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Religious architecture in Hispania (Century IV to VIII)
En el presente trabajo se apuntan algunos de los aspectos más significativos y problemáticos sobre el altar hispánico. Tras una corta introducción de tipo historiográfico, se pasa a la presentación de las fuentes textuales y epigráficas y lo que de ellas se deriva, especialmente en cuanto a los altares y las reliquias, que permite plantear luego el problema de la ubicación del altar en el espacio de culto. El siguiente bloque se dedica al estudio de la clasificación tipológica de las mesas de altar organizada en dos elementos: los tenantes o soportes y los tableros o mesas propiamente. Una vez vista la variedad tipológica y su desarrollo cronológico entre el siglo IV y el X, se pasa al análisis del lugar donde se ubican las reliquias, y los problemas del altar único y del altar múltiple.
En este trabajo se presentan unos grafitos con anagramas cristianos realizados sobre sillares de arenisca extraidos de la obra arquitectonica de la villa romana de Veranes. El sillar con mayor numero de grabados se reutilizo en una tumba de la necropolis que ocupo el espacio de la villa a partir del siglo V d.C. Los analisis oseos del enterramiento nos permiten datar el momento de uso de esta tumba en el periodo tardoantiguo, asi como plantear una reflexion sobre el primitivo cristianismo en Asturias.
El término villa empieza a desaparecer de los textosdel reino visigodo en el siglo V, siendo substituido porvillula, poniendo de relieve posiblemente no sólo unareducción de tamaño e importancia sino tambiénreflejando el declive de este proyecto social y económico. Al tiempo tras una evolución coincidían elsignificado de términos como castrum y castellum,indicando un habitat fortificado. Villa va a ser usado,sobre todo en los textos no determinados por la tradición, en el sentido de pequeño asentamiento rural.
The text traditionally called «Suevic Parishes List» has no parallel in Late Antique Western Europe. However, it still remains underexploited by historians of the Church and Society of Northwest Iberia. This paper aims to expand its understanding by means of other sources of the same period (archeology, saint dedications, place names and coins). This approach allow us to achieve a deeper understanding of the creation of the first «parishes» in Galicia in the 6th-7th centuries, and a richer knowledge of the geographical and social-historical context, in which this first process of rural ecclesiastical organization must be interpreted.El llamado «Parroquial Suevo» constituye un documento extraordinario en el Occidente latino tardoantiguo que, sin embargo, permanece todavía infraexplotado por los historiadores de la Iglesia y de la sociedad del Noroeste peninsular. En este trabajo pretendemos ampliar su estudio en combinación con otras fuentes del momento (arqueología, advocaciones, toponimia y numismática) para acercarnos un poco mejor a la creación de las primeras «parroquias» en la Galicia de los siglos VI-VII y al contexto, geográfico e histórico-social, en el que debe interpretarse este primer proceso de organización eclesiástica rural.
https://web-argitalpena.adm.ehu.es/listaproductos.asp?IdProducts=UHQ00151015
El objetivo del presente trabajo es, a partir del ejemplo de Roma y de otras ciudades (particularmente
de Italia) describir las características y el significado de los complejos suburbanos cristianos
tardoantiguos y poner en evidencia su similitud con los existentes en la Peninsula ibérica para demostrar
que en Hispania, como por otra parte en la inmensa mayoría de ciudades tardoantiguas del
Imperio, los complejos episcopales se encontraban en el interior de los perímetros urbanos y no en el
suburbio, donde se fundaron, en cambio, iglesias funerarias construidas sobre las tumbas de mártires
o dotadas de reliquias.
Los diversos cementerios del grupo episcopal de Valencia, en pleno centro urbano, respondían, por una parte, a una jerarquización muy definida de las tumbas, y, por otra, a la atracción de dos lugares martiriales: la tumba de San Vicente y el lugar donde fue torturado hasta la muerte. Alrededor de ambos surgieron sendas necrópolis de distinta categoría. En todo caso, los enterrados en esta zona pertenecían a los distintos rangos de los estamentos superiores de la ciudad. La mayor parte de la gente se seguiría sepultando en los cementerios situados en la periferia que, paradójicamente, son menos conocidos debido a la dinámica arqueológica. En el centro episcopal, los rasgos antropológicos entre las tumbas de los siglos V-VI y las del s. VII, bien diferenciadas tipológica y estratigraficamente, indican un cambio poblacional, al sustituirse el tipo mediterráneo grácil por otro con características nórdicas. Located in the urban center, the cemeteries of the Episcopal group of Valencia were originated in the beginning from two circumstances, on one hand, to a hierarchic process of burials, on the other, to the attraction of two martyrial sites : the tomb of Saint Vincent and the place where he was tortured until his death. Two necropolis of different categories arose around both. In any case, all people buried in this area belonged to the diverse status of the city high class. Most of the people would continue to be buried in the cemeteries out of the city. Paradoxically enough, they are the less known necropolis because of archaeological dynamics. Inside the Episcopal center, the anthropologic characteristics among the population buried had changed. In fact, the Mediterranean type was replaced by an other one with Northern features. Furthermore, the V-VI centuries tombs and other ones of the VII century are clearly differentiated by their typological and stratigraphic aspects.
In this provocative book Éric Rebillard challenges many long-held assumptions about early Christian burial customs. For decades scholars of early Christianity have argued that the Church owned and operated burial grounds for Christians as early as the third century. Through a careful reading of primary sources including legal codes, theological works, epigraphical inscriptions, and sermons, Rebillard shows that there is little evidence to suggest that Christians occupied exclusive or isolated burial grounds in this early period. In fact, as late as the fourth and fifth centuries the Church did not impose on the faithful specific rituals for laying the dead to rest. In the preparation of Christians for burial, it was usually next of kin and not representatives of the Church who were responsible for what form of rite would be celebrated, and evidence from inscriptions and tombstones shows that for the most part Christians didn't separate themselves from non-Christians when burying their dead. According to Rebillard it would not be until the early Middle Ages that the Church gained control over burial practices and that "Christian cemeteries" became common. In this translation of Religion et Sépulture: L'église, les vivants et les morts dans l'Antiquité tardive, Rebillard fundamentally changes our understanding of early Christianity. The Care of the Dead in Late Antiquity will force scholars of the period to rethink their assumptions about early Christians as separate from their pagan contemporaries in daily life and ritual practice.
What was the relationship between Priscillianism and Villas? Did Priscillianists meet and worship in villas? Archaeologists and historians have both made this suggestion more than once, although never in a rigorous manner, and perhaps now is the time for a real appraisal of the evidence.
The history of Spain in late antiquity offers important insights into the dissolution of the western Roman empire and the emergence of medieval Europe. Nonetheless, scholarship on Spain in this period has lagged behind that on other Roman provinces. Michael Kulikowski draws on the most recent archeological and literary evidence to integrate late antique Spain into the broader history of the Roman empire, providing a definitive narrative and analytical account of the Iberian peninsula from A.D. 300 to 600. Kulikowski begins with a concise introduction to the early history of Roman Spain, and then turns to the Diocletianic reforms of 293 and their long-term implications for Roman administration and the political ambitions of post-Roman contenders. He goes on to examine the settlement of barbarian peoples in Spain, the end of Roman rule, and the imposition of Gothic power in the fifth and sixth centuries. In parallel to this narrative account, Kulikowski offers a wide-ranging thematic history, focusing on political power, Christianity, and urbanism. Kulikowski's portrait of late Roman Spain offers some surprising conclusions. With new archeological evidence and a fresh interpretation of well-known literary sources, Kulikowski contradicts earlier assertions of a catastrophic decline of urbanism, finding that the physical and social world of the Roman city continued well into the sixth century despite the decline of Roman power. This groundbreaking study will prompt further reassessments of the other Roman provinces and of medieval Spanish history. © 2010 by The Johns Hopkins University Press. All rights reserved.
The Roman villa at Cercadilla, a huge complex dated from the very beginning of IVth century, has just been the object of a highly valuable publication by R. Hidalgo. This provides new evidence for Cordoba's prosperity, which city Diocletian promoted to capital of Baetica, to be later superseded in that function by Hispalis under Constantius II. However one must disagree on one point with the editor, i.e. on his interpretation of the building as Maximianus Herculius's palatium during his military operations in Hispania and later in Africa, which would constitute the first known instance of a Tetrarchic palace, prior to Trier. Against such an attribution, Author argues that occidental aristocratic villas were in no respect inferior to the imperial residences, as shown among others by Olympiodoros of Thebes' well known text and confirmed by archaeological remains (cf. Piazza Armerina, Chiragan, etc., but equally many oriental instances). Conversely, imperial travels did not usually bring about palatial build...
The way in which historians and archaeologists specialised in the study of the higher Middle Ages most frequently interpretet and use the graeco-Roman lexicon of earlier centuries makes it necessary to enlarge that of the 6 th to 12 th centuries given in the terminological enquiry presented in the first part of the curent issue: either to check how valid may be the meaning which they assign to terms inherited from Antiquity or try to situate the semantic discontinuities which occurred in the continuative use of Latin in the western world or Greek in the eastern one. With this view in mind we shall tackle successively such problems as the semantic itinerary of the word villa , of the lexical pairs castellum / castrum , villa -village, vicus and village, kômè-chorion , of the trio castellum / castrum / village, etc. When doing this, we shall take into account the great diversity in the local situations, the unequal rythm of transformation among the various language levels - learned or familiar, juridical or historiographical, etc. -, and the frequently met with difficulty of equating the language of the texts with the archaeological structures. On the other hand, we shall try to evaluate how much the meaning assigned by modern scientists to such or such resilient Latin word could determine the choice in favour of such or such theoretical model, with special regard to “villa to village” or “incastellamento” models. This will allow, more generally, the acknowledgement of the current state of archaeological reflexion regarding rural structures and how adequate the terminology used may be to field data. Our conclusions are mainly concerned with the interpretation of the words villa and castrum when found in the higher medieval sources.
This study considers the most important Christian architectural complex in the Late Antique city, which at the same time came to be seen as a fundamental point of reference for the ecclesiastical structure of the surrounding territory. Taking the current state of research on episcopal groups in Hispania as its starting point, this paper aims to reach a series of conclusions as regards their location, spatial evolution and the total area they occupied, as well as their internal distribution. In addition, the continuing difficulties involved in archaeologically defining the presence of these religious complexes in the majority of episcopal sees created in Hispania during this period are discussed.
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Oxford Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
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