are the opposites, usually representing different values, sense of humor, spheres of life, or have some control over a person. For example, abuser's aim may be controlling and intimidation of (specific) women through use of technology (Smith, 2019b) but they could find, unexpectedly, the actualized nightmare recipients of their messages to be masses of angry feminists, seeking 'street justice' (Jane, 2016). Or, from a different perspective, a member of MCEP's community of practice may post content that is aimed at their imagined ideal audiences (e.g. ...
... That is probably why some of the most notable digilantism cases have revolved around alerting important others of the offenders (e.g. mothers, see in depth analysis in Jane, 2016). When the shamed become outcasts, they can reject the rejectors and the shame no longer matters (Braithwaite, 1989). ...
... Laura Vitis and Fairleigh Gilmour (2017) have talked about humor's transformative potential -comic takes and rituals, shining a light on hegemonic assumptions generate sense of community across difference through a shared 'getting' of the social, cultural and political context. On the other hand, humorous takes on a gendered social issue can still have serious consequences, as female vigilantes risk being dangerously attacked themselves (Jane, 2016). There is even a popular quote, attributed to writer Margaret Atwood, stressing the fear of mockery: 'Men are afraid that women will laugh at them. ...
The aim of this article is to explore the audience and moderator types on Instagram's misogynist content exposé pages (MCEPs)-where people share and shame screenshots depicting gendered online hate, harassment, and men's sexual entitlement. We have framed our study with concepts like refracted publics, imagined audiences, and shaming as a social practice, and we set out to look for communicative shaming practices beyond the theoretically well-established reintegrative/disintegrative distinction. Analysis of qualitative online interviews with the moderators of MCEPs (n = 6), combined with both qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the posts' captions (n = 100) and comments (n = 1325) helps us understand the mechanisms, types, and aims of online shamings and dive deeper into understanding the different roles people take in these communicative practices. Results of this study present five main types of shamings and the linked moderator and audience types: pedagogic shaming (moderators as Educators, audiences as Instructors), denunciatory shaming (Judges and Angry Mobbers), recreational shaming (Entertainers and Jokesters), participative shaming (Community Builders and Support Squadders) and reflective shaming (Looking Glasses and Mirrors). Theoretical types can be combined and modified in practice, based on the strategies the moderators are using, aims of communication, and specific constellations of audiences.
... In 2014, the ex-boyfriend of game developer Zoe Quinn published intimate details of their relationship in his blog and claimed she had slept with a games journalist in exchange for positive reviews (Jane, 2016). A group of users of the website 4chan seized on his claims to launch a debate that, though ostensibly about ethics in video games journalism, attacked women working in the games industry (Nagle, 2017). ...
... A group of users of the website 4chan seized on his claims to launch a debate that, though ostensibly about ethics in video games journalism, attacked women working in the games industry (Nagle, 2017). Gamergate was a pivotal moment in the history of men's online activism (Marwick & Caplan, 2018), with the feminist games critic Anita Sarkeesian one of its key targets (Jane, 2016). ...
... 4,5 Boundaries are further permeated as the material world is pulled into the virtual through practices such as "doxing" (Eckert, 2018;Marwick & Caplan, 2018;Mortensen, 2018). 6 New forms of technology-enabled symbolic and physical violence, such as revenge porn and the use of digital platforms to harass women who have left abusive relationships (Jane, 2016), increase the range and variety of tools available to men who harm women and institute male violence and female oppression in digital spaces. Ironically, it might be the very technologies that facilitate the spread of misogyny that afford women the power to reshape the virtual world. ...
The online community of the manosphere uses social media channels such as Twitter to promote a misogynist agenda. Feminist research has identified two key elements to their activism online: the harassment of women and the development of a discourse that presents feminism as threatening to men. Our research examined Twitter content produced in pursuit of both objectives to understand how the manosphere constructs masculinity and femininity. Analysis of the content identified three discursive strategies that we term: co-opting discourses of oppression, naming power, and disavowal by disaggregation. They serve to cast men as victims, construct women as a monstrous other, and reinstate gendered power hierarchies through a constant invocation of the female body within discourses of rape. Though powerful, these strategies are riven with tensions and bind manosphere masculine identities to the very women they wish to eradicate. Manosphere activism has escaped the virtual and leaked into the material world. We conclude by considering the implications of this breach for those women targeted by the manosphere as well as for the broader witnessing community and suggest avenues for future research.
... My argument is that this constitutes a form of chauvinism (in that it disregards women's experiences in on-line environments, emphasizing flaming, uses "e-bile" to address these misogynistic expressions and perpetration against women in cyberspace. Further, she also examines the functionalities of the online mob that are comprised of vigilantes to shame and disparage women in SNSs (Jane, 2016(Jane, , 2017b. Thus, a growing body of literature is indicating how online vigilantism like offline is orchestrating a new threat for women. ...
... As a result, women endure online body shaming by male netizens. Such acts of digilantism are serious instances of online misogyny that Jane (2014bJane ( , 2014aJane ( , 2016Jane ( , 2017aJane ( , 2017bthe mainstream media has identified on-line vitriol as a worsening problem which is silencing women in public discourse, and is having a deleterious effect on the civility of the public cybersphere. This article examines the disconnect between representations of "e-bile" in media texts, and representations of e-bile in academic literature. ...
In Bangladesh, the number of cyber-citizens has been skyrocketing since the 2010s. Violence against women is also proliferating along with the presence of Islam in public spheres and discourses. Using thematic analysis, this study analyzes the discourse data collected from Facebook, the dominant social media of Bangladesh. The key aim of the research is to find out the bedrock of Islamic vigilantism and verbal aggressiveness against women in social media. Subsequently, three interlinked themes have been explored: women’s religiosity, women’s attire, and women’s virtue. The findings have shown that men mainly capitalize on these three conventional and stereotyped ideas of popular Islam to conduct vigilantism against women in social media, which is most often accompanied by different types of verbal aggressiveness. Further, this study considering deep-rooted misogyny and patriarchy in Bangladesh society argues that these factors might have contributed to directing online vigilantism against women. As little research has been done in this area, this research study would lead to further researches in this area.
... Affirming the burden of seeking out other procedures for communication as outlined by Irigaray (1980): ...
Mauro-Flude, Nancy (2021) ‘Writing the Feminist Internet: A Chthonian Feminist Internet Theory for the Twenty First Century’ Eds., Alexia Maddox, Robert W. Gehl, Toija Cinque. The Dark Social: Online Practices of Resistance, Motility and Power. Continuum Journal of Media & Cultural Studies (In Press).
This paper analytically responds to the collaborative performance work Writing the Feminist Internet (2020) as a motif of fourth wave feminism. It probes at the edge of Internet dark spaces that are often occupied by those who point to complacency in engagement with networking systems, by drawing auxiliary attention to the apparatus (Gehl 2014, 2017). Further examination sheds light on the valences and anarchy of technopolitics that transpired and reflects on the call for ‘hybrid of feminist activist efforts’ noted by Emma A. Jane. Positing towards ‘a recalibrated approach to collectivism’ (2015, 285) Jane continues to give rise to a vast communal realm for the expression of alternative behaviours. In building upon the feminist ‘wave’ metaphor there is acknowledgement that the undercurrents of nautical lineages come to endure through ‘debt, or inheritance’ (Clarke Mane 2012, 78) more often than a confluence of flows. The findings reveal that the potency of a chthonic feminist internet theory lies in its indeterminate stance. In conclusion it is proposed that ambivalence and prominence in obscurity in such expansive ‘dark social spaces’ is where new meanings and enunciations can brew and be read as a source of critical and aesthetic ambiguity, amongst the highly revered principles of disarray, pandemonium and incompleteness.
... Feminist research into online misogyny (such as Marwick & Caplan, 2018;Ging, 2017, Jane, 2016) also highlights risks for researchers, their friends and their families. As such, I made the decision not to name friends and family in the acknowledgements section in this thesis to prevent potential backlash against my loved ones. ...
This thesis explores the online ‘manosphere’ subculture of Involuntary Celibates (Incels). Incels have been widely discussed in contemporary media in recent years and have been cited as harmful after several mass-murders and attacks have taken place offline. Previous academic research has largely focused on individual-level explanations for Incel mass-murderers, with few studies seeking to uncover the structural determinants of the rise of Incels. This thesis attempts to fill this gap, exploring the subculture’s negotiation with the changing features of contemporary society. The study utilised internet-based qualitative research methods over a period of three-months to collect data on two Incel forums: r/Braincels and Incels.co. The data was then interpreted through thematic analysis within a constructivist grounded theory approach. The research found that Incels negotiate their anxieties of a rapidly changing globalised world with a sense of victimisation and ‘aggrieved entitlement’ through a worldview that understands society as set up to economically, socially, and sexually favour women. It was also found that through such a sense of entitlement, Incels conceive of a hetero-patriarchal racial caste-system that relies on uncritical readings of selected biological and evolutionary psychological studies. This worldview is known as the ‘Black Pill’ and is employed to ideologically condition Incels against out-groups. Through a shared mythology of victimisation, the Incel ideology of the Black Pill functions to produce a form of ‘stochastic terrorism’ in which individual users interpret the spectrum of beliefs from enacting online gender-based hate-speech to mass violence in the terrestrial world. This thesis presents understandings that could inform future educational programs in critical literacy skills that aim to dismantle the conceptual apparatus that feeds the ideologically charged hatred of groups like Incels.
... Indeed, the heightened visibility of feminist politics within these gender transformative policies and programs-as well as within culture at large-has also resulted in various expressions of antifeminism within the "men's liberation movement"-which emerged in the 1970s as a critique of conventional understandings of masculinity, and includes factions that endorse extreme antifeminist politics (Dragiewicz, 2011;Schmitz & Kazyak, 2016) and particularly narrow configurations of masculinity (Messner, 2016). As discussed within a recent special issue of Feminist Media Studies (Ging & Siapera, 2018), expression of antifeminist ideology and attacks toward individuals who champion gender equality is especially common in online forums (see Ging, 2019;Jane, 2014Jane, , 2016Lawrence & Ringrose, 2018;Lewis, Rowe, & Wiper, 2017;Lin, 2017;Menzies, 2007;Moloney & Love, 2018;Van Valkenburgh, 2018) where the anonymous nature of interaction may facilitate disinhibited and hateful speech (see Suler, 2004). As noted by Ging (2019), attention to public sentiment regarding the depiction of masculine norms in online forums is especially important, as this is the venue through which men's rights activists This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. ...
The Twitter hashtag #Gillette emerged in 2019 as a reaction to an advertisement that called attention to unhealthy manifestations of masculinities among men. The advertisement also encouraged men to intervene when they witnessed violence by and among other men. The “precarious manhood” thesis posits that pressure to constantly “prove” one’s masculinity provokes deep anxiety among men and that some men may resort to extreme, potentially risky externalizing behaviors—such as aggression—to project the traditional masculine norm of dominance when they perceive their masculine status is challenged. Gender transformative public health policies and programs also invoke resistance from some men. From this framework, the present study used qualitative thematic coding of a sample of original content tweets (N 497) to examine public sentiment toward an advertisement that directly challenged masculine norms of dominance and aggression. Themes included (a) commentary on the company that used the advertisement, (b) descriptions of masculine norms, (c) engaging men in challenging hypermasculine norms, and (d) resistance to the advertisement through deflection and antifeminist sentiment. A fifth theme encompassed comments that reflected nationalism, racial animus, and commentary on the political affiliations of other Twitter users. These findings highlight the opportunity for advertisements to initiate widespread discussion of masculine norms on social media, as well as the potential for discussions that question traditional masculine norms to incite defensiveness among some individuals.
... This digital space has been called "a space of tensions and contradictions" (Fotopoulou, 2016, p. 1) that oscillates between domestication and liberation, concealment and disclosure, vulnerability and empowerment. Where once this space was dominated by hegemonic, macho network patterns, described as cybersexism (Penny, 2013;Poland, 2014), online misogyny (Jane, 2014), and gendered cyberhate (Jane, 2016), the digital media landscape has been reshaped by feminist practices such as the #MeToo movement and protests against femicide, transmuting sexist cyberspace into a space of feminist resistance. The #Metoo movement shines the spotlight on a widespread and established rape culture that occurs in everyday life and in all spaces, including cyberspace. ...
... We discovered that women journalists, academics, and activists were targeted with more extreme threats of violence. The lack of "capable" guardianship on social media has led numerous women in public roles in other countries to censor their online activities due to troubling experiences with harassment, abuse, and violence (Amnesty International, 2018;Jane, 2016). Problematically, the growing weaponization of speech coupled with a normalized culture of online misogyny stifles and silences women while simultaneously amplifying their "attractiveness" as targets for harassing, abusive, and violent communications. ...
The study applies and expands the routine activity theory to examine the dynamics of online harassment and violence against women on Twitter in India. We collected 931,363 public tweets (original posts and replies) over a period of 1 month that mentioned at least one of 101 influential women in India. By undertaking both manual and automated text analysis of “hateful” tweets, we identified three broad types of violence experienced by women of influence on Twitter: dismissive insults, ethnoreligious slurs, and gendered sexual harassment. The analysis also revealed different types of individually motivated offenders: “news junkies,” “Bollywood fanatics,” and “lone-wolves”, who do not characteristically engage in direct targeted attacks against a single person. Finally, we question the effectiveness of Twitter’s form of “guardianship” against online violence against women, as we found that a year after our initial data collection in 2017, only 22% of hostile posts with explicit forms of harassment have been deleted. We conclude that in the social media age, online and offline public spheres overlap and intertwine, requiring improved regulatory approaches, policies, and moderation tools of “capable” guardianship that empower women to actively participate in public life.
... However, it is worth noting that feminist digital activism also suffers from intense gender trolling and online harassment (Phillips, 2015;Sadowski, 2016). These trolls often spread misogynist attacks against successful feminist campaigns and even against particular feminists (Jane, 2016;Mendes et al., 2018;Powell & Henry, 2017). Their goal is to disrupt the feminist community and to make visible the presence of anti-feminism and sexism on social media, just as they attempt to do in social life (Drüeke & Zobl, 2016). ...
The first general women’s strikes to demand gender equality in Spain took place on 8 March 2018 and 2019. Both calls were an amazing success, becoming world references for feminism. This research investigates how the strikes were dealt with through Twitter by a Collective Symbolic Coping (CSC) process. Discourses on Twitter were analysed on both years, 4,384 tweets were selected and their content was analysed by lexical analysis. The results from 2018 indicated the CSC phases of 1) awareness; 2) divergence, where feminist demands and the role of men in the strike were debated; and 3) convergence, where the success of the strike was highlighted. However, in 2019 the feminists on Twitter were forced to cope with a great deal of trolling against them. This trolling was maintained in the awareness and divergence phases, making it difficult to reach a convergent discourse regarding the success of the strike. Moreover, the results also demonstrated that there was no reference hashtag in the strikes. It is concluded that discourse on social networks has become a key factor in feminist social mobilizations and that this feminist digital activism will be critical in the continued dissemination of the claims for gender equality in Spain.
... Though Twitter did respond by creating a quick response tool, allegedly making it easier to report harmful or abusive tweets, these efforts had little impact on actually shielding users from online vitriol (Davis, 2014;Warzel, 2016). With few options for recourse embedded in the platforms themselves, mass-blocking tools act as 'do it yourself' solutions that allow users to exercise control over their social media experience and insulate women from the more abusive discourse that might otherwise chill their participation (Jane, 2016(Jane, , 2017a(Jane, , 2017b. We would be remiss to underplay the gravity of this protection, particularly in a field that heavily relies on digital spaces for both work and play. ...
In 2014, at the height of gamergate hostilities, a blockbot was developed and circulated within the gaming community that allowed subscribers to automatically block upwards of 8,000 Twitter accounts. "Ggautoblocker" as it was called, was designed to insulate subscribers' Twitter feeds from hurtful, sexist, and in some cases deeply disturbing comments. In doing so it cast a wide net and became a source of considerable criticism from many in the industry and games community. During this time, the International Game Developers Association (IGDA) 2015 Video Game Developer Satisfaction Survey was circulating, resulting in a host of comments on the blockbot from workers in the industry. In this paper we analyze these responses, which constitute some of the first empirical data on a public response to the use of autoblocking technology, to consider the broader implications of the algorithmic structuring of the online public sphere. First, we emphasize the important role that ggautoblocker, and similar autoblocking tools, play in creating space for marginalized voices online. Then, we turn to our findings, and argue that the overwhelmingly negative response to ggautoblocker reflects underlying anxieties about fragmenting control over the structure of the online public sphere and online public life. In our discussion, we reflect upon what the negative responses suggest about normative expectations of participation in the online public sphere, and how this contrasts with the realities of algorithmically structured online spaces.
... 5: Supporting the Inclusive Web: Academic institutions are biased towards people from specific regions of the worlds, social classes and gender. Beyond the generic problem of the 'leaky pipeline', the effect that gender parity becomes less and less balanced over academic career progression, the Web itself is a filter that may reward Web-extroverts, but deter those that shy away from Web activity, e. g., to avoid misogyny online . Academic institutions must promote diversity programmes and research applied to reducing all types of divides that threaten the universal accessibility of the Web, whether it is by being physically or mentally challenged, economically limited, or socially intimidated. ...
... Dissatisfied by formal justice (in)actions, some individuals have sought informal justice online. Referred to as "digital vigilantism," "feminist digilantism," or "DIY justice online" (Jane, 2016;Powell, 2017), women, girls, and allies have taken to technology to fight against online harassment to put perpetrators on notice and hold them accountable for their actions, when the criminal justice system has not (Al-Alosi, 2020). They have explicitly named their rapists online to warn others (Pryor, 2017), responded to unsolicited dick pics with the same kind of content to give perpetrators "a taste of their own medicine" (Hockaday, 2019, para 4), and shared screenshots of misbehavior with perpetrators' mothers, partners, and employers, in the hopes that informal sanctions might follow (e.g., Hawken, 2019;Payton, 2014). ...
While research on digital dangers has been growing, studies on their respective solutions and justice responses have not kept pace. The agathokakological nature of technology demands that we pay attention to not only harms associated with interconnectivity, but also the potential for technology to counter offenses and "do good." This chapter discusses technology as both a weapon and a shield when it comes to violence against women and girls in public spaces and private places. First, we review the complex and varied manifestations of technological gender violence, ranging from the use of technology to exploit, harass, stalk, and otherwise harm women and girls in communal spaces, to offenses that occur behind closed doors. Second, we discuss justice-related responses, underscoring how women and girls have "flipped the script" when their needs are not met. By developing innovative ways to respond to the wrongs committed against them and creating alternate systems that offer a voice, victims/survivors have repurposed technology to redress harms and unite in solidarity with others in an ongoing quest for justice.
... Alongside "cyber racism" (Jakubowicz 2017;Jakubowicz et al. 2017) or "platformed racism" (Matamoros-Fernández 2017), online misogyny has become a phenomenon attracting the attention of researchers, political actors, media practitioners and social activists. Jane (2016) points to the role of social media in the creation of "e-bile". Others refer to this phenomenon as "digital technology-facilitated (DTF) violence" (Esposito this issue 2021), "mediated misogyny" (Vickery and Everbach 2018), "networked misogyny" (Banet-Weiser and Miltner 2016), "digitally facilitated sexual violence" (Powell and Henry 2017), "online slut-shaming", or as a form of "technology-facilitated sexual violence" (Dragotto et al. 2020). ...
The present article explores the interface between online misogyny and xenophobia in the context of both socio-cultural factors which are conducive to verbal aggression against women and cyberspace’s technological affordances. The former, as will be argued, can be linked to “rape culture”, where the notion of rape and sexual violence are used not only as instruments of subjugation and domination, but also as tools to legitimize racial, ethnic, or religious hatred. In the case of the latter, anonymity, interactivity and connectivity will be discussed as factors which facilitate generating, amplifying and perpetuating hateful and aggressive content online. Applying the Media Proximization Approach ( Kopytowska 2013 , 2015a , 2018a , 2018b ; forthcoming ) and drawing on previous research examining online xenophobic discourses and hate speech, the article scrutinizes hate speech targeting female politicians, namely Angela Merkel, current Chancellor of Germany, and Ewa Kopacz, former Polish Prime Minister, for their pro-refugee stance and migration policy. Data-wise, the examples analyzed will be taken from the corpora comprising comments following online articles in niezalezna.pl (a Polish conservative news portal) and YouTube videos on migrants and refugees.
... Notes 1. Even though surveillance of young people is meant to be lower in the digital sphere than in the offline public space, the literature shows that the digital sphere is an environment in which several inter-and intragroup dynamics take place at the same time, such as digilantism and horizontal surveillance (Greijdanus et al., 2020;Jane, 2016). Moreover, vertical surveillance from authorities, including parents, can also take place in the digital sphere, thus reproducing mechanisms of control (Adorjan and Ricciardelli, 2018). ...
This article investigates the impact of intolerance on online political participation among young Europeans. Based on the theoretical insights of (in)tolerance, political participation, youth, and media studies, we explore whether and to what extent intolerant attitudes drive young people’s online political participation. In doing this, we draw on original survey data with booster samples for young people, covering nine European countries. Our results show that intolerance leads to more online political activities among young people. However, these individuals are not socially isolated and marginalised; in fact, the effect of intolerant attitudes on online political engagement is reinforced by participation in offline unconventional forms of participation and social capital. Our findings bear important consequences for the understanding of intolerant attitudes, youth politics, and (online) political participation.
... The healing provided by the #MeToo in China Archives was built upon a collectivist rather than a do-it-yourself, individualist approach (see also Jane, 2016). The spokesperson made this clear: ...
In China, a few posts related to #MeToo movement survived and remained online well after its peak and the state’s response in July 2018. This article proposes a theoretical framework that pays attention to discursive meaning-making and employs a broad notion of empowerment, referred to as ‘empowerment through discourse’, in order to offer a more nuanced understanding of the low-profile #MeToo movement in the Chinese context. This framework is used to analyse a corpus of uncensored #MeToo material, which appeared on Chinese social media. This article combines a discourse analysis of these posts and interviews with feminists from activist collectives to critically examine feminist empowerment by reflecting on survivor/victim narration and storytelling practices, digital media’s capacity to facilitate critical dialogue between witnesses and survivors/victims and activist collectives’ organising role in opening up a dialogic space for collective reading, listening and healing. These reflections lead to broader considerations on how notions of empowerment can spur collective action and structural change. In short, this article demonstrates the potential possibility of discursive change and reflects on this mode of feminist politics as a way to speak to empowerment in the Chinese context.
... The possibility of silencing women in any sphere is anchored on the fact that societal communication is biased in ways that ensure that men retain their power and advantage over women, whereas women struggle constantly to be heard . The misogynistic pattern aligns with the findings of scholars on the parallel workings of culture, structure, and networked misogyny in silencing women (Emma Jane 2016;Brandee Easter 2018;Banet-Weiser et al. 2016;Marwick et al. 2018). ...
This chapter outlines what happens when chocolate marketing campaigns are conducted without ethical oversight, specifically regarding the protections to our shared cultural heritage. Cadbury's ill-conceived 2019 'Freddo's Treasure' advertising campaign riled the heritage community, the press and the public alike, resulting in a backlash against the company. The discussion will first present the context of the international chocolate industry and its symbolic relationship with treasure. Cadbury's history of treasure-related scandal is then explained alongside the heritage community's responses to the incidents. The discussion then moves to a first-person narrative account of the author's experience of exposing the 2019 Cadbury scandal. This is further contextualised with respect to the heritage sector's participation in public-facing discourse, both in traditional media venues and through social media. Finally, critical reflections on how the heritage industry can protect its own community against public backlash are presented with reference to the responsibilities and accountability of leadership in the sector. These final provocations demand introspective considerations of how heritage sector leaders can develop structures and policies that benefit the communities of practice in their care.
Amalia Ulman is an Argentinian-born Spanish artist who adopted Instagram as a platform for an art piece titled Excellences & Perfections in which she used images of herself to portray a fictional character whose story unfolded over several months. Her images, replicating popular tropes of digital autobiographical performance were presented and widely read as “authentic” selfies. This chapter examines how Ulman’s Excellences & Perfections can be understood as an automedial work that uses networked photo-sharing practice to investigate: feminine embodiment and self-representation; self-branding via digital media; and the ways in which social media conventions shape the production and circulation of constructions of girlhood.
Given the current polarization of gender knowledge in the public discourse, this article investigates the “other side” of gender knowledge production. Building on feminist standpoint literature, I conduct a close reading of the affective-discursive dynamics of knowledge production in two anti-feminist online communities in the United States and India. I find that anti-feminist communities appropriate feminist practices of consciousness-raising to construct a shared sense of victimization. This appropriation is, however, incomplete. In contrast to feminist practices, anti-feminist knowledge generation is premised on the polarizing themes of “ultimate victimhood” and “ultimate other,” which lead to violence and exclusion, rather than liberation.
Contemporary gender relations occur in a polarised environment characterised by popular feminism and networked misogyny. This context structures feminist researchers’ public engagement and exposes them to online hostility. Addressing a paucity of work on the affective dimensions of digital hostility, this article analyses 2400 comments made in The Daily Mail Online in response to feminist research on TubeCrush, a website featuring unsolicited images of men on the London underground. Our analysis shows feminists constructed as powerful but hypocritical; as discredited post-truth experts and, along with gay men and women in general, as being less knowledgeable or valid than white men. These discourses were united by an affective texture of an outrage that positions itself as righteous, undoing feminist knowledge and recuperating (white) male power. Identifying this as ‘righteous outrage’ offers important insights into the workings of contemporary anti-feminist sentiment where visibility is permitted so long as credibility is undone.
Abusive posts on social media target women engaged in online conversation with words and images that affirm patriarchal ideologies and fixed gender identities, to maintain cyberspace as a man’s world. This book investigates online misogyny as a pervasive yet little-researched form of hate speech. By focusing on six cases of cyber harassment directed at women in Australia, Italy, and the United States, this qualitative analysis reveals specific discursive strategies along with patterns of escalation and mobbing that often intertwine gender-based harassment with racism, homotransphobia, xenophobia, and ageism. The author provides
a taxonomy of negative impacts on targets that integrates findings across cases and indicates pathways from hate speech to harms. The study suggests an urgent need for effective measures against the threat posed by misogynistic hate speech to individuals and to an open, respectful forum for online communication.
This paper critically examines how gendered hierarchies and relations, particularly those between hegemonic masculinities and non-hegemonic gendered identities, manifest between students at a university in North West England in and through forms of online harassment, using data collected from a large-scale study (N= 810) conducted in this institutional context. Key findings indicate that some young masculinities subordinate non-hegemonic gendered identities, namely those who identify as female and transgender, in and through gendered and sexualised forms of online harassment or are complicit in these practices. Male research participants are more likely than any other gendered group to use ‘free speech' discourses to legitimate online harassment directed at transgendered and cis-female subjects. Some white, heterosexual males, who occupy a dominant position in Britain's gendered and racial social order, appropriate discursive practices associated with identity politics, which have historically been used by non-hegemonic gendered identities to challenge social inequities, to claim they are ‘victims’ of this society. We argue that these new emerging forms of hybridised hegemonic masculinity, which appropriate and reconfigure the discursive practices of non-hegemonic gendered identities, reproduce and conceal patriarchal systems of power in digitised spaces. We suggest more research is needed to better understand these practices, their relationship to alt-right influencers and men's rights activists, and their implications for digital hegemonic masculinities at the local level of UK university campuses.
In South Korea, as awareness of gender equality increased since the 1990s, policies for gender equality and social awareness of equality have been established. Until recently, however, the gap between men and women in social and economic activities has not reached the globally desired level and led to social conflict throughout the country. In this study, we analyze the content of online news comments to understand the public perception of gender equality and the details of gender conflict and to grasp the emergence and diffusion process of emerging issues on gender equality. We collected text data from the online news that included the word 'gender equality' posted from January 2012 to June 2017 and also collected comments on each selected news item. Through text mining and the temporal semantic network analysis, we tracked the changes in discourse on gender equality and conflict. Results revealed that gender conflicts are increasing in the online media, and the focus of conflict is shifting from 'position and role inequality' to 'opportunity inequality'.
This chapter examines how the memoirs of female YouTubers relate the abuse and sexual harassment received when sharing one’s life online. The economics of access are literalised in YouTube celebrity, owing to the transactional nature of YouTube and how the visibility of those transactions is built into the platform. The chapter outlines a gendered authenticity contract which the audience angrily believes has been reneged upon when the (often sexualised) access they feel entitled to is not granted. As a result, these women are forced to mollify their online abusers by normalising such harassment or they risk inspiring further abuse. Additionally, whilst YouTubers may make and upload their own videos, it does not necessarily follow that they are any less embroiled in constellations of ‘ghost’-like intermediaries. Digitally enabled, lone-working, and insecurely entrepreneurial, theirs is a kind of celebrity of the gig economy. This chapter argues for an understanding of YouTube celebrity through the concept of millennial precarity and questions the consequences of exposure without insulation.
Building on research identifying sexting as an important aspect of contemporary youth cultures, this article critically explores the ways that homosocial bonding is bound up with, and produced in the context of, young adult men’s discussions of sexting. Drawing on a focus-group study with 37 undergraduate young men based in Melbourne, Australia, we find both deviations from and continuations with the literature that has emphasised men’s homosocial bonding as being predicated on women’s sexualisation and subordination. Discussions of sexting prove to be a site where young men navigate being ‘lads’ prioritising homosocial relations over relations with female partners and objectifying women to demonstrate masculine status, while simultaneously wanting to be respectful men who call out bad behaviour and emphasise trust and mutuality in their relations with women. We make sense of this by drawing on the concepts of ‘horizontal’ and ‘vertical’ homosociality, and by attending to the symbolic boundary work that the young men undertake. In our concluding discussion, we consider the potentially productive, disciplinary role of – and limits to – digital technologies in regulating the production and performance of young masculinities that still rely on the articulation of hierarchies that legitimate gender inequality, even when young men espouse progressive views.
Intimate romantic relationship formation, including marriage, remains a significant cultural aspect of life in the United States despite the overall decline in marriage rates. Marriage remains popular among the college educated as they are more likely to be married than those without a college degree. Among the college-educated however, marriage among heterosexuals remains stratified by race/ethnicity. College-educated Black women, unlike their non-Black counterparts, are less likely to see marital returns to their degree. This study seeks to understand how race, gender, and technology intersect to contribute ethno-racial differences in intimate romantic relationship formation among this population. Drawing on interviews with 111 heterosexual Asian, Black, Latina, and white college-educated women between the ages of 25 and 33, I find that respondents experience three kinds of barriers in their romantic partner search: locational barriers; adverse interactions with men on and off dating technology; and gendered initiation courtship scripts. Women’s experiences of these barriers sometimes differed by their ethno-racial background; other times the intersection of women’s ethno-racial background and gender informed and bolstered similarities across groups. Based on these findings, I argue that women of color, especially Black women, face the greatest number of barriers in the romantic partner search and this may contribute to their being the least likely to be married compared to Asian, Latina, and white college-educated women. Moreover, I conclude that although dating technology has the potential to alleviate the barriers women face in their search for a romantic partner, it also reifies and perpetuates racial and gender inequality. This study not only broadens understandings of how college-educated ethno-racial minorities continue to experience racial inequality, but also expands explorations of how race, gender, and technology intersect to influence everyday life, including intimate romantic relationship formation.
In this study, we revisit alternative feminist organizing in order to identify the dialectical tensions, paradoxical discourses, and agentic qualities of women’s participation in an online antifeminist space. We engage in text mining, semantic network analysis, and the constant comparative method to identify dialogical tensions and the paradoxical organizing strategies of Red Pill Women, an online community on the social networking platform, Reddit. Through analyzing Red Pill Women as an antifeminist space constituted through postfeminist logics, we identify three paradoxical tensions, begin to disentangle postfeminism from antifeminism, and build on alternative organizing theory with recent work on hidden and invisible organizations to further theorize gendered (in)visibility and (anti)feminist organizing practices.
This study suggests blogging as a practice has unintended cultural and political implications. It can be drawn from the data, derived from multiple qualitative fieldwork methods (2008–2012), that Indonesian women bloggers circumvent cultural constraints. Appropriating the private Bahasa Gaul, women bloggers establish connections and make alliances in public. Further, the utilisation of modes of ‘street language’ in the digital age comprises a distinctive register of sociability, liberated from certain norms and hierarchies.
In November 2018, Monica Baey, a student at the National University of Singapore (NUS) was recorded by a fellow student while showering in university accommodation. After the perpetrator was issued a formal warning and a one-semester suspension, Baey posted about the case on social media and named the perpetrator. This generated public support, news coverage and institutional reform. In this article, we explore a range of responses to the Monica Baey case through a thematic analysis of publicly available comments about the case on a popular message board forum, Hardwarezone. By contextualising our analysis within the political setting of Singapore, this research demonstrates that public responses to testimony-based resistance require close analysis, as extant tools for citizens to engage in ‘naming and shaming’, were relevant to understanding these responses to this mode of resistance and reflected what Ibrahim (2018) calls ‘everyday authoritarianism’.
Aktuell findet eine große Debatte um Sexismus in der Online-Kommunikation statt. Dabei kann Sexismus die Form von sexistischer Online-Hassrede annehmen. Dieser Beitrag möchte die Frage beantworten, welche Randbedingungen mit sexistischer Online-Hassrede auf Videoplattformen zusammenhängen. Dazu wurde eine quantitative Inhaltsanalyse von Wotanis & McMillan fünffach repliziert (N = 24.244 Videokommentare). Die Studien untersuchten unter Variation der Randbedingungen, ob Frauen auf YouTube mehr Hasskommentare erhalten als Männer. Als relevante Randbedingungen wurden berücksichtigt: Plattform, Videotyp, Videogenre und Land/Kultur. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Frauen im Schnitt häufiger von Online-Hassrede betroffen zu sein scheinen als Männer, aber neben dem Geschlecht anscheinend auch die Randbedingungen eine wichtige Rolle spielen. Da noch nicht alle relevanten Randbedingungen untersucht wurden, sind weitere Studien nötig, die z. B. die Rolle von Videothema, Ethnie/Hautfarbe und sexueller Orientierung untersuchen könnten. Dringend nötig wären auch Studien zu präventiven Maßnahmen.
Se, por um lado, as plataformas digitais incorporam um papel de extrema importância no acesso à informação e a formas de comunicação e de expressão, por outro, permitem incorporar e desenvolver formas de proliferar condutas violentas. Sendo as vítimas maioritariamente mulheres, jovens adolescentes e minorias étnicas, perpetua-se um ciclo de violência sobre o universo feminino, que impede o alcance da justiça e da igualdade de género.
Este estudo investiga a natureza, a frequência e o impacto das violências presenciais e digitais que se dirigem às jornalistas portuguesas, mapeando experiências pessoais e profissionais, perceções e consequências para o campo jornalístico. As singularidades e os impactos perversos patenteados em estudos internacionais tornam premente privilegiar este ângulo de abordagem que urge conhecimento científico, principalmente por se tratar de uma temática emergente e pouco estudada em Portugal. A indagação não se direciona para a quantificação ou mensuração dos dados ao considerar a violência sobre as jornalistas portuguesas como um todo estanque, mas para a exploração e a divulgação de bases sólidas referentes à problemática social, com a finalidade de serem impulsionadas respostas institucionais e promovidas mudanças sociais igualitárias. Ao privilegiar-se uma pesquisa metodológica qualitativa, realizaram-se 31 entrevistas semiestruturadas em profundidade com jornalistas dos principais media do ecossistema mediático português.
Posteriormente, a estratégia metodológica articula a análise temática crítica com a perspetiva feminista. A violência perpetrada em redor do jornalismo português e dos seus intervenientes é uma realidade com contornos expressivos e assentam em práticas híbridas entre meios e suportes. Todas as entrevistadas experienciaram alguma forma de agressão ou estiveram na presença de ambientes hostis. Quando as jornalistas se encontram em climas de grande insegurança, coação e medo, surgem as consequências mais danosas para o exercício da atividade jornalística, tais como a autocensura e a indisponibilidade para determinados temas e secções jornalísticas. Apesar de residuais no panorama português, duas entrevistadas foram alvo de tentativas de homicídio e cinco de agressões físicas. Sendo o discurso de ódio e as diversas formas de violência o rosto dos novos mecanismos censurantes da era digital, as dimensões internas e externas à atividade jornalística culminam em várias interrogações inquietantes.
This systematic review aimed to explore the research papers related to how Internet and social media may, or may not, constitute an opportunity to online hate speech. 67 studies out of 2389 papers found in the searches, were eligible for analysis. We included articles that addressed online hate speech or cyberhate between 2015 and 2019. Meta-analysis could not be conducted due to the broad diversity of studies and measure units. The reviewed studies provided exploratory data about the Internet and social media as a space for online hate speech, types of cyberhate, terrorism as online hate trigger, online hate expressions and most common methods to assess online hate speech. As a general consensus on what is cyberhate, this is conceptualized as the use of violent, aggressive or offensive language, focused on a specific group of people who share a common property, which can be religion, race, gender or sex or political affiliation through the use of Internet and Social Networks, based on a power imbalance, which can be carried out repeatedly, systematically and uncontrollably, through digital media and often motivated by ideologies.
In recent years, some political commentators and mainstream media outlets in the United Kingdom have pejoratively labelled young people, especially university students, a ‘snowflake generation’ – a term used to mock their perceived intolerance and over-sensitivity (Fox, 2016; Gullis, 2017; Slater, 2016; Talbot, 2020). This article challenges this discourse by drawing on findings from a large-scale study ( N = 810) conducted on a university campus in England that critically examined student’s perceptions of and attitudes to different forms of online harassment, including abusive, offensive and harassing communications, using survey and interview data. Key findings indicate that online harassment is so pervasive in digitised spaces that it is often viewed as the ‘norm’ by the student population who appear willing to tolerate it, rather than take actions to address it, which challenges pejorative claims that they are intolerant and easily offended ‘snowflakes’. Respondents who identify as female and transgender are more likely to be targeted by online harassment. We argue that the label ‘snowflake generation’ is diverting attention away from student’s everyday experiences of online harassment and its adverse effects, particularly on women and transgendered people, which has the potential to create a gender-related digital divide (Jane, 2018). The implications of these findings for the higher education sector will be outlined.
Resumen: En este artículo buscamos acercarnos a las violencias machistas online para contribuir a favorecer unas relaciones digitales libres y seguras para todes, desde nuestro contexto catalán-español con interés internacional. Combinamos una revisión sistemática de 33 artículos de Web of Science, con una revisión tradicional derivada de los trabajos con Donestech. Incluimos, pues, publicaciones académicas, institucionales y activistas feministas. Destacamos que mayoritariamente los agresores siguen siendo hombres cisheteropatriarcales, en gran parte parejas, exparejas y conocidos. Las violencias son diversas, desde insultos hasta amenazas y agresiones con carácter sexual, o violencias con un alto componente tecnológico. Pese a la gravedad de estas violencias, las acciones para erradicarlas son gravemente deficientes. Sin embargo, algunas mujeres, personas LGTBIQ* y los feminismos han activado estrategias de autodefensa relacionadas con los (auto)cuidados, pero también con la lucha feminista online.
The article discusses the history of leadership studies and its more recent interdisciplinary integration with the communication field. It also provides an overview of relevant issues for leaders and communicators in the twenty-first century. Topics discussed relevant to communication and leadership contexts include the development of leadership theories, leadership and communication, gender research in leadership and communication, intersectionality, media representations, mindfulness research and application, digital communication, social movements, protest leadership, women and protest leadership, social media and crisis management, and social media and public health.
O artigo se propõe a empreender uma revisão de literatura sobre o campo da memética e as evoluções no conceito de meme, desde a sua fundamentação, ainda na década de 1970, até o emprego contemporâneo, para qualificar fenômenos concernentes ao ambiente digital. Embora o termo meme seja vulgarmente utilizado hoje para designar um conteúdo ou linguagem midiática, sua origem e o campo de investigações a que esteve atrelado procuram responder questões que são, há muito, objeto das ciências sociais. A presente pesquisa se ancora em uma percepção de que os estudos sobre memes podem ser classificados sobre três gerações, de acordo com suas preocupações latentes: um debate ontológico, um debate epistemológico e uma série de estudos aplicados.
On the occasion of the 2017 UK election campaign, Amnesty International conducted a large-scale, sentiment-based analysis of online hate speech against women MPs on Twitter ( Dhrodia 2018 ), identifying the “Top 5” most attacked women MPs as Diane Abbott, Joanna Cherry, Emily Thornberry, Jess Phillips and Anna Soubry.
Taking Amnesty International’s results as a starting point, this paper investigates online misogyny against the “Top 5” women MPs, with a specific focus on the video-sharing platform YouΤube, whose loosely censored cyberspace is known as a breeding ground for antagonism, impunity and disinhibition ( Pihlaja 2014 ), and, therefore, merits investigation.
By collecting and analysing a corpus of YouTube multimodal data we explore, critique and contextualize online misogyny as a techno-social phenomenon applying a Social Media Critical Discourse Studies (SM-CDS) approach ( KhosraviNik and Esposito 2018 ). Mapping a vast array of discursive strategies, this study offers an in-depth analysis on how technology-facilitated gender-based violence contributes to discursively constructing the political arena as a fundamentally male-oriented space, and reinforces stereotypical and sexist representation of women in politics and beyond.
Se, por um lado, as plataformas digitais revestem um papel de extrema importância no acesso à informação e a formas de comunicação e de expressão, por outro, permitem incorporar e desenvolver formas de proliferar condutas violentas. Sendo as vítimas maioritariamente mulheres, jovens adolescentes e minorias étnicas, perpetua-se um ciclo de violência sobre o universo feminino, que impede o alcance da justiça e da igualdade de género. Este estudo investiga a natureza, a frequência e o impacto das violências presenciais e digitais que se dirigem para as jornalistas portuguesas, mapeando experiências pessoais e profissionais, perceções e consequências para o campo jornalístico. As singularidades e os impactos perversos patenteados em estudos internacionais tornam premente privilegiar este ângulo de abordagem que urge conhecimento científico, principalmente por se tratar de uma temática emergente e pouco estudada em Portugal. A indagação não se direciona para a quantificação ou mensuração dos dados ao considerar a violência sobre as jornalistas portuguesas como um todo estanque, mas para a exploração e a divulgação de bases sólidas referentes à problemática social, com a finalidade de serem impulsionadas respostas institucionais e promovidas mudanças sociais igualitárias. Ao privilegiar-se uma pesquisa metodológica qualitativa, realizaram-se 31 entrevistas semiestruturadas em profundidade com jornalistas dos principais media do ecossistema mediático português. Posteriormente, a estratégia metodológica articulou a análise temática crítica com a perspetiva feminista. A violência perpetrada em redor do jornalismo português e dos seus intervenientes é uma realidade com contornos expressivos e assentam em práticas híbridas entre meios e suportes. Todas entrevistadas experienciaram alguma forma de agressão ou estiveram na presença de ambientes hostis. Quando as jornalistas se encontram em climas de grande insegurança, coação e medo, surgem as consequências mais danosas para o exercício da atividade jornalística, tais como a autocensura e a indisponibilidade para determinados temas e secções jornalísticas. Apesar de residuais no panorama português, duas entrevistadas foram alvo de tentativas de homicídio e cinco de agressões físicas. Sendo o discurso de ódio e as diversas formas de violência o rosto dos novos mecanismos censurantes da era digital, as dimensões internas e externas à atividade jornalística culminam em várias interrogações inquietantes.
On the one hand, digital platforms play an extremely important role in the access to information and forms of communication and expression; on the other hand, they allow the incorporation and development of ways to proliferate violent conducts. As the victims are mostly women, young adolescents and ethnic minorities, a cycle of violence is perpetuated on the female universe, which prevents the achievement of justice and gender equality. This study investigates the nature, frequency, and impact of face-to-face and digital violence against Portuguese journalists, mapping personal and professional experiences, perceptions, and consequences for the journalistic field. The singularities and the perverse impacts evidenced in international studies make it urgent to privilege this angle of approach that urges scientific knowledge, mainly because it is an emerging theme and little studied in Portugal. The research is not directed towards quantification or measurement of data by considering violence against Portuguese journalists as a watertight whole but towards exploring and disseminating solid bases regarding the social problem to stimulate institutional responses and promote egalitarian social changes. By privileging qualitative methodological research, 31 semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with journalists from the main media of the Portuguese media ecosystem. Subsequently, the methodological strategy articulated the critical thematic analysis with the feminist perspective. The violence perpetrated around Portuguese journalism and its actors is a reality with expressive contours and is based on hybrid practices between mediums and supports. All interviewees experienced some form of aggression or were in the presence of hostile environments. When journalists find themselves in climates of great insecurity, coercion and fear, the most damaging consequences for the exercise of journalistic activity arise, such as self-censorship and unavailability for certain themes and journalistic sections. Even though it is residual in the Portuguese panorama, two interviewees were the target of homicide attempts and five of physical aggression. Being the hate speech and the several forms of violence the face of the new censorious mechanisms of the digital age, the internal and external dimensions to the journalistic activity culminate in several disturbing interrogations.
A product of the global rise of right-wing populism has been a seeming normalisation of gendered public disinformation, which portrays female public figures as unintelligent, untrustworthy, irrational, and libidinous. Social media has also allowed gendered disinformation to be used in targeted harassment campaigns that seek to intimidate and shame women, reducing their public visibility through psychological violence. Despite this, very few studies on social media involving the Arabic language have explored in detail this phenomenon in the Persian Gulf, despite numerous examples of harassment against women public figures. Since 2017, women journalists critical of regional governments have been subjected to increased attacks online, but none as intense as the attack on Al Jazeera anchor Ghada Oueiss in June 2020. Through keyword analysis, network analysis, and open-source intelligence techniques (OSINT), this paper highlights the intensity and scale of one such attack, identifying the increasing role of malinformation and disinformation in attempting to silence journalists. Such documentation can be useful in demonstrating the volume, velocity, and discursive nature of the attacks threatening women’s visibility online. This research also accounts for a potential mechanism of such attacks, which follow a playbook of: 1) leaking information through anonymous accounts, 2) co-opted or loyalist influencers amplifying the attacks, and 3) uncritical local media jumping on the attacks (breakout). From a transformative perspective, it is increasingly important that such attacks are documented, exposed, and analysed to provide evidentiary claims of such abuse. It also highlights the issues of such abuse in authoritarian regimes, who clamp down on online debate, except appear not to do so when the messaging reflects state propaganda.
Initiated in October 2017 by a group of Muslim women in Turkey, the activism of Women in Mosques aims to increase public awareness regarding the gendered organization of the religious space. Turkey’s patriarchal religious and cultural dynamics exhibit a gender-segregated organization of the mosque area, which treats men as the primary religious audience while isolating women in limited spaces. Using online tools such as their website and social media pages, Women in Mosques encourages women to participate in their digital campaign to reveal experiences of marginalization in mosques through testimonials. In addition to exposing the gendered and spatial ideology of the mosque that subordinates women, Women in Mosques also endeavors to employ potential means of resistance by fostering digital solidarity. This paper aims to analyze the bodily and digital strategies of women resisting the spatial organization of the religious space as a field of power. In this regard, the mapping of religious spaces through the representation of ideological spatiality and cartography constitutes the major strategies applied by activists to tackle the patriarchal making of the religious space.
This chapter argues that vigilance is an untheorized but potent concept for feminist thought and politics. Prevailing conceptions cast vigilance as reactive and defensive, often as cognitive alertness and attentiveness against either boredom or danger. A popular trope is the masculinist figure of the lone vigilante who metes out violent retribution. Sotirin argues instead for feminist vigilance as an embodied agency informed by an ethics of relationality valuing communality and care. She urges feminists to mobilize vigilance not as defensive but as hopeful, responsive, and connected. Chapter authors elaborate on this invitation by framing vigilance as technofeminist activism; postcolonial feminist critique; Black women’s self-care; the work of women religious; a mode of critique and anticipation about media portrayals of race, gender, and violence; the ethics of academic research and computer coding; and collective civic action. Together, they frame feminist vigilance as a critical strategy and commitment for confronting the precarities and complexities of contemporary social life.
This paper is concerned with the impact of online technologies on public representations of sexual violence. Drawing on Habermas's theories of the public sphere and Fraser's associated critiques, it argues that the Internet has become host to 'counter-publics' in which allegations of sexual violence are being received, discussed and acted upon in ways contrary to established social and legal norms. The potentialities of online technology (and social media in particular) to foster and disseminate counter-hegemonic discourses are examined through three case studies in which girls and women have used various online platforms to make extrajudicial allegations of sexual violence and abuse. Where alleged perpetrators of sexual violence are publicly named, it has been argued that such action represents an invasion of their privacy and a subversion of their right to the presumption of innocence and a fair trial. In online contexts such allegations can be received and understood very differently, and these understandings are then circulated in ways that can directly influence 'old media' coverage and court outcomes. However, as the paper notes, the principles upon which online counter-publics operate are not radically discontinuous with those of the hegemonic public sphere and not all girls and women have equal access to the support of online networks and activists.
Victimization through the Internet is becoming more prevalent as cyber criminals have developed more effective ways to remain anonymous. And as more personal information than ever is stored on networked computers, even the occasional or non-user is at risk. A collection of contributions from worldwide experts and emerging researchers, Cyber Criminology: Exploring Internet Crimes and Criminal Behavior explores today’s interface of computer science, Internet science, and criminology.
Topics discussed include:
The growing menace of cyber crime in Nigeria
Internet gambling and digital piracy
Sexual addiction on the Internet, child pornography, and online exploitation of children
Terrorist use of the Internet
Cyber stalking and cyber bullying
The victimization of women on social networking websites
Malware victimization and hacking
The Islamic world in cyberspace and the propagation of Islamic ideology via the Internet
Human rights concerns that the digital age has created
Approaching the topic from a social science perspective, the book explores methods for determining the causes of computer crime victimization by examining an individual’s lifestyle patterns. It also publishes the findings of a study conducted on college students about online victimization.
Advances in information and communications technologies have created a range of new crime problems that did not exist two decades ago. Opportunities for various criminal activities to pervade the Internet have led to the growth and development of cyber criminology as a distinct discipline within the criminology framework. This volume explores all aspects of this nascent field and provides a window on the future of Internet crimes and theories behind their origins.
A common phenomenon in online discussion groups is the individual who baits and provokes other group members, often with the result of drawing them into fruitless argument and diverting attention from the stated purposes of the group. This study documents a case in which the members of a vulnerable online community—a feminist web-based discussion forum—are targeted by a “troller” attempting to disrupt their discussion space. We analyze the strategies that make the troller successful and the targeted group largely ineffectual in responding to his attack, as a means to understand how such behavior might be minimized and managed in general. The analysis further suggests that feminist and other non-mainstream online forums are especially vulnerable, in that they must balance inclusive ideals against the need for protection and safety, a tension that can be exploited by disruptive elements to generate intragroup conflict. Indiana University
This book critically assessesthird-wave feminist strategies for advancing a feminist 'politics of the self' within the late modern, postfeminist gender order - a context where gender equality has been mainstreamed, feminism has been dismissed, and a neoliberal culture of self-management has become firmly entrenched.
Vengeance. Payback. Retribution. Just deserts. Evening up the score. Punishment. If there is an everreplicating and recurring Internet meme, it is one of revenge. Intimate photos are shared online postrelationship and end up picked up by for-profit pornographic websites. Privy information is leaked into private (narrow-cast) or semi-public or public spaces (broadcast) with massive amplifications of messages into the public sphere. Violent attacks and beat-downs are videotaped and shared on video sharing sites. Flash or cyber mobs are brought together to clean-out stores and to exact vengeance on particular businesses. Information and Communication Technology (ICT), with its nexus of pseudoanonymity, fast dissemination of information, long-term persistence of data, and mass reach, provides multiple affordances for the exacting of vengeance. The popular culture of anonymous hacktivism and cyber-vigilantism further contribute to the sense of the Internet as an ungoverned and extralegal place. Finally, a general imprudence has meant the easy activation of Internet mobs and individuals to harmcausing rumor-sharing and behavior against others-sparked by doubtful claims or loose storytelling. ICT has enabled the spillover of real-world antipathies and dark emotions into virtual spaces, which then slosh back into the real world. This chapter examines the research in the area of vengeance and how such very human impetuses manifest online. Further, this chapter examines the design features of various ICT platforms and socio-technical spaces that may support vengeance-based communications and actions and proposes ways to mitigate some of these dark affordances.
Carole Pateman’s writings have been innovatory precisely for their qualities of engagement, pursued at the height of intellectual rigour. This book draws from her vast output of articles, chapters, books and speeches to provide a thematic yet integrated account of her innovations in political theory and contributions to the politics of policy-making. The editors have focused on work in three key areas:
‘Trophy’ photographs of African men and women who pose holding signs, either naked or in outrageously bizarre outfits and positions, are prized memetic images produced by ‘scambaiters’. The unusual activities staged in these photographs and videos, such as men wearing bras, hitting each other in the face with fish, and pouring milk on each other’s heads, invite viewers to enjoy and speculate about their origins. Scambaiter trophy images originate in sites devoted to users who wish to deter would-be scammers and they circulate widely on image-boards where they are often reposted without their original context. This visual staging of the savage African digitally extends previous visual cultures of the primitive, showing how durable these have proven, despite our current ‘post-racial’ moment. Scambaiter trophy images extend colonialism’s show-space, rendering it even more powerful and far reaching, and allowing it to migrate freely into multiple contexts. This article argues for a new digital media archaeology that would investigate or acknowledge the conditions of racial coercion and enforced primitivism that gave rise to these digital imaging practice pictures. The author examines how sharing affordances on image boards and social media sites encourage users to unknowingly circulate abject images of race and gender.
This article identifies several critical problems with the last 30 years of research into hostile communication on the internet and offers suggestions about how scholars might address these problems and better respond to an emergent and increasingly dominant form of online discourse which I call ‘e-bile’. Although e-bile is new in terms of its prevalence, rhetorical noxiousness, and stark misogyny, prototypes of this discourse—most commonly referred to as ‘flaming’—have always circulated on the internet, and, as such, have been discussed by scholars from a range of disciplines. Nevertheless, my review of this vast body of literature reveals that online hostility has historically posed a number of conceptual, methodological, and epistemological challenges due to which scholars have typically underplayed, overlooked, ignored, or otherwise marginalised its prevalence and serious ethical and material ramifications. Fortunately, lessons learned from my analysis suggests promising approaches for future research into this challenging form of new media discourse.
This article focuses on the rhetorical performance of justice and punishment on the website 419eater.com, one of the largest digilante social networks online. Digilantism refers to the growing practice among some Internet users, mostly based in the United States and the United Kingdom, who mete out extrajudicial punishment to cybercriminals such as scammers, hackers, and pedophiles. Although digilantism is a growing Internet subculture, short of newspaper coverage, little scholarly attention has been paid to the rhetorical, cultural, and sociohistorical dimensions of this new paradigm of do-it-yourself justice. The paucity of digital media research is particularly surprising given the explosion of popular and scholarly rhetoric on cyberterrorism, digital surveillance, and Internet security and safety. This article begins to address the gap in research by exploring the nuances of 419 digilantism to illustrate how the rise of cybercrime and attention to Nigerian criminal behavior in the late 1990s, along with the rhetorical culture of antiblack vigilantism, frames an operational paradigm for these digilantes.
Launched in 2006, the growth of Twitter as a microblogging platform has been exponential, yet little research to date specifically considers women's experiences of the medium. This article draws on a case study of the #mencallmethings hashtag, in which women describe and discuss the verbal abuse that they have received online from men. Providing a broad based context for the specific analysis of the #mencallmethings hashtag, I concentrate on the theoretical contributions made by western feminist research over the last 30 years to embed the aggressive harassment of women online in a wide review of types of threats to women. I argue that the harassment conveyed in the hashtag should be recognised as online sexual harassment, and a form of excluding women's voices from the digital public sphere.
In recent years, the mainstream media has identified on-line vitriol as a worsening problem which is silencing women in public discourse, and is having a deleterious effect on the civility of the public cybersphere. This article examines the disconnect between representations of “e-bile” in media texts, and representations of e-bile in academic literature. An exhaustive review of thirty years of academic work on “flaming” shows that many theorists have routinely trivialized the experiences of flame targets, while downplaying, defending, and/or celebrating the discourse circulated by flame producers. Much contemporary scholarship, meanwhile, ignores e-bile completely. My argument is that this constitutes a form of chauvinism (in that it disregards women's experiences in on-line environments) and represents a failure of both theoretical acuity and nerve (given that it evades such a pervasive aspect of contemporary culture). The aim of this paper is not only to help establish the importance of on-line vitriol as a topic for interdisciplinary scholarly research, but to assist in establishing a theoretical problematic where what is seen is barely regarded as a problem. Overall, my argument is that—far from being a technology-related moral panic—e-bile constitutes a field of inquiry with a pressing need for recalibrated scholarly intervention.
"No matter how wise a mother's advice is, we listen to our peers." At least that's writer Naomi Wolf's take on the differences between her generation of feminists -- the third wave -- and the feminists who came before her and developed in the late '60s and '70s -- the second wave. In Not My Mother's Sister, Astrid Henry agrees with Wolf that this has been the case with American feminism, but says there are problems inherent in drawing generational lines. Henry begins by examining texts written by women in the second wave, and illustrates how that generation identified with, yet also disassociated itself from, its feminist "foremothers." Younger feminists now claim the movement as their own by distancing themselves from the past. By focusing on feminism's debates about sexuality, they are able to reject the so-called victim feminism of Catherine MacKinnon and Andrea Dworkin. Rejecting the orthodoxies of the second wave, younger feminists celebrate a woman's right to pleasure. Henry asserts, however, that by ignoring diverse older voices, the new generation has oversimplified generational conflict and has underestimated the contributions of earlier feminists to women's rights. They have focused on issues relating to personal identity at the expense of collective political action. Just as writers like Wolf, Katie Roiphe, and Rene Denfeld celebrate a "new" feminist (hetero)sexuality posited in generational terms, queer and lesbian feminists of the third wave similarly distance themselves from those who came before. Henry shows how 1970s lesbian feminism is represented in ways that are remarkably similar to the puritanical portrait of feminism offered by straight third-wavers. She concludes by examining the central role played by feminists of color in the development of third-wave feminism. Indeed, the term "third wave" itself was coined by Rebecca Walker, daughter of Alice Walker. Not My Mother's Sister is an important contribution to the exchange of ideas among feminists of all ages and persuasions.
The internet has emerged as an increasingly important space for feminist activists. Are we witnessing a shift from third‐ to fourth‐wave feminism?Ealasaid Munro examines the history of feminism and looks at what contemporary developments might mean for feminist politics.
This article explores the signal characteristics of gendered vitriol on the Internet – a type of discourse marked by graphic threats of sexual violence, explicit ad hominem invective and unapologetic misogyny. Such ‘e-bile’ is proliferating in the cybersphere and is currently the subject of widespread international media coverage. Yet it receives little attention in scholarship. This is likely related to the fact that discourse of this type is metaphorically ‘unspeakable’, in that its hyperbolic profanity locates it well outside the norms of what is regarded as ‘civil’ discourse. My case, however, is that – despite the risk of causing offence – this discourse must not only be spoken of, but must be spoken of in its unexpurgated entirety. There is, I argue, no other way to adequately assay the nature of a communication mode whose misogynistic hostility has serious ethical and material implications, not least because it has become a lingua franca in many sectors of the cybersphere. Proceeding via unexpurgated ostension is also the best – arguably the only – way to begin mapping the blurry parameters of the discursive field of e-bile, and from there to conduct further inquiry into the ethical appraisal of putative online hostility, and the consideration of possible remedies.
Considering insights from ‘third-wave’ literature, this paper examines the impact of young women’s online activism on the visibility of feminist engagement in New Zealand. Drawing on 40 interviews with women of all ages who are concerned with women’s political issues in New Zealand, I identify a generational divide in the ways these women participated in feminist activities and I argue that online activism is a key form of participation for many young women. Since online activism is only visible to those who use it, this form of participation hides many young women’s activities from the wider public and from politically active women of older generations. Many of my older interview participants were not aware of the political energy young women put into online communities such as blogs and Facebook. Thus they expressed concern that there would not be enough young women to pick up their work once they retired. However, the young women in my study used new media to connect with and support each other, to have political discussions and to organize events in the ‘real world’. The young women valued new media for its flexibility, accessibility and ability to reach large groups of people. Moreover, they appreciated its easy and low-cost use. The paper concludes that political online work offers many opportunities for feminist participation, but it excludes people not using new media, and thus contributes to the enhancement of a generational divide among women engaging with feminism.
In contrast to popular presumptions and prior research on women ofthe “postfeminist” generation, this study found anappreciation for recent historicalchanges in women’s opportunities, and an awareness of persisting inequalities and discrimination. The findings reveal support for feminist goals, coupled with ambiguity about the concept offeminism. Although some of the women could be categorized alonga continuum of feminist identification, half were “fence-sitters” or were unable to articulate a position. There were variations in perspectives amongthose with different life experiences, as well as by racial and class background.
This article interrogates the ways in which post-feminism and third wave feminism are used interchangeably, both within the academy and in the media. As it identifies the ways in which third wave feminism seeks to define itself as a non-academic discourse, it points up the tensions implicit in the contemporary feminist project. It outlines such popular components of third wave feminism as girl culture, the grrrl movement and BUST magazine, before addressing the arguments concerning agency in such icons as Courtney Love, Madonna and the Spice Girls. Positing that the metonymic gap between the personal and the political allows post-feminism to be a viable alternative to feminism, it argues that the wave paradigm paralyses feminism, pitting generations against one another.
Through an analysis of news reports and documentary footage on the Gulabi Gang and ethnographic reports on the Mahila Aghadi, both of India, we illustrate how women who engage in violent forms of justice-seeking require us to expand social psychological concepts of retributive and restorative models of justice, women's agency, and community organizing. Our grassroots feminist analysis in an Indian context integrates: (1) feminist definitions of punishment and ethical violence; (2) research on perceptions of justice and moral convictions; and, (3) the feminist and liberatory roles that women's and poor people's movements play in the reorganization and recovery of individual and community values.
Accordingto the mass media, a postfeminist era emerged in the 1990s. The first objective is to develop a definition of the postfeminist perspective. Based on an informal content analysis of popular articles, the authors identify four postfeminist claims: (1) overall support for the women’s movement has dramatically eroded because some women (2) are increasingly antifeminist, (3) believe the movement is irrelevant, and (4) have adopted a “no, but..”.version of feminism. The second objective is to determine the extent of empirical support for these claims. Usingexistingpublic opinion data, the authors find little support for the four postfeminist claims. Implications of the unsubstantiated post-feminist argument are discussed.
Vigilantes are a staple of popular culture, from Charles Bronson's 1974 classic Death Wish, and its parade of sequels, to the latest batch of Batman films. Outside of the fictional sphere, society continues to wrestle with vigilantism, notably in the current debates over the prudence and ethics of the Minuteman civilian border patrol group. And though vigilantism has been the subject of speculation and debate among criminologists, historians, and legal scholars, it has unfortunately been given scant attention by philosophers. Surely a topic of such prominence in popular culture, and continued relevance in real life, is ripe for treatment by applied ethicists. In this paper I seek to formulate a definition of vigilantism and then argue that there are conditions under which vigilantism is not only permissible but, at least for some, obligatory.
IntroductionMedia of Three DegreesAfter the Great DividesMethodologies versus MethodsAvailability, Accessibility, and PerformativityRemediated Methods
The Double Hermeneutics of the InternetConclusion
Theories of Information Technology (IT) for Development – a Cross-Disciplinary Global NarrativeIT and Development in PracticeLeast Developed Countries InitiativeConclusions – The Persistence of Development Challenges, in Spite of Web DiffusionReferences
The Internet has often been characterised as the final frontier (within the confines of Earth's atmosphere, anyway), the wild west of the information age. Certainly the analogy is still apt to a degree: even today there remains a lot of pioneering to be done, and attempts at exerting governmental control have not, on the whole, been very successful. However, the Internet community, while shunning restrictions imposed from the outside, has generated interesting forms of internal control: people on the Net are protective of their freedom, but they are also easily angered when somebody abuses that freedom and very creative when it comes to finding ways to punish these abuses. Responses to email scams are a case in point. While most recipients who do not fall for these simply ignore them, there are some who have made a pastime or even a mission of leading the scammers on by sending replies that make it seem like they have been fooled, thus dealing a sort of eye-for-an-eye vigilante justice where official law cannot achieve much. This countering of deceit with deceit is known as scam baiting and has sprouted its own branch of Internet subculture. Such 'digilante' activism may seem harmless, even laudable -it is only natural to think that the scammer had it coming -but the real-world consequences are not to be overlooked. Whose is the responsibility if the reversal of roles leads to tangible damage suffered by the scammer, or even worse, by an innocent? Do the beneficial effects of scam baiting justify the infliction of such damage? This paper takes a critical look at these questions, seeking a way for scam baiters to pursue their hobby in an ethically responsible manner for the maximum benefit of the community.
YouTube is a public video-sharing website where people can experience varying degrees of engagement with videos, ranging from casual viewing to sharing videos in order to maintain social relationships. Based on a one-year ethnographic project, this article analyzes how YouTube participants developed and maintained social networks by manipulating physical and interpretive access to their videos. The analysis reveals how circulating and sharing videos reflects different social relationships among youth. It also identifies varying degrees of ''publicness'' in video sharing. Some participants exhibited ''publicly private'' behavior, in which video makers' identities were revealed, but con- tent was relatively private because it was not widely accessed. In contrast, ''privately public'' behavior involved sharing widely accessible content with many viewers, while limiting access to detailed information about video producers' identities.
[This book focuses] "on abuses made possible by anonymity, freedom from liability, and lack of oversight. The distinguished scholars assembled in this volume, drawn from law and philosophy, connect the absence of legal oversight with harassment and discrimination. Questioning the simplistic notion that abusive speech and mobocracy are the inevitable outcomes of new technology, they argue that current misuse is the outgrowth of social, technological, and legal choices. Seeing this clearly will help us to be better informed about our options." (copied from the book's description on the publisher's website)
The online harassment of women exemplifies twenty-first century behavior that profoundly harms women yet too often remains overlooked and even trivialized. This harassment includes rape threats, doctored photographs portraying women being strangled, postings of women’s home addresses alongside suggestions that they should be sexually assaulted and technological attacks that shut down blogs and websites. It impedes women’s full participation in online life, often driving them offline, and undermines their autonomy, identity, dignity, and well-being. But the public and law enforcement routinely marginalize women’s experience, deeming it harmless teasing that women should expect, and tolerate, given the Internet’s Wild West norms of behavior. The trivialization of phenomena that profoundly impact women's basic freedoms is nothing new. No term even existed to describe sexual harassment of women in the workplace until the 1970s. The refusal to recognize harms uniquely impacting women has an important social meaning - it conveys the message that abusive behavior towards women is acceptable and should be tolerated. Grappling with the trivialization of cyber gender harassment is a crucial step to understanding and combating the harm that it inflicts. My previous work Cyber Civil Rights explored law’s role in deterring and punishing online abuse. This Essay emphasizes what may be law’s more important role: its ability to condemn cyber gender harassment and change the norms of acceptable online behavior. Recognizing cyber harassment for what it is—gender discrimination—is crucial to educate the public about its gendered harms, to ensure that women’s complaints are heard, to convince perpetrators to stop their bigoted online attacks, and ultimately to change online subcultures of misogyny to that of equality.
Twitter Silence' Campaign Brings out the Worst in Everyone
Katie J M Baker
Baker, Katie J. M. 2013. "'Twitter Silence' Campaign Brings out the Worst in Everyone. " Jezebel, August 5. http://jezebel.com/
Twitter Criticised for failing to Respond to Caroline Criado-Perez Rape Threats.” Sydney Morning Herald
Is There a Fourth Wave? Does It Matter?" feminist
Baumgardner, Jennifer. 2011. "Is There a Fourth Wave? Does It Matter?" feminist.com. http://www.feminist.com/resources/
The unsafety net: How Social Media Turned against Women
Buni, Catherine, and Soraya Chemaly. 2014. "The unsafety net: How Social Media Turned against Women. " Atlantic, October
Dawn of the Digilante
Coldewey, Devin. 2013. "Dawn of the Digilante. " TechCrunch, April 21. http://techcrunch.com/2013/04/21/dawn-of-thedigilante/.
Cyberfeminism.” In Encyclopedia of New Media: An Essential Reference to Communication and Technology