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Eighteenth-century philosophy
Abstract
Philosophy in eighteenth-century France was not a subject matter. It was rather, to judge by the texts of the philosophes, a form of action; it was not a noun, but a verb. The classical Enlightenment historians (Peter Gay, Ernst Cassirer, etc.) reflect a rereading of the French Enlightenment from the point of view of the very different German idealist philosophical tradition, but this point of view hides its distinctive character. The French Enlightenment was in effect a plurivocal debate, a long and convoluted conversation, a descendant of the Republic of Letters, a proof that literacy is not a state, but an activity creating culturally dense communities. In the French Enlightenment philosophical activity was neither homogeneous nor monolithic. There are two complementary ways to cut across the dozens if not hundreds of authors and voices throughout nearly a hundred years: a chronological one – they sort rather cleanly into three generations; and a conceptual one – they separate into three strains of conceptualising the activity and consequences of knowing. First, the question of generations. Voltaire lived through almost the entire period that we now consider the Enlightenment. How can we attribute him to a single generation? Because what is determining is what the members of each generation had in common with each other and the relationship that each generation understood itself to have to the others – an identity explicitly and consciously assumed by each, an attribution whose consequences were strategic: each generation served with respect to its successor as its conceptual foundation, but also as the source of its philosophical authority.
Pufendorf’s natural law comprises ethics, jurisprudence, society and political economy. His political economy embraces theories of human behaviour, private property and the four stages, value and money, foundation of states and council decisions and finally division of state powers and principles of taxation. His political economy was dispersed across Europe and North America. John Locke was the first to extensively use Pufendorf’s political economy when he developed his own economic theories. The French philosophers of the Enlightenment were all in debt to Pufendorf. The magistrate Pierre De Boisguilbert, the legal and political theorist Jean-Jacques Burlamaqui, the editor Denis Diderot, the translator Jean Barbeyrac, the great philosopher Charles-Louis Montesquieu, the foremost political thinker Jean-Jacques Rousseau and the Physiocratic model builders used Pufendorf’s works lengthily when they wrote and advanced their own ideas about political economy. Gershom Carmichael introduced natural law to Scotland when he taught at the University of Glasgow in the early eighteenth century. His successor Francis Hutcheson continued his practice and used Pufendorf’s works when he wrote on political economy. As Hutcheson’s student Adam Smith became familiar with Pufendorf’s ideas of political economy, he used these ideas extensively when he held his lectures on jurisprudence at University of Glasgow and when he wrote The Theory of Moral Sentiment and The Wealth of Nations. Pufendorf’s position in the history of economic thought should therefore be well established.
‘Love is harder to explain than hunger, for a piece of fruit does not feel the desire to be eaten’: Denis Diderot’s Éléments de physiologie presents a world in flux, turning on the relationship between man, matter and mind. In this late work, Diderot delves playfully into the relationship between bodily sensation, emotion and perception, and asks his readers what it means to be human in the absence of a soul.
The Atheist’s Bible challenges prevailing scholarly views on Diderot’s Éléments, asserting its contemporary philosophical importance, and prompting its readers to inspect more closely this little-known and little-studied work. This book is accompanied by a digital edition of Jacques-André Naigeon’s Mémoires historiques et philosophiques sur la vie et les ouvrages de Denis Diderot (1823), a work which, Warman argues, represents the first publication of Diderot’s Éléments, long before its official publication date of 1875.
The Atheist’s Bible constitutes a major contribution to the field of Diderot studies, and will be of further interest to scholars and students of materialist natural philosophy in the Age of Enlightenment and beyond.
‘Love is harder to explain than hunger, for a piece of fruit does not feel the desire to be eaten’: Denis Diderot’s Éléments de physiologie presents a world in flux, turning on the relationship between man, matter and mind. In this late work, Diderot delves playfully into the relationship between bodily sensation, emotion and perception, and asks his readers what it means to be human in the absence of a soul.
The Atheist’s Bible challenges prevailing scholarly views on Diderot’s Éléments, asserting its contemporary philosophical importance, and prompting its readers to inspect more closely this little-known and little-studied work. This book is accompanied by a digital edition of Jacques-André Naigeon’s Mémoires historiques et philosophiques sur la vie et les ouvrages de Denis Diderot (1823), a work which, Warman argues, represents the first publication of Diderot’s Éléments, long before its official publication date of 1875.
The Atheist’s Bible constitutes a major contribution to the field of Diderot studies, and will be of further interest to scholars and students of materialist natural philosophy in the Age of Enlightenment and beyond.
The INTERACT Conferences are an important platform for researchers and practitioners in the field of human-computer interaction (HCI) to showcase their work. They are organised biennially by the International Federation for Information Processing Technical Committee on Human–Computer Interaction (IFIP TC13), a committee of 30 member national societies and 9 Working Groups. The 17th IFIP TC13 International Conference on Human-Computer Interaction (INTERACT 2019) took place during 2-6 September 2019 in Paphos, Cyprus. The conference was held at the Coral Beach Hotel Resort, and was co-sponsored by the Cyprus University of Technology and Tallinn University, in cooperation with ACM and ACM SIGCHI. With an emphasis on inclusiveness, these conferences work to lower the barriers that prevent people in developing countries from participating in conferences. As a multidisciplinary field, HCI requires interaction and discussion among diverse people with different interests and backgrounds.
This volume contains the Adjunct Proceedings to the 17th INTERACT Conference, and comprises a series of papers from the workshops. It follows the INTERACT Conference tradition of the publication of adjunct proceedings by a University Press which has a connection to the conference itself. This tradition has been established to enhance the outreach and reputation of the University Press chosen.
For INTERACT 2019, both the Conference Program Chair, Dr Fernando Loizides, and the Adjunct Proceedings Chair of the conference, Dr Usashi Chatterjee, work at Cardiff University which is the home of Cardiff University Press.
Bugün “Aydınlanma” olarak
nitelendirdiğimiz 18. yüzyıl Batı düşüncesine temel karakteristiğini veren
hususlardan biri doğa felsefesinden “bilime” doğru yaşanan sıçramadır. 17.
yüzyılda Newton’la özdeşleşen doğa felsefesinin matematiksel yasalarının
tespitine yönelik teşebbüsle Tanrı’ya, evrene ve insana yönelik bakış açısı da
değişmiştir. Bu süreçte Hıristiyanlığın akıl ve doğa ile uyumlu hale getirilme
çabalarının arttığı görülür. Doğa ve akıl ile uyumlu din arzusu Hıristiyanlık
içerisinde dinî rasyonalistler başlığı altında değerlendirilen çeşitli
yaklaşımlar doğurmuştur. Bu dönemde ayrıca ağırlıklı olarak deistler tarafından
dile getirilen “doğal din” söylemi ile karşılaşılır. Yaşadığı zaman diliminde
entelektüel kimliği ve çok sayıda eseriyle fikirleri takip edilmiş bir isim
olan John Toland da doğal din anlayışını savunanlardan biridir. Bu çalışmada
Tanrı, din ve vahiy hakkındaki görüşlerinden hareketle, Toland’ın sahip olduğu
doğal din perspektifi açısından Hıristiyanlığın geleneksel yapısına yönelik
değerlendirmeleri ele alınacaktır.
A substantial portion of Adam Smith's discussion of Stoicism in TMS VII is dedicated to the Stoic "principle of suicide," according to which suicide is sometimes morally required. While scholars agree that Stoicism exercised considerable influence over Smith, no recent work has explored his views on suicide, despite the central role it plays in his treatment of Stoicism. I argue that Smith opposes the principle of suicide on both epistemic and moral grounds, providing an important critique of Stoicism. I also show how Smith departs from other early modern accounts of suicide by offering a notably humane analysis of this tragic act. I conclude by considering what Smith's discussion of Stoicism and suicide tells us about how his moral theory, and I forward a reading of Smith as a skeptic.
Scholars tend to examine Smith's historical approach as a whole from the perspective of the four stages theory. This leads to a neglect of Smith's ability to use history in different ways as his different purposes require. This article distinguishes Smith's recourse to primitive society with respect to his purposes in Wealth of Nations and in Lectures on Jurisprudence. In the former, Smith analyses the capitalist economy, thereby laying emphasis on capital and the division of labour in his account of wealth. In the latter, he explains the evolution of institutions in order to challenge contractarian accounts of government.
Der trinitäre Zahlenzwang des Denkens im Christentum hat auch vor der historischen Epocheneinteilung nicht halt gemacht. Anthony
Levi (2004: 1) erklärte lapidar: „Real history knows no discontinuities. It is intolerant of periodization“. In neuerer Zeit
ist die Scheide von Mittelalter und Neuzeit zunehmend in Frage gestellt worden. Es gab Historiker, welche die eigentlichen
Zäsuren nicht um 1500, sondern eher im 13. und im 17. Jahrhundert sahen, mit dem Beginn und dem Niedergang der dualistischen
Ständestaaten. Nach dieser Ansicht existierte kein mittelalterlicher Staat, weil Lehensstaat und Ständestaat als „wesensverschiedene
Gebilde“ angesehen wurden (Spangenberg 1923: 17, 27, 42, 49). Auch im Verfassungsleben Deutschlands vollzog sich die entscheidende
Wende nach diesem Autor nicht zu Beginn der Neuzeit, sondern während des 13. Jahrhunderts, als die auf dem Boden des fränkischen
Reiches entstandenen Lehensordnungen verfielen. Parallele Entwicklungen kamen in Frankreich dem König, in England dem Parlament
und in Deutschland den Territorialfürsten zugute.
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