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The economic effects of the comprehensive agrarian reform program in the Philippines
Abstract
One of the major interventions to effect rural development in the Philippines is the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program, which was instituted in 1988 and its implementation is extended until 2014. Using a panel data from a series of surveys (1990, 2000, and 2006), the economic impacts of the Program were evaluated. Using income, expressed in real terms, as the main economic indicator, the analyses showed that there have been significant positive changes to the economic well being of the beneficiaries of the Program using the first difference between the intervention and the control group. The first difference was also significant across time or on the before and after the program comparison. However, the double difference approach, which compared the control group before and the intervention group after revealed that the changes in economic benefits were no longer significant. One could argue that the changes on the economic attributes of the respondents are not necessarily attributable to CARP as an intervention. However, the Program needs to be given the benefit of the doubt. Hence, there is the need to look at further refining analytical techniques to isolate the effects of the intervention and to develop analytical tools based on a more systematic study design. Further, the paper also examined the effect of the program using alternative indicators, such as the value of assets as well as level of expenditures. The results did not deviate from the findings with income as the main indicator, which indicate that these alternate indicators can also be explored in similar studies.
... While only two studies assessed the effect of land formalisation interventions on productivity and found mixed results, none of the five studies that investigated income changes found a positive effect. This finding again applies across different regional settings, including two studies from Peru (Zegarra et al., 2008;Nakasone, 2011) and one each from India (Santos et al., 2014), the Philippines (Gordoncillo, 2012), and Vietnam (Kemper et al., 2015). ...
... However, another plausible explanation for this pattern of findings is that the studies did not allow sufficient time for the less immediate effects of formalisation to develop, rather than the expected links not being valid. For instance, the focal periods of the five studies focused on land formalisation and income totalled two years (Zegarra et al., 2008), two years (Santos et al., 2014), four years (Kemper et al., 2015), six years (Gordoncillo, 2012) and six years (Nakasone, 2011), and within each, activities were apparently staggered throughout the focal period meaning even the longer studies may not have allowed a sufficient amount of time for less immediate effects on income to be realised. This possibility is also supported by qualitative studies from Cambodia (Keating, 2013) and Uganda (Van Leeuwen, 2015), which both note issues with long delays in the process of obtaining secured land rights. ...
This paper investigates the multiple effects of increased land tenure security on rural people through a systematic review of the available evidence. The research involves collecting and synthesising the robust quantitative and qualitative research around this topic and is guided by a theory of change that reflects expected effects from the main land tenure security-related activities. Based on the analysis of 59 robust studies, the paper finds strong evidence for positive effects of land tenure security on productive and environmentally-beneficial agricultural investments as well as on female empowerment, but a lack of support for links with productivity, access to credit, and income. Key contextual factors that shape the validity of expected causal chains are also identified and relate to the potential for discrimination and elite capture, which can affect intervention implementation and enforcement; historical experiences with land ownership, which can shape perceptions of current land tenure security, regardless of the actual level; and the characteristics of local lending institutions, which can influence intended effects on credit access. The paper also finds that more research is needed to capture long-term effects of land formalisation interventions and to shed further light on potential environmental benefits.
... In the article presented in the City Press newspaper on June 3, 2018, Maxon (2018, 3) argued that "the debate of land in South Africa needs a radical shift and must be taken further by progressive forces to give it completeness by succinctly detailing a programmatic approach to meaningful land expropriation." Gordoncillo (2011) attests that the land reform question in South Africa has been dominated by policy, legal, and jurisprudential developments informed by the hegemonic market economy private property value systems and thinking. To validate the above attestation, Mlambo (2020) further attests that land occupation by White settlers and their descendants was not done only through conflict. ...
The current state of urban planning in South Africa excludes allocation for church land. In many South African cities, there is a temporary structure for church fellowship within neo-Pentecostalism. A literature review shows that many neo-Pentecostal churches still conduct fellowship in tents and shacks, which poses health hazards for congregants and followers of these churches. Furthermore, some of the neo-Pentecostal churches rent industrial or even community buildings for church services every week. These kinds of temporary structures, tents, and rentals make neo-Pentecostal churches to be very unmanageable in local governments. This article is a literature analysis that argues within the framework of land reform that landless neo-Pentecostal churches should be included in urban planning for the sustainable development of South African cities. This article found that when neo-Pentecostal churches are properly registered and given a portion of land to build proper church structures, local governments will be able to manage these churches.
... In terms of irrigation, while confirming its strong positive impact on yields found elsewhere (see Lipton et al., 2003;Hussain and Hanjra, 2004;Pinstrup-Andersen and Shimokawa, 2006), our Meta-Frontier efficiency analysis highlights that impacts can be driven by increased investment and input use, rather than increased efficiency. Existing literature often struggles to explain why higher yields from rural development projects are not always converted into higher incomes-see for example Gordoncillo (2012) on the impact of land reform in the Philippines or a study by the World Bank (2008) on an irrigation project in India-and it may be that this lack of improvement in farming efficiency (and thus profitability) is the missing link. ...
... Additionally, under the CARP, any form of transfer of land awarded under the CARP was prohibited; lands exceeding 7 ha were bought by the government and sold to landless farmers. Gordoncillo (2012) reported that the CARP was a major intervention to affect rural development in the Philippines. However, because of current problems with land titling and registration, the CARP has not been fully implemented. ...
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