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8/10/2014 "The Extre me Male Brain?" Inc rementum and the Rhetorical Gende ring of Autism | Jac k | Disability Studies Qua rter ly
http://dsq-sds.org/article /view/1672/1599 1/31
"TheExtremeMaleBrain?"Incrementumandthe
RhetoricalGenderingofAutism
JordynnJack
UniversityofNorthCarolina,ChapelHill
Email:jjack@ad.unc.edu
Keywords:
Autism,gender,masculinity,rhetoric,technology
Abstract
Therhetoricalfigureoftheincrementum,orscale,canhelptoaccountfor
howautismspectrumdisorders(ASD)havebeengenderedasmale,
especiallyinSimonBaronCohen's"ExtremeMaleBrain"theory.The
incrementumoccurswhenfemale,male,andautisticbrainsareplacedalong
ascaleaccordingtosystemizingandempathizingabilities.Thisdouble
hierarchyreinforcespopularbeliefsaboutsexandgender,drawingonthe
culturalresourcesofhitechculture,theserviceeconomy,andgeekiness.In
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http://dsq-sds.org/article /view/1672/1599 2/31
sodoing,thesetheoriesoverlookotherimportantaspectsofASD,including
alternativetheories,thepresenceofautisticwomenandgirls,andtheneeds
andinterestsofautisticpeoplethemselves.
In2005,autismresearcherSimonBaronCohenopenedaNewYorkTimesarticle
withthefollowingstatement:"Bystudyingthedifferencesbetweenmaleandfemale
brains,wecangeneratesignificantinsightsintothemysteryofautism"(Baron
Cohen).Whatmakesthisstatementpossible,rhetorically,isaprocessofgendering
thathasmadeautismspectrumdisorder(ASD)into"TheMaleCondition"—thetitle
ofBaronCohen'spiece.
AutismisanexampleofwhatJudySegalcallsarhetoricaldisorder(74):inthe
absenceofclearbiologicalmarkersforautism,"discoursefillsthespacethat
certaintyinmedicineleavesunoccupied"(75).Instead,itisdiagnosedthrough
comparisonwithpsychologicalstandards,suchastheDiagnosticandStatistical
ManualoftheAmericanPsychologicalAssociation,whichdefinesautisticspectrum
disorder(ASD)accordingtobehavioralsigns.Persuasionthereforeplaysan
importantroleinhowautismisdefinedanddiagnosed.Researcherscontinueto
debatewhatfeaturesconstituteautism.Forinstance,in2010theAPAreleased
workingnotesfortheDSMV,whichofferednewcriteriaforautismandplaced
Asperger'ssyndrome(heretoforeaseparatedisorder)withintheumbrellacategory
ofASD.Suchashiftwouldbefundamentallyrhetorical,inthatitisenactedthrough
language,persuadingpractitionerstocategorizeindividualsinanewway.
Asisthecasewithanydisability,then,autismisshapedinpartby"social
meanings,symbols,andstigmas"attachedtoit(Siebers3).Whatmakesthis
processunique,inthecaseofautism,isthatthesesocialmeaningsdonotmerely
demarcatethe"normal"(orneurotypical)fromthe"abnormal"(orneurodiverse);
instead,theyalsodifferentiatebetweenmenandwomen,insuchamannerthatthe
8/10/2014 "The Extre me Male Brain?" Inc rementum and the Rhetorical Gende ring of Autism | Jac k | Disability Studies Qua rter ly
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"malecondition"ispathologizedalongsidetheautisticcondition.Inthecaseofthe
EMBtheory,gendereddiscourses,inparticular,offerrhetoricalfoddertofillinthe
spacesleftbyuncertainty.
Inrhetoricalterms,sex/genderprovideswhatKennethBurkewouldcalla
terministicscreenthroughwhichautismisunderstoodbysomeresearchersand
popularizers.AccordingtoBurke,theseorganizingframeworks"directtheattention"
insomechannelsratherthanothers(45).Inthisway,theverytermsweuseto
understandtheworldbothselectsomeelementsofrealityanddeflectourattention
awayfromothers.Inautismdiscourse,hegemonicnotionsofsexandgender
provideacommonterministicscreenthroughwhichresearchersmakesenseofa
complexandoftenpuzzlingcondition.Thiscommonalitystemsfromthefactthat
moreboysthangirlsreceiveautismdiagnoses,byaratioof4to1.Thesestatistical
facts,though,areextendedtothedisorderitself,wheremalenessisappliedtothe
brainsofindividualswithautism.Intheprocess,researchersespousingthistheory
constructascale,drawingontherhetoricalfigureofincrementum,orscale,which
positionswomen,men,andpeoplewithautismalongacontinuumaccordingtothe
degreetowhichtheypossesssomequantifiedtrait.
Anincrementumissimplyascale,butonethatcanbeusedforrhetoricalpurposes.
Forinstance,ifweclaimthatmentendtobeheavierthanwomen,whotendtobe
heavierthanchildren,wehaveconstructedanincrementum,orderingthosethree
groupsaccordingtoweight.Thisclaimmightseemnoncontroversial,butimagine
constructingascaleinwhichwemeasureintelligence,instead,andorder
individualsaccordingtosex.Thattypeofscalecansupportarangeofunsavory
argumentsforpoliciesofallsorts,andwouldbefundamentallyrhetoricalbothinits
constructionanditsuse.
Sexandgenderofferreadilyavailablelensesforunderstandingautismbecause
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theyare,inChaimPerelmanandLucieOlbrechtsTyteca'sterminology,"present."
Bypresence,PerelmanandOlbrechtsTytecarefertothefactthattheselectionof
elementstoincludeinanargumentimpliestheirimportanceandpertinence(116).
Byreferencingculturallyspecificnotionsofsexandgender,researchersmake
presentthoseelements,and,intheprocess,obscureothers.Latetwentiethcentury
rhetoricsoftechnology,gender,andtheserviceeconomymakeitpossibletoorder
individualsalongnewscales,includingtechnologicalabilityandemotional
intelligence.Thesescaleshaveshapedscientificunderstandingsofautisminways
thatdirecttheattentionofresearcherstosomeaspectsanddeflectattentionaway
fromotherimportantissues,includingalternativescientifictheories,theinterestsof
girlsandwomenwithautism,andtheissuesdeemedmostimportantbyautistic
peoplethemselves.
GeekSyndrome,Systemizing,andtheGenderingofAutism
In2010,thefilmTheSocialNetworkpremieredtowidecriticalacclaim.Reviewers
praisedthecentralironyofthefilm—thatthefounderofFacebook,themostpopular
socialnetworksite,washimself"almostcompletelybereftofpeopleskills"(Neal).
Soon,suggestionsemergedthatFacebook'sCEO,MarkZuckerberg,(eitherinreal
life,orasportrayedinthefilm)hasautisticorAsperger'straits.TheWallStreet
Journal'sreviewerwrotethatthecharacter"combinesaborderlineautisticaffect
withasinglemindedfocusonabeautifullysimpleidea"(Morgenstern),whilethe
NewYorkTimesnotedthat,asportrayedinthefilm,"Mr.Zuckerbergisasocial
autisticwhopivotsbetweenbrillianceandhubrisonhiswaytobecomingthe
youngestbillionairetheworldhasseen"(Carr).TheonlinemagazineSlatecalled
Zuckerberg"asociallyautistic,statusobsessed,joylessdweeb"(Stevens).Indeed,
evenbeforethefilmcameout,aBaltimoreSunarticlereportedthatJesse
Eisenberg,theactorwhoportraysZuckerberg,studieduponAsperger'sbecause
"PeoplehavesaidZuckerbergmayhaveminorAsperger'ssyndrome"(Sragow).
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DebatesemergedontheonlinecommunityWrongPlanetandblogaggregator
Autisable,bothofwhichattractautisticparticipants,aboutwhetherornot
Zuckerberg(again,realorfictional)hasAsperger's,withparticipantsweighingon
bothsides.Howdidthishappen?
Sincethe1980s,autismhasbecomeincreasinglyassociatedwiththescience,
computing,hitechindustriesand,intheprocess,withmasculinityandfathers.For
one,thebrainsofautisticthemselvesarecomparedtocomputers.Diagnosing
famousscientists,engineers,andcomputerscientistswithautismhasbecomea
parlorgameandcottageindustry—AlbertEinstein,PaulDirac,BillGates,andIsaac
Newtonareamongthemostcommonlycitedinthiscategory.1Contemporary
understandingsofgeekmasculinityhavebecomeoneofthemorecommon,
genderedterministicscreensthroughwhichautismisnowunderstood,producing
scalesthatalignpeopleinorderoftechnologicalor"systemizing"skill.
AccordingtotheExtremeMaleBrain(EMB)theoryofautism,peoplewithautism
possesshypermalebrains.Theycanbeorderedonascaleleadingfromthosewho
arelessadeptatsystemizingtasks(mostwomen),tothosewithgreatersystemizing
skill(mostmen),tothosewithextremelyhighsystemizingabilities(peoplewith
autism).Oncemaleandfemaleinterestsarecategorizedaseither"systemizing"or
itsopposite,"empathizing,"theycanbeplacedalongascale,orinrhetoricalterms,
anincrementum,leadingfromfemaletomaletotheextrememale(orautistic).In
particular,theEMBtheorytakestheformofa"doublehierarchy,"inwhichan
establishedseries(e.g.,malefemale)formsthebasisforasecondseries
(systemizingempathizing),"intheprocesstryingtotransferimplicationsoforderor
valuefromthefirsttothesecond"(Fahnestock105).
TherhetoricalfigureoftheincrementumoftenshowsupinBaronCohen'swriting.
Ina2009studyBaronCohencoauthoredwithBonnieAuyeung,etal.,theauthors
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providethesepointsofevidencefortheirextrememalebraintheory:"Thetypical
malebrainisheavierthanthefemalebrainandindividualswithautismhave
heavierbrainsthantypicalmales"(2),and"Theamygdaleisalsodisproportionately
largeinboyscomparedtogirls…andchildrenwithautismhaveenlarged
amygdalae"(2).Thisincrementumnotonlyemphasizesdifferencesbetweenthose
withautismandthosewithout;sinceineachcasesthedifferencesidentifiedare
quitesmall,italsoforcesmaleandfemalefurtherapartbyexaggeratingdifferences
betweenaveragewomen,averagemen,andautisticpeople.
Therhetoricalresourceoftheincrementumdrawsfromthereadymade,terministic
screenofsexandgender.Thetestsusedtodeterminewhatcountsasa"male"or
"female"brainmapculturalnormsfirstontomasculineandfeminineactivities,and
thenontomaleandfemalebrains,andthenpresentthesedifferencesasnaturalor
biological.BaronCohenpopularizedthesenotionsinhisbookTheEssential
Difference:MaleandFemaleBrainsandtheTruthAboutAutism,publishedin
2003.Onaverage,BaronCohenclaims,menaremoreinterestedinsystemizing
tasks,suchasengineering,computerprogramming,andmathematics,orhobbies
basedonmechanics,construction,andcategorizing—metalworking,boatbuilding,
craftingmusicalinstruments,evenbirdspotting.Meanwhile,BaronCohen
suggests,womentendtoenjoy"havingsupperwithfriends,advisingthemon
relationshipproblems,orcaringforpeopleorpets,orworkingforvolunteerphone
lineslisteningtodepressed,hurt,needy,orevensuicidalanonymouscallers"(12).
Basedontheseinsights,BaronCohendevisedaseriesofthreetests:the
systemizingquotient(SQ),empathizingquotient(EQ),andtheautismquotient(AQ),
allofwhichreflectthepredetermined,genderednotionsofmaleandfemale
appropriateactivities.OntheSystemizingQuotientTest,testersareaskedtorank
theiranswersonaLikertScaletosuchquestionsas"IfIwerebuyingacar,Iwould
wanttoobtainspecificinformationaboutitsenginecapacity"(209)and"Iftherewas
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aproblemwiththeelectricalwiringinmyhome,I'dbeabletofixitmyself"(210).
Meanwhile,theEmpathyQuotienttestincludessuchpromptsas"Itrytokeepup
withthecurrenttrendsandfashions"and"WhenItalktopeople,Itendtotalkabout
theirexperiencesratherthanmyown"(204).Clearly,thesequestionscouldeasily
reflectsocializationaswellasbiology.Inthefirstpairofexamples,forinstance,we
mightrewordthequestionstoreflecttypicallyfeminineinterests:"IfIambuyinga
dress,Icheckthetagtoseethespecificfabriccontentandwashinginstructions"or
"Ifthezipperbrokeonapairofpants,I'dknowhowtoreplaceit."Meanwhile,typical
menmightscorehighonpromptssuchas"Itrytokeepupwiththelatesttrendsin
carsandtechnology"or"Iliketohelppeoplesolvetheirproblems."Inthese
prompts,then,stereotypicallymasculineactivitiesareassumedtoreflect
systemizing,whilestereotypicallyfeminineactivitiesareassumedtoreflect
empathizing.Thetestitselfignoresthegenderingofthelistedtechnologiesas
masculineandomitstechnologiestypicallygenderedasfeminine(sewing
machines,dishwashers,blenders,etc.).2
Thetestsalsonaturalizehistoricallyandculturallyspecificdefinitionsoftechnology
itself,whichtendtoexcludetechnologiesassociatedwithwomen,nonwhites,and
nonEuropeans.Thetermtechnologyonlygainedprominenceinthe1930s,whenit
tooktheplaceoftheearlier,andmorecapaciousterm,"usefularts,"whichhad
includedwomen'sinventionsandobjects(quilts,corsets,etc.)(Oldenziel43).3The
term"technology"similarlyexcludednonWestern,nonwhitetechnologies,suchas
innovationsinmathematics,metallurgy,medicine,transportation,textiles,pottery,
furniture,architecture,agriculturaltechniques,andthelike.4Theserhetorical
constructionsconstitutetechnologyusersas(white)men,and(white)menasusers
oftechnology.
Inparticular,BaronCohen'sscalereflectsthegenderingofcomputerandelectronic
technologyasmasculine.SaraKiesler,LeeSproull,andJacquelynneS.Eccles
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arguethatcomputingcultureemergedinthe1980soutofthemaledominated
spacesofvideoarcadesandcomputinglabs,bothofwhichtendedtobe"highly
competitiveandaggressivecontext[s]"(460).Asthehitechindustrysurgedinthe
1980sand1990s,computerexpertisewasintegratedintowhatMarianneCooper
callsa"newlyconstitutedmasculinity"(380),onethatstressedcompetitionbased
onlongworkhoursandtechnicalability,combinedwithcreativityandadaptability
toaquicklychangingworkplace(382).Thistrajectorycouldhavebeenotherwise;
indeed,thefirstcomputerprogrammerswerewomen.5
ThisgenderedhistoryisclearlyreflectedinthewayBaronCohen'sSQscale
privilegescertainkindsofelectronicandcomputinginterestsasexamplesof
systemizing.Indeed,changingasmallnumberofquestionstomoregenderneutral
issuescouldeasilyreduceorremovethesexdifferencesinSQscores.Inonestudy
conductedinSweden,fourquestionsfromBaronCohens'SQscaleaccounted
disproportionatelyforthegenderdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen;namely,
questionsrelatedtointerestincomputerprocessingcapacity(item20),wireless
communication(item57),technicalfeaturesofstereoequipment(item33)andhigh
strategygames(item12)(VonHornetal.)Clearly,theseareactivitiesinwhichmen
areencouragedtoexcel,activitiesthatareregularlycastasmasculine,and
activitiesinwhichmenmighthaveextramotivationtodemonstrateinterest,given
theseculturalnorms.6
In2006,SallyWheelwright,BaronCohen,andtheircollaboratorspublisheda
revisedversionoftheSQ,theSQR,whichincludedawiderrangeofquestions
aboutsystemizing.TheoriginalSQ,theauthorsadmitted,"weredrawnprimarily
fromtraditionallymaledomains."Forthisreason,theSQRincluded"moreitems
thatmightberelevanttofemalesinthegeneralpopulation,"afeaturethatwould
allowtheresearcherstodeterminewhethermenwouldcontinuetoscorehigheron
theSQ"evenwiththeinclusionofitemsselectedfromtraditionallyfemaledomains"
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(Wheelwrightetal.48).Someofthenewpromptsincluded"WhenIhavealotof
shoppingtodo,IliketoplanwhichshopsIamgoingtovisitandinwhatorder"and
"Myclothesarenotcarefullyorganisedintodifferenttypesinmywardrobe"
(answering"no"onthispromptpresumablyindicatesanSQtypeofbrain)(5556).
TheSQRsuccessfullyshiftedtheresults.IntheoriginalSQ,menhadahigher
meanscoreon86percentofthequestions,whilewomenhadahighermeanon
only13.2percent.Intherevisedversion,menscoredhigheron68percentand
womenon32percent—aratherdramaticshiftinthesexratio(49).
WhiletheSQRattemptstoofferawiderrangeofprompts,itnowincludesprompts
thatmightbeconsideredtobegenderedmaleorgenderneutral.TheSQRitself
demonstratesthatthesesexdifferencesmaylargelybeanartifactofthetesting
promptsandthespecificmixofquestionsincluded.Onemighthypothesizethatthe
SQcouldberevisedevenfurtherinwaysthatwouldequalizethescores.Yet
BaronCohenconcludesfromtherevisedstudythat"inthepresentstudy,inthe
typicalgroup,morethantwiceasmanymalesasfemaleshadaTypeSbrain,and
morethantwiceasmanyfemalesasmaleshadaTypeEbrain,"afindinghe
interpretsasupholdinghisEQ/SQtheory(53).IntheEMBtheory,normalmenare
"autismized,"understoodasfunctioninganalogicallytoindividualswithautism,only
inalesserorreducedmanner.ThisiswhatallowsBaronCohentoclaiminthe
NewYorkTimesthatunderstandingsexdifferencescanhelpustounderstand
autism(aclaimhealsopublishesinscientificstudies)(BaronCohen,Knickmeyer,
andBelmonte819).Byreasoningthroughtherhetoricalfigureoftheincrementum,
BaronCohenconstructstestingtoolsthatwillprovidenumericalproofofconcepts
suchas"systemizing"(SQ)or"empathizing"(EQ)orthe"AutisticQuotient"(AQ).
ThatthisincrementumservesaninventivefunctionforBaronCohenisalsoevident
inChapter12ofTheEssentialDifference,whereheconsiderswhethertheremight
existan"extremefemalebrain"aswellastheextrememalebrain.Whilenosuch
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Figure1:BaronCohen'sdepictionoftheincrementum.(TypeBisthe
"balancedbrain"(equalsystemizingandempathizingability);typeEisthe
"empathizing"brain,codedfemale;typeSisthesystemizingbrain,coded
male;andthe"extremetypeS"brainiscodedasautistic.8
disorderyetexists,BaronCohensays,itispredictedbasedonthemodel—i.e.,the
doublehierarchyandtheincrementumitgetsmappedonto.7Theincrementum
functionsvisuallyaswellaslinguistically,asshowninFigure1.
SiliconValleyandtheServiceEconomy
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ThepersuasivenessoffBaronCohen'sEMBtheoryowesmuchtoourcurrent
culturalpreoccupationswithhitechcultureandnerdomaswellaswithsex/gender.
OnetheoryrelatedtoEMBisassortivemating—thenotionthatariseinautismand
Asperger'ssyndromediagnosesisduetoincreasedopportunitiesforhigh
systemizers(i.e.,nerds)tomeetandhavechildren.Anoftencitedfactoidsuggests
thatratesofautismarehighestinSiliconValley,whereworkersinhitech
computingareconcentrated.In2002,SteveSilbermanreportedinaWired
magazinearticlethat"somethingdarkandunsettlingishappeninginSilicon
Valley,"citing"spiraling"ratesofautisminCalifornia:
TheValleyisaselfselectingcommunitywherepassionatelybright
peoplemigratefromallovertheworldtomakesmartmachineswork
smarter.Thenutsandboltspracticalityofhardlaboramongthebits
appealstothepredilectionsofthehighfunctioningautisticmind[…]The
chillingpossibilityisthatwhat'shappeningnowisthefirstproofthatthe
genesresponsibleforbestowingcertainspecialgiftsonslightlyautistic
adults—theveryabilitiesthathavemadethemdreamersandarchitects
ofourtechnologicalfuture—arecapableofbringingaplaguedownon
thebestmindsofthenextgeneration.(Silberman)
Thisquoteevokesthe1980sfilmRevengeoftheNerds,whichparodiesAmerican
culturalpreoccupationswithapplepienormalcy.Theidealcitizen,exemplifiedin
sportsheroes,isathletic,goodlooking,andresolutelynormal.InRevengeofthe
Nerds,themaincharactersaresocialoutcastswhononethelesssucceedinkicking
thejocksoutofstudentgovernment,usingtheirmentaladvantagestoengineer
solutionstofeatssuchasajavelinthrowingcontest.IntheSiliconValleyarticle,
Silbermanenvisionsaplagueofsuchnerds,wreakinghavoconnormalAmerican
culturebybreedingwitheachother.Inthisway,thearticleproducesasortofpost
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humandiscourse,thesuggestionthatgeekinterbreedingmightleadto"chilling"
consequences,araceofgeekswhowillsomehowhackintoanddestroyAmerica.
The"SiliconValley"factoidhasbecomecommonplaceindiscussionsofautism;
Silberman'sarticlewascitedinaTimemagazinearticle,andbyBBCnews,which
reportedthatautismcouldbelinkedto"geekgenes"(Nash;BBCNews).Todate,
theseassumptionshavenotbeenscientificallyvalidated.Asearchofscientific
databasesturnedupnoepidemiologicalstudiesofautismintheSiliconValley.A
2009studybytheCaliforniaDepartmentofPublicHealthfoundthatfatherswith
technicalbackgroundswerenomorelikelythancontrolstohavechildrenwith
autism(Windham,Fessel,andGrether).Fornow,itseemsthatthepersuasiveness
oftheExtremeMaleBrainorSiliconValleytheoriesliesmoreinhowthosetheories
fitwithournotionsofgender,geekiness,andthelatetwentiethcenturyworkplace
thaninactualstatisticalpatterns.
Withtheriseofinternetcultureinthe1990s,thefigureofthetechsavvygeekgrew
increasinglycommoninpopculture,fromfilmtotelevisiontomagazines.Thegeek
ornerdisoverwhelminglymale.Inhisbook,AmericanNerd:TheStoryofMy
People,BenjaminNugentarguesthatthereareactuallytwotypesofnerds.The
first,hesuggests,is"disproportionatelymale"(6)andtakesaspecialinterestin
machines,technology,andlogic(6).Theinterestsaccordedtothistypeofmale
excludethoseassociatedwith"emotionalconfrontation,sex,food,orbeauty,"such
as"basketball,violin,sex,surfing,acting,knitting,interiordecorating,winetasting,
etc."(6).I'vealreadysuggestedhowknitting,forinstance,caneasilybeconsidered
asystemizingtypeofactivity.Thesamecouldbesaidfortherestofthelist.Surfers
activelymonitorweatherpatterns,swell,andsurfgearvariables;wineconnoisseurs
chartgeographicregions,vintages,andcasktypesonwebsitessuchas
winegeeks.comorbyplayingthetriviagameWinerd.Inshort,thedominant
depictionofnerdinessleadsustooverlookawiderangeoftechnicalbehaviorsand
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interests—thoselikelytobepursuedbywomenaswellasmenwhoseinterests
alignmorecloselywiththestereotypeofthe"typicalmale."Thesecondtypeof
nerd,Nugentargues,becomesanerdthrough"sheerforceofsocialexclusion,"and
isequallylikelytobemaleorfemale(7).
Thefirsttypeofnerd,whatIwouldcallthehegemonicmalenerd,though,istheone
mostcloselyalignedwithautismspectrumdisorders,especiallyAsperger's
syndrome.Nugentwritesthat"ifyoulineupthetraitsofpeopleandfictional
characterswhoarenerdswiththetraitsthatcompromiseAsperger's,theoverlapis
hardtoignore"(143).Thesimilaritiesincludeaninterestintechnicalobjectsor
machines,alackofunderstandingofemotionsandnonverbalcommunication,and
thelike.However,Nugentiscriticalofthetendencytopathologizethese
preferences,notingthatindoingso,wetakebehavior"onceconsideredmerely
eccentric"andturnitinto"hardwiredneurologicaldifference"(150).Adisability
studiesperspectivewouldcorroboratethisassessment,stressingthatautismoffers
anexampleofanalternativeneurologicalcondition.9
NugentsuggeststhatonereasonforthepersuasivenessoftheEMBtheoryliesin
shiftsinourunderstandingofmasculinity.Whilenineteenthcenturymenmightnot
havebeenexpectedtoexhibitempathy,overthecourseofthetwentiethcentury,
definitionsofnormalmasculinitygraduallybegantoemphasizeempathyand
emotionalcompetence.Forone,theUnitedStateseconomyhasshiftedtowarda
serviceindustry,whichvaluesemotionalandcommunicationskills.Even
technologicaljobsnowemphasizeteamwork,communication,andinterpersonal
skills.Somemightcallthisthefeminizationoftheworkplace,insofarastraditionally
femalejobshaveoftenemphasizedemotionalskills,epitomizedinthelaborofthe
waitress,stewardess,ornurse.
Thenotionofsocialoremotionalintelligencegainedinprominenceinthe1990s,
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aroundthesametimeasthetechnologyboomandawaveofinterestinautismand
Asperger's—especiallywhenunderstoodas"geeksyndrome."Whilethenotionof
socialintelligencewasdevelopedintheProgressiveEra,10itwasin1995,withthe
publicationofDanielGoleman'sEmotionalIntelligence,thattheideatookoffasa
popculturereference,educationalobjective,andindicatorofmiddleclass
marketability.Emotionalintelligence,Golemanargues,maybemoreimportantthan
anyothertypeofabilityindeterminingsuccessonthejob.Golemanarguedthat
latetwentiethcenturyworkerswere"beingjudgedbyanewyardstick"(3).In
rhetoricalterms,EIofferedanewtypeofincrementum,orscale,alongwhich
humanscouldbeordered,inthiscaseaccordingtoemotionalskillratherthan
intelligence.Intelligence,training,andexpertisenolongerconstitutedthekey
measuresforsuccessonthejob;instead,Golemanwrites,workerswerebeing
judgedbysocialskills,suchas"initiativeandempathy,adaptabilityand
persuasiveness"(3),whichdetermined"whowillbehiredandwhowillnot,whowill
beletgoandwhoretained,whopassedoverandwhopromoted"(3).Hereagain,a
doublehierarchyargumentappears:theestablishedbusinesshierarchy,with
leadersatthetopandminionsonthebottom,isalignedwiththenewscaleoffered
bytheEI.Inthisway,EInaturalizestheworkplacehierarchy,detachingitfrom
education,class,andgender,allofwhichmayinfluencewhetherindividualsare
perceivedasleaders.
Golemanlinksemotionalintelligencespecificallytothevaluesandidealsoftheso
called"serviceeconomy."11Notsurprisingly,corporations,businessschools,and
consultantsjumpedontheEIbandwagonastraditionalmanufacturingjobsinthe
UnitedStatesallbutdisappeared.Notably,womenhadalwaysworkedinthe
"servicesector,"inwhatusedtobecalled"PinkCollar"jobs.Itwasmen,in
particular,whoweremostaffectedbytheshifttowardsaserviceeconomy,who
mustnowdevelopskillsrequiredtoworkwithpeopleratherthan(orinadditionto)
things.Thus,theEIandtheconcomitantriseoftheserviceeconomygenerateda
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newformofmasculinity,theemotionalequivalenttothe"metrosexual"—amanwho
wasexpectedtotakeonsomeofthetrappingsoffemininityinordertoincreasehis
economicpower.
GenderandEmpathy
Empathyhashistoricallybeendescribedasanemotion.Inrhetoricaltheory,ithas
beenassociatedwithacapacityforfeelingemotions,notidentifyingthem.
Quintiliannotedthatthemosteffectiverhetorspossessacapacitytofeelthe
emotionstheyseektoevoke(Quintilian6.2.26).ForQuintilian,though,empathyis
alsoperformative,sinceoratorswhocan"bestconceivesuchimageswillhavethe
greatestpowerinmovingthefeelings"(6.2.29).Inhisformulation,empathy
representsacapacitytoconjureforoneselftheemotionalstatesthatmovethe
feelings,andtoprojectthoseemotionalstatestoanaudience.
Whenitbecameatopicforpsychologicalinquiry,empathyoriginallyenjoyeda
muchbroaderdefinition.Intheearlytwentiethcentury,empathywasaslikelyto
refertoaesthetics,cognition,orembodiedemotion.In1925,HerbertEllsworthCory
declaredthatdancewas"themostdirectelaborationofempathy(thosemovements
bywhichweseektobecomeonewiththeobjectwecontemplate"(394).Asan
embodied,aestheticreaction,empathycouldbedirectedtowardsobjects,notjust
people.CognitivedefinitionsofempathydrewfromHusserl,whoviewedempathy
asamethodofphilosophicalinquiryintootherminds(inGerman,Einfuhlung,or
"sympatheticparticipation").Thisdefinitionmaintainedthattheactualfeelingsof
anotherareunknowableandunsharable,butthatmeaningsofemotionscouldbe
sharedtotheextentthatonecouldprojecthisorherownfeelingsontoothers
(Urban281).Finally,psychologistTitchenerreferredtomotorempathy,orthe
mirroringoftheembodied,physicalbehaviorsofanother.
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Intheearlytwentiethcentury,itwasunclearthatempathycouldbemeasuredatall.
WilburM.Urbanwrotein1917thatthenotionthatonecould"know"otherminds
wasalwaysaninference,andoftenaprojectionofone'sownfeelingontoothers
(281).Feeling,Urbaninsisted,was"unrepresentableandunsharable,"soclaimsto
knowwhatsomeoneelseisfeelingcanonlyrefertojudgmentsaboutthemeaning
orintentionsofsomeoneelse(282).In1949,RosalieF.Dymondpublishedthe
resultsofaninitialattempttoquantifyempathy,whichshedefinedas"the
imaginativetransposingofoneselfintothethinking,feelingandactingofanother
andsostructuringtheworldashedoes"(127).Notably,femalesdidnotscorebetter
onthetestshedevisedthandidmales,althoughthefemalesdidshowgreater
improvementonthetestwhengivenachancetoretakeit(130).BaronCohen's
versionofthetestdrawsonthisprecedent,whichreducesthefullrangeofempathic
activitiestoonesthatcanbetested,suchas"correctly"identifyingorpredicting
someone'sstateofmind.
Recently,psychologistshavedisputedthedoublehierarchythatplacesmenand
womenalonganincrementumbasedonempathy.In1983,NancyEisenbergand
RandyLennonpublishedareviewofpsychologicalstudiesofempathy.They
arguedthatthetendencyforwomentoscorehigheronarangeofempathytests
waslargelyafunctionofthemethodused(124).Women'ssuperiorscoreswere
mostevident"whenitisobviouswhatbehaviorortraitisbeingassessed"(124)or
onselfreportstudieswherewomenmightfeelpressuretopresentthemselvesas
moreempathetic(125).Whenempathywasmeasuredlessobtrusively(i.e.,by
observingmaleandfemaleparticipantsreacttoasituationorbymeasuring
physiologicalresponses),sexdifferencesdisappeared.Inotherwords,the
existenceoftheincrementum,orthe"commonsense"notionthatwomenaremore
empatheticthanmen,servesapersuasivefunctionintestingcontests,goading
womenintochoosingresponsesthatwillalignthemwithfemininityandempathy
ratherthanmasculinityandindifference.
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Evidently,extrapolatingfromcommonplacesbasedongenderedstereotypesto
explanationsforbrainbaseddifferencesrequiresanumberofspeculativeleaps.
Notably,thisunderlyingtheorylinkssex,gender,andsexualityinneatlyordered
rows:malesaremasculine,aggressive,systematic;womenarefeminine,passive,
andempathic.Suchatheoryclearlyfloutscurrentunderstandingsofhuman
sexuality,sex,andgenderasitselfmultiple(FaustoSterling).BaronCohendoes
notaddressthequestionofwherehomosexual,transsexual,ortransgendered
individualsmightfallonhisEmpathizingSystemizingspectrum.
NewScales
Despitetheproblematicsex/genderincrementumunderlyingtheEMBtheoryof
autism,manyscientistscontinuetosearchforbiologicalfactorstoaddnew
dimensionstothescale.Recently,researchershavesoughttodeterminewhether
higherfetaltestosteronelevelsinuterocorrelatewithanautismdiagnosis.12One
methodresearchersusetotestprenataltestosteroneexposureisbymeasuringthe
ratiobetweenthesecondandfourthfinger(ordigit),calledthe2D:4Dratio.
Accordingtothishypothesis,peopleexposedtohigherlevelsoftestosteronein
uterotendtohavealongerfourthfingerthanindexfinger—oralow2D:4Dratio.13
Thismeasure,then,allowsresearcherstodrawonthefigureofincrementummore
explicitly,positioningindividualsalongascalebasedontheir2D:4D
measurements.Thosewiththelowestratio,presumably,havethehighestriskfor
anASDdiagnosis.The2D:4Dratioprovidesanincrementumthat,unliketheSQor
EQ(whichreliesonqualitative,selfreportdata),canbequantifiedwithoutrelying
onindividuals'ownselfperceptions.Similarly,MarkBrosnanandIanWalkerhave
extendedtheEMBtheorytoquestionwhethermothersofautisticchildrenmaybe
masculinizedinsomeway,apropositiontheytestbyexaminingadifferentratio,the
waisthipratio(WHP),whichiscalculatedbydividingthewoman'swaist
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circumferencebythehipcircumference.Theaveragewoman'sWHPfallsbetween
.7and.8.Theauthorshypothesizethat"ifsomemenwerefoundtoshowa
preferenceforhigherthanaverageWHRmates,thiswouldencouragegreater
prenataltestosteroneexposureforthosemen'soffspring"—ahypothesistheytestin
apopulationofparentsofchildrenwithASD.
Boththe2D:4DratioandtheWHPratioenableresearcherstodeploytherhetorical
resourcesoftheincrementum,orderingindividualsaccordingtoaquantifiable,
biologicaltrait.Theattractionoftheseformulationsmaybethatmeasuringa
biologicalquantity(asopposedtoselfreportmeasuresfromasurvey)enables
researcherstodepictsexgenderrelationsasparticularlyhardwiredandnatural,
andhenceimmunetosocialandrhetoricalconstructions.
Implications:AlternativeScreens
Becausesex/genderdifferenceprovidessuchapervasive,andpersuasive,lens
throughwhichweunderstandhumanity,itisnotsurprisingthatittendstoinform
studiesofautism.Unfortunately,though,competingtheoriestendtobe
marginalized,especiallyiftheyconformlesseasilytoourcommonunderstandings
ofsex/genderdifference.
SomeresearchersquestiontheEMBtheoryforitsfailuretoaccountfullyforthe
rangeoffeaturesthatcharacterizeautism.EliseB.Barbeau,AdriannaMendrek,
andLaurentMottronobjecttotheEMBtheory,arguingthat"Theautisticbrain
functionsdifferently,sometimesmorelikemen,sometimesmorelikewomen,but
weshouldconsiderthatitmightactuallyfunctioninitsownuniqueway"(27).In
essence,Barbeau,Mendrek,andMottronargueagainsttheincrementumthat
positionsmen,women,andpeoplewithautismalongascale;instead,they
suggest,autismmightpresentadifferenttypeofpatternaltogether,onethatdoes
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notfallneatlyonamalefemalecontinuum.
AnotheralternativeunderstandingofautismcomesfromHenryMarkram,Tania
Rinaldi,andKamilaMarkram,whohavesuggestedthatautismmightbe
understoodasan"intenseworldsyndrome."Intheirtheory,autismischaracterized
notbyanextrememalebrain,butbyahyperreactiveandhyperplasticbrainthat
makestheworldseemoverstimulating.Autisticindividuals,then,mayexperience
anexcessofsensoryandemotionalinput—notalackthereof,astheEMBtheory
wouldhaveit.Symptomssuchasrepetitivebehaviorandwithdrawal—whichare
notexplainedbytheEMBtheory—canbeunderstoodaccordingtothe"intense
world"hypothesisascopingmechanismsindividualsusetodealwith
overstimulatedsenses.
Notably,thisexplanationseemstoaccordbestwithhowmanyautisticpeople
themselvesdescribetheirsensoryexperiences.RachelCohenRottenberg,who
maintainsablogcalledJourneysWithAutism,writesthat"Tomy(autistic)mind,
IntenseWorldSyndrometheoryistheclosestthatthescientificcommunityhasever
cometounderstandingautism."Anotherwoman,aselfdiagnosed"Aspie,"writes
that,inherexperience,sensoryinput"comesinfasterthanIcanprocessit,"soshe
mustlookawayinorderto"processallthe'data'comingin"(Neshamaruach).What
mayappeartobelackofempathymaybe,accordingtotheseautisticwomen,an
excessofemotionalandsensoryinput.
WomenwhohaveautismorAsperger'ssyndromeareeffectivelymarginalizedin
theEMBtheory—anelisionthathasbeenaddressedinpopularbooksand
scholarlyworkinthehumanities(Davidson"'InaWorldofHerOwn…'";Davidson
"'MoreLabelsThanaJamJar'";Bazelon;ErnspergerandWendel)butthatsofar
hasnotgreatlyimpactedpsychologicalstudiesthatcontinuetofollowtheparadigm
laidoutbyBaronCohen'stheory.Listeningtoautisticwomenmightleadtoa
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revisednotionof"systemizing"asawayofthinkingthatcanbeappliedtoafull
rangeofinterests,notasoneconnectedtoparticulartypesof(typicallymasculine)
interests.OneparticipantinanonlineforumforwomenwithAsperger's,whouses
thescreenname"gimpyzebra,"offersthefollowingreflections:
I'venoticedadifferencebetweenmyinterests,andthoseofmaleaspies.
Ilovecomputers,butwhereamaleaspiewouldbemoreinto
programmingandinternalworkingsofthecomputer,Iammoreinto
graphicdesignandwebdesign.Withthesciences,Iammoreinterested
inhumansciencelikebiology,medicine,psychology,sociologywherea
maleaspiemaybemoreinclinedtowardstechnocoly[sic],computer
programming,etymology,etc.Ialsohaveintenseintereststhatfallunder
TonyAttwoodsassessment[sic]offemaleinterests(animals,poetry,
etc).Afewofmyintenseinterestarepenguins,languageandlinguistics,
knitting/crafing[sic],artandarthistory.
BaronCohen'sSQtestmightcaptureonlyafewofthiswoman'swiderangeof
interests.Ifusedasadiagnostictool,theSQcouldskewtheratioofdiagnosed
malesversusfemalesevenfurther.
Moreover,theEMBtheoryreliesonabinarymodelofsex/genderthatforces
individualsintotwocategories,ratherthanaccountingforawider,morefluid
understandingofsexandgender.Someautisticpeoplefindtraditionalgender
categoriesinapplicabletotheirexperiences.Asoneindividual,abiologicalmale
whousesthescreenname"shiva",writesonhisblog:
beingthoughtofas"male"isjustasoddtomeasbeingthoughtofas
"female".Idon'tconsidermyselftohaveanysortof"internal"gender
identitywhatsoeveritalwaysfeelslike"gender"issimplynotavalid
categoryinwhichtoplacemyself.Whenisee"gender"asatickbox
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categoryonaform,ifeelsimilarlytoif,onaformaskingfordetailsofa
vehicle,itaskedfor"milespergallon"whenmyvehiclewaspoweredby
somethingcompletelydifferent(andthatcan'tbemeasuredingallons),
likesaysolarelectricityijustdon'treallyconsidermyselftobelongto
thecategoryofbeingsthathavegender.
Whilenotallautisticpeoplefindtraditionalsexrolesrestrictive,thisparticular
blogger'spostsuggeststhatabroaderunderstandingofsex/gendercould
complicateBaronCohen'stheory.Whatdoesitmeanifasupposedly"male
brained"individualactuallyfeelsungendered?Orifanautisticwomanlikes
wearing"shinyobjects,""gaudyjewelry,"andlong,flowyskirts,despiteher
admittedlymasculine"personaandselfconcept"?(Lindsay).Theseexamples
suggestthatabinarymodelofbrains,likeabinarymodelofsex/gender,is
insufficienttoaccountforthecomplexitiesamongactualindividuals.
Further,theEMBtheorydoeslittletoaddresstheneedsandinterestsmost
commonlyexpressedbyautisticpeoplethemselves,suchasissuesofcommunity
support,education,employment,andlanguage.Bypathologizingthehyper
systemizingbrainoftheautisticperson,whoiscastasanearrobotorcyborg,
researchersdeemphasizenotonlytheirabilities,butalsotheirfundamental
humanity.
Byconsideringautismthroughtheterministicscreensofsexandgender,
researchershavehistoricallyshiftedtheirfocustowardssomefeaturesofautism
andawayfromothers.Intheexampleofautism,masculinityitselfhasbeencastas
adisability,atleastinitssocalled"extreme"form.Thisanalysisdemonstratesthat
rhetoricalandculturalconditionsplayanimportantroleinhowdisabilitiesbecome
gendered.Fordisabilitytheorists,theexampleofautismsuggeststhatsexand
genderofferpersuasivetheoriesthroughwhichdisabilitiescanbecast,andthatthe
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incrementum,inparticular,offersonerhetoricalfigurethroughwhichsex/gender
differentiationsareconstructed.
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Endnotes
1. Forexamples,seehttp://www.2bwell.org/famousautistics.htmlor
http://www.aspergersyndrome.me.uk/people.htm.
ReturntoText
2. Ongenderedtechnologies,seeJudyWajcman,FeminismConfronts
Technology(StateCollege:PennsylvaniaStateUP,1991).
ReturntoText
3. Onthegenderedassumptionsinformingdefinitionsoftechnology,see
KatherineT.Durack,"Gender,Technology,andtheHistoryofTechnical
Communication"(CentralWorksinTechnicalCommunication,eds.Johndan
JohnsonEilolaandStuartA.Selber,NewYork:OxfordUP,2004,3543).
ReturntoText
4. ForareviewoftheracistandEurocentricassumptionsundergirding
mainstreamhistoriesofscienceandtechnology,seeSandraHarding,Whose
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Science?WhoseKnowledge?ThinkingfromWomen'sLives(Ithaca:Cornell
UP,1991),Chapter9.
ReturntoText
5. Originallyseenasanextensionofthecalculationsworkwomenperformed
duringWorldWarII,programmingoftheENIACcomputerwasassignedtosix
women.Onlylater,whenitbecameapparentthatprogrammingwastobea
highstatusactivity,diditcometobeconsideredaman'sjob.SeeJennifer
Light,"WhenComputersWereWomen,"TechnologyandCulture40.3(1999):
45583.
ReturntoText
6. Notably,theauthorsofthisstudydonotquestionthevalidityofthose
measurements,concludingthatmeninSwedenareindeedmorelikelythan
womentohavetheSQtypeofbrain.
ReturntoText
7. Thatthebraincanbegenderedinthiswayisnosurprise,ofcourse.See
LondaSchiebinger,TheMindHasNoSex?:WomenintheOriginsofModern
Science(Cambridge,Mass:HarvardUP,1989).
ReturntoText
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8. ImagefromSimonBaronCohen,RebeccaC.Knickmeyer,andMatthewK.
Belmonte,"SexDifferencesintheBrain:ImplicationsforExplainingAutism,"
Science310(2005):819823.
ReturntoText
9. See,forinstance,SaraO'Neil,"TheMeaningofAutism:BeyondDisorder,"
Disability&Society23.7(2008):78799;MolloyHarveyandLatikaVasil,
"TheSocialConstructionofAspergerSyndrome:ThePathologisingof
Difference?"Disability&Society17.6(2002):65969.
ReturntoText
10. In1920,psychologistE.L.Thorndikeusedtheterm"socialintelligence"inan
articleinHarper'sMagazine,notingthatitwasoneofthreecoretypesof
intelligence(theothertwobeingmechanicalandabstractintelligence).SeeE.
L.Thorndike,"IntelligenceandItsUses,"Harper'sMagazine140(1920):228.
Theterm"emotionalintelligence"gainedscientificpurchasewiththe
publicationofPeterSaloveyandJohnD.Mayer'sarticle,"Emotional
Intelligence,"in1989.There,SaloveyandMayerdefinetheirkeytermas
"abilitytomonitorone'sownandothers'feelingsandemotions,to
discriminateamongthemandtousethisinformationtoguideone'sthinking
andactions."SeePeterSaloveyandJohnD.Mayer,"EmotionalIntelligence,"
Imagination,Cognitionandpersonality9.3(1989):185211.
ReturntoText
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11. Beginninginthe1960s,expertswarnedthateconomicgrowthintheUnited
Stateswouldincreasinglydependontheservicesector.VictorFuchs
declaredin1965that"wearenowa'serviceeconomy'—thatis,wearethe
firstnationinthehistoryoftheworldinwhichmorethanhalfoftheemployed
populationisnotinvolvedintheproductionoffood,clothing,houses,
automobiles,andothertangiblegoods."SeeVictorR.Fuchs,"TheGrowing
ImportanceofServiceIndustries,"JournalofBusiness38.4(1965):344.
Startingevenbeforethesecondworldwar,Fuchsnoted,employmentinthe
UnitedStateswasgraduallyshiftingtowardtrade,finance,insurance,real
estate,professionalservices,andthelike—atrendthatcontinuedintothe
1980sand1990s,whentheterm"emotionalintelligence"begantocirculate.
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12. Whilebothmenandwomenproduceandrogens,mendosoinlarger
quantities,afactthataccountsforsecondarysexualcharacteristics,suchas
bodyhair,alowervoice,and,presumably,aggressionandsimilarlymale
associatedqualities.Someevidencesuggeststhatboyswithautismgo
throughpubertyearlierthanotherboysdo.
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13. See,forinstance,BonnieAuyeung,SimonBaronCohen,EmmaAshwin,
RebeccaKnickmeyer,KevinTaylor,GeraldHackett,andMelissaHines,
"FetalTestosteronePredictsSexuallyDifferentiatedChildhoodBehaviorin
GirlsandBoys,"PsychologicalScience20.2(2009):144148.
8/10/2014 "The Extre me Male Brain?" Inc rementum and the Rhetorical Gende ring of Autism | Jac k | Disability Studies Qua rter ly
http://dsq-sds.org/article /view/1672/1599 31/31
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