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"The Extreme Male Brain?" Incrementum and the Rhetorical Gendering of Autism

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The rhetorical figure of the incrementum, or scale, can help to account for how autism spectrum disorders (ASD) have been gendered as male, especially in Simon Baron-Cohen’s "Extreme Male Brain" theory. The incrementum occurs when female, male, and autistic brains are placed along a scale according to systemizing and empathizing abilities. This double hierarchy reinforces popular beliefs about sex and gender, drawing on the cultural resources of hi-tech culture, the service economy, and geekiness. In so doing, these theories overlook other important aspects of ASD, including alternative theories, the presence of autistic women and girls, and the needs and interests of autistic people themselves.
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8/10/2014 "The Extre me Male Brain?" Inc rementum and the Rhetorical Gende ring of Autism | Jac k | Disability Studies Qua rter ly
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"TheExtremeMaleBrain?"Incrementumandthe
RhetoricalGenderingofAutism
JordynnJack
UniversityofNorthCarolina,ChapelHill
Email:jjack@ad.unc.edu
Keywords:
Autism,gender,masculinity,rhetoric,technology
Abstract
Therhetoricalfigureoftheincrementum,orscale,canhelptoaccountfor
howautismspectrumdisorders(ASD)havebeengenderedasmale,
especiallyinSimonBaronCohen's"ExtremeMaleBrain"theory.The
incrementumoccurswhenfemale,male,andautisticbrainsareplacedalong
ascaleaccordingtosystemizingandempathizingabilities.Thisdouble
hierarchyreinforcespopularbeliefsaboutsexandgender,drawingonthe
culturalresourcesofhitechculture,theserviceeconomy,andgeekiness.In
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sodoing,thesetheoriesoverlookotherimportantaspectsofASD,including
alternativetheories,thepresenceofautisticwomenandgirls,andtheneeds
andinterestsofautisticpeoplethemselves.
In2005,autismresearcherSimonBaronCohenopenedaNewYorkTimesarticle
withthefollowingstatement:"Bystudyingthedifferencesbetweenmaleandfemale
brains,wecangeneratesignificantinsightsintothemysteryofautism"(Baron
Cohen).Whatmakesthisstatementpossible,rhetorically,isaprocessofgendering
thathasmadeautismspectrumdisorder(ASD)into"TheMaleCondition"—thetitle
ofBaronCohen'spiece.
AutismisanexampleofwhatJudySegalcallsarhetoricaldisorder(74):inthe
absenceofclearbiologicalmarkersforautism,"discoursefillsthespacethat
certaintyinmedicineleavesunoccupied"(75).Instead,itisdiagnosedthrough
comparisonwithpsychologicalstandards,suchastheDiagnosticandStatistical
ManualoftheAmericanPsychologicalAssociation,whichdefinesautisticspectrum
disorder(ASD)accordingtobehavioralsigns.Persuasionthereforeplaysan
importantroleinhowautismisdefinedanddiagnosed.Researcherscontinueto
debatewhatfeaturesconstituteautism.Forinstance,in2010theAPAreleased
workingnotesfortheDSMV,whichofferednewcriteriaforautismandplaced
Asperger'ssyndrome(heretoforeaseparatedisorder)withintheumbrellacategory
ofASD.Suchashiftwouldbefundamentallyrhetorical,inthatitisenactedthrough
language,persuadingpractitionerstocategorizeindividualsinanewway.
Asisthecasewithanydisability,then,autismisshapedinpartby"social
meanings,symbols,andstigmas"attachedtoit(Siebers3).Whatmakesthis
processunique,inthecaseofautism,isthatthesesocialmeaningsdonotmerely
demarcatethe"normal"(orneurotypical)fromthe"abnormal"(orneurodiverse);
instead,theyalsodifferentiatebetweenmenandwomen,insuchamannerthatthe
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"malecondition"ispathologizedalongsidetheautisticcondition.Inthecaseofthe
EMBtheory,gendereddiscourses,inparticular,offerrhetoricalfoddertofillinthe
spacesleftbyuncertainty.
Inrhetoricalterms,sex/genderprovideswhatKennethBurkewouldcalla
terministicscreenthroughwhichautismisunderstoodbysomeresearchersand
popularizers.AccordingtoBurke,theseorganizingframeworks"directtheattention"
insomechannelsratherthanothers(45).Inthisway,theverytermsweuseto
understandtheworldbothselectsomeelementsofrealityanddeflectourattention
awayfromothers.Inautismdiscourse,hegemonicnotionsofsexandgender
provideacommonterministicscreenthroughwhichresearchersmakesenseofa
complexandoftenpuzzlingcondition.Thiscommonalitystemsfromthefactthat
moreboysthangirlsreceiveautismdiagnoses,byaratioof4to1.Thesestatistical
facts,though,areextendedtothedisorderitself,wheremalenessisappliedtothe
brainsofindividualswithautism.Intheprocess,researchersespousingthistheory
constructascale,drawingontherhetoricalfigureofincrementum,orscale,which
positionswomen,men,andpeoplewithautismalongacontinuumaccordingtothe
degreetowhichtheypossesssomequantifiedtrait.
Anincrementumissimplyascale,butonethatcanbeusedforrhetoricalpurposes.
Forinstance,ifweclaimthatmentendtobeheavierthanwomen,whotendtobe
heavierthanchildren,wehaveconstructedanincrementum,orderingthosethree
groupsaccordingtoweight.Thisclaimmightseemnoncontroversial,butimagine
constructingascaleinwhichwemeasureintelligence,instead,andorder
individualsaccordingtosex.Thattypeofscalecansupportarangeofunsavory
argumentsforpoliciesofallsorts,andwouldbefundamentallyrhetoricalbothinits
constructionanditsuse.
Sexandgenderofferreadilyavailablelensesforunderstandingautismbecause
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theyare,inChaimPerelmanandLucieOlbrechtsTyteca'sterminology,"present."
Bypresence,PerelmanandOlbrechtsTytecarefertothefactthattheselectionof
elementstoincludeinanargumentimpliestheirimportanceandpertinence(116).
Byreferencingculturallyspecificnotionsofsexandgender,researchersmake
presentthoseelements,and,intheprocess,obscureothers.Latetwentiethcentury
rhetoricsoftechnology,gender,andtheserviceeconomymakeitpossibletoorder
individualsalongnewscales,includingtechnologicalabilityandemotional
intelligence.Thesescaleshaveshapedscientificunderstandingsofautisminways
thatdirecttheattentionofresearcherstosomeaspectsanddeflectattentionaway
fromotherimportantissues,includingalternativescientifictheories,theinterestsof
girlsandwomenwithautism,andtheissuesdeemedmostimportantbyautistic
peoplethemselves.
GeekSyndrome,Systemizing,andtheGenderingofAutism
In2010,thefilmTheSocialNetworkpremieredtowidecriticalacclaim.Reviewers
praisedthecentralironyofthefilm—thatthefounderofFacebook,themostpopular
socialnetworksite,washimself"almostcompletelybereftofpeopleskills"(Neal).
Soon,suggestionsemergedthatFacebook'sCEO,MarkZuckerberg,(eitherinreal
life,orasportrayedinthefilm)hasautisticorAsperger'straits.TheWallStreet
Journal'sreviewerwrotethatthecharacter"combinesaborderlineautisticaffect
withasinglemindedfocusonabeautifullysimpleidea"(Morgenstern),whilethe
NewYorkTimesnotedthat,asportrayedinthefilm,"Mr.Zuckerbergisasocial
autisticwhopivotsbetweenbrillianceandhubrisonhiswaytobecomingthe
youngestbillionairetheworldhasseen"(Carr).TheonlinemagazineSlatecalled
Zuckerberg"asociallyautistic,statusobsessed,joylessdweeb"(Stevens).Indeed,
evenbeforethefilmcameout,aBaltimoreSunarticlereportedthatJesse
Eisenberg,theactorwhoportraysZuckerberg,studieduponAsperger'sbecause
"PeoplehavesaidZuckerbergmayhaveminorAsperger'ssyndrome"(Sragow).
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DebatesemergedontheonlinecommunityWrongPlanetandblogaggregator
Autisable,bothofwhichattractautisticparticipants,aboutwhetherornot
Zuckerberg(again,realorfictional)hasAsperger's,withparticipantsweighingon
bothsides.Howdidthishappen?
Sincethe1980s,autismhasbecomeincreasinglyassociatedwiththescience,
computing,hitechindustriesand,intheprocess,withmasculinityandfathers.For
one,thebrainsofautisticthemselvesarecomparedtocomputers.Diagnosing
famousscientists,engineers,andcomputerscientistswithautismhasbecomea
parlorgameandcottageindustry—AlbertEinstein,PaulDirac,BillGates,andIsaac
Newtonareamongthemostcommonlycitedinthiscategory.1Contemporary
understandingsofgeekmasculinityhavebecomeoneofthemorecommon,
genderedterministicscreensthroughwhichautismisnowunderstood,producing
scalesthatalignpeopleinorderoftechnologicalor"systemizing"skill.
AccordingtotheExtremeMaleBrain(EMB)theoryofautism,peoplewithautism
possesshypermalebrains.Theycanbeorderedonascaleleadingfromthosewho
arelessadeptatsystemizingtasks(mostwomen),tothosewithgreatersystemizing
skill(mostmen),tothosewithextremelyhighsystemizingabilities(peoplewith
autism).Oncemaleandfemaleinterestsarecategorizedaseither"systemizing"or
itsopposite,"empathizing,"theycanbeplacedalongascale,orinrhetoricalterms,
anincrementum,leadingfromfemaletomaletotheextrememale(orautistic).In
particular,theEMBtheorytakestheformofa"doublehierarchy,"inwhichan
establishedseries(e.g.,malefemale)formsthebasisforasecondseries
(systemizingempathizing),"intheprocesstryingtotransferimplicationsoforderor
valuefromthefirsttothesecond"(Fahnestock105).
TherhetoricalfigureoftheincrementumoftenshowsupinBaronCohen'swriting.
Ina2009studyBaronCohencoauthoredwithBonnieAuyeung,etal.,theauthors
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providethesepointsofevidencefortheirextrememalebraintheory:"Thetypical
malebrainisheavierthanthefemalebrainandindividualswithautismhave
heavierbrainsthantypicalmales"(2),and"Theamygdaleisalsodisproportionately
largeinboyscomparedtogirls…andchildrenwithautismhaveenlarged
amygdalae"(2).Thisincrementumnotonlyemphasizesdifferencesbetweenthose
withautismandthosewithout;sinceineachcasesthedifferencesidentifiedare
quitesmall,italsoforcesmaleandfemalefurtherapartbyexaggeratingdifferences
betweenaveragewomen,averagemen,andautisticpeople.
Therhetoricalresourceoftheincrementumdrawsfromthereadymade,terministic
screenofsexandgender.Thetestsusedtodeterminewhatcountsasa"male"or
"female"brainmapculturalnormsfirstontomasculineandfeminineactivities,and
thenontomaleandfemalebrains,andthenpresentthesedifferencesasnaturalor
biological.BaronCohenpopularizedthesenotionsinhisbookTheEssential
Difference:MaleandFemaleBrainsandtheTruthAboutAutism,publishedin
2003.Onaverage,BaronCohenclaims,menaremoreinterestedinsystemizing
tasks,suchasengineering,computerprogramming,andmathematics,orhobbies
basedonmechanics,construction,andcategorizing—metalworking,boatbuilding,
craftingmusicalinstruments,evenbirdspotting.Meanwhile,BaronCohen
suggests,womentendtoenjoy"havingsupperwithfriends,advisingthemon
relationshipproblems,orcaringforpeopleorpets,orworkingforvolunteerphone
lineslisteningtodepressed,hurt,needy,orevensuicidalanonymouscallers"(12).
Basedontheseinsights,BaronCohendevisedaseriesofthreetests:the
systemizingquotient(SQ),empathizingquotient(EQ),andtheautismquotient(AQ),
allofwhichreflectthepredetermined,genderednotionsofmaleandfemale
appropriateactivities.OntheSystemizingQuotientTest,testersareaskedtorank
theiranswersonaLikertScaletosuchquestionsas"IfIwerebuyingacar,Iwould
wanttoobtainspecificinformationaboutitsenginecapacity"(209)and"Iftherewas
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aproblemwiththeelectricalwiringinmyhome,I'dbeabletofixitmyself"(210).
Meanwhile,theEmpathyQuotienttestincludessuchpromptsas"Itrytokeepup
withthecurrenttrendsandfashions"and"WhenItalktopeople,Itendtotalkabout
theirexperiencesratherthanmyown"(204).Clearly,thesequestionscouldeasily
reflectsocializationaswellasbiology.Inthefirstpairofexamples,forinstance,we
mightrewordthequestionstoreflecttypicallyfeminineinterests:"IfIambuyinga
dress,Icheckthetagtoseethespecificfabriccontentandwashinginstructions"or
"Ifthezipperbrokeonapairofpants,I'dknowhowtoreplaceit."Meanwhile,typical
menmightscorehighonpromptssuchas"Itrytokeepupwiththelatesttrendsin
carsandtechnology"or"Iliketohelppeoplesolvetheirproblems."Inthese
prompts,then,stereotypicallymasculineactivitiesareassumedtoreflect
systemizing,whilestereotypicallyfeminineactivitiesareassumedtoreflect
empathizing.Thetestitselfignoresthegenderingofthelistedtechnologiesas
masculineandomitstechnologiestypicallygenderedasfeminine(sewing
machines,dishwashers,blenders,etc.).2
Thetestsalsonaturalizehistoricallyandculturallyspecificdefinitionsoftechnology
itself,whichtendtoexcludetechnologiesassociatedwithwomen,nonwhites,and
nonEuropeans.Thetermtechnologyonlygainedprominenceinthe1930s,whenit
tooktheplaceoftheearlier,andmorecapaciousterm,"usefularts,"whichhad
includedwomen'sinventionsandobjects(quilts,corsets,etc.)(Oldenziel43).3The
term"technology"similarlyexcludednonWestern,nonwhitetechnologies,suchas
innovationsinmathematics,metallurgy,medicine,transportation,textiles,pottery,
furniture,architecture,agriculturaltechniques,andthelike.4Theserhetorical
constructionsconstitutetechnologyusersas(white)men,and(white)menasusers
oftechnology.
Inparticular,BaronCohen'sscalereflectsthegenderingofcomputerandelectronic
technologyasmasculine.SaraKiesler,LeeSproull,andJacquelynneS.Eccles
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arguethatcomputingcultureemergedinthe1980soutofthemaledominated
spacesofvideoarcadesandcomputinglabs,bothofwhichtendedtobe"highly
competitiveandaggressivecontext[s]"(460).Asthehitechindustrysurgedinthe
1980sand1990s,computerexpertisewasintegratedintowhatMarianneCooper
callsa"newlyconstitutedmasculinity"(380),onethatstressedcompetitionbased
onlongworkhoursandtechnicalability,combinedwithcreativityandadaptability
toaquicklychangingworkplace(382).Thistrajectorycouldhavebeenotherwise;
indeed,thefirstcomputerprogrammerswerewomen.5
ThisgenderedhistoryisclearlyreflectedinthewayBaronCohen'sSQscale
privilegescertainkindsofelectronicandcomputinginterestsasexamplesof
systemizing.Indeed,changingasmallnumberofquestionstomoregenderneutral
issuescouldeasilyreduceorremovethesexdifferencesinSQscores.Inonestudy
conductedinSweden,fourquestionsfromBaronCohens'SQscaleaccounted
disproportionatelyforthegenderdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen;namely,
questionsrelatedtointerestincomputerprocessingcapacity(item20),wireless
communication(item57),technicalfeaturesofstereoequipment(item33)andhigh
strategygames(item12)(VonHornetal.)Clearly,theseareactivitiesinwhichmen
areencouragedtoexcel,activitiesthatareregularlycastasmasculine,and
activitiesinwhichmenmighthaveextramotivationtodemonstrateinterest,given
theseculturalnorms.6
In2006,SallyWheelwright,BaronCohen,andtheircollaboratorspublisheda
revisedversionoftheSQ,theSQR,whichincludedawiderrangeofquestions
aboutsystemizing.TheoriginalSQ,theauthorsadmitted,"weredrawnprimarily
fromtraditionallymaledomains."Forthisreason,theSQRincluded"moreitems
thatmightberelevanttofemalesinthegeneralpopulation,"afeaturethatwould
allowtheresearcherstodeterminewhethermenwouldcontinuetoscorehigheron
theSQ"evenwiththeinclusionofitemsselectedfromtraditionallyfemaledomains"
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(Wheelwrightetal.48).Someofthenewpromptsincluded"WhenIhavealotof
shoppingtodo,IliketoplanwhichshopsIamgoingtovisitandinwhatorder"and
"Myclothesarenotcarefullyorganisedintodifferenttypesinmywardrobe"
(answering"no"onthispromptpresumablyindicatesanSQtypeofbrain)(5556).
TheSQRsuccessfullyshiftedtheresults.IntheoriginalSQ,menhadahigher
meanscoreon86percentofthequestions,whilewomenhadahighermeanon
only13.2percent.Intherevisedversion,menscoredhigheron68percentand
womenon32percent—aratherdramaticshiftinthesexratio(49).
WhiletheSQRattemptstoofferawiderrangeofprompts,itnowincludesprompts
thatmightbeconsideredtobegenderedmaleorgenderneutral.TheSQRitself
demonstratesthatthesesexdifferencesmaylargelybeanartifactofthetesting
promptsandthespecificmixofquestionsincluded.Onemighthypothesizethatthe
SQcouldberevisedevenfurtherinwaysthatwouldequalizethescores.Yet
BaronCohenconcludesfromtherevisedstudythat"inthepresentstudy,inthe
typicalgroup,morethantwiceasmanymalesasfemaleshadaTypeSbrain,and
morethantwiceasmanyfemalesasmaleshadaTypeEbrain,"afindinghe
interpretsasupholdinghisEQ/SQtheory(53).IntheEMBtheory,normalmenare
"autismized,"understoodasfunctioninganalogicallytoindividualswithautism,only
inalesserorreducedmanner.ThisiswhatallowsBaronCohentoclaiminthe
NewYorkTimesthatunderstandingsexdifferencescanhelpustounderstand
autism(aclaimhealsopublishesinscientificstudies)(BaronCohen,Knickmeyer,
andBelmonte819).Byreasoningthroughtherhetoricalfigureoftheincrementum,
BaronCohenconstructstestingtoolsthatwillprovidenumericalproofofconcepts
suchas"systemizing"(SQ)or"empathizing"(EQ)orthe"AutisticQuotient"(AQ).
ThatthisincrementumservesaninventivefunctionforBaronCohenisalsoevident
inChapter12ofTheEssentialDifference,whereheconsiderswhethertheremight
existan"extremefemalebrain"aswellastheextrememalebrain.Whilenosuch
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Figure1:BaronCohen'sdepictionoftheincrementum.(TypeBisthe
"balancedbrain"(equalsystemizingandempathizingability);typeEisthe
"empathizing"brain,codedfemale;typeSisthesystemizingbrain,coded
male;andthe"extremetypeS"brainiscodedasautistic.8
disorderyetexists,BaronCohensays,itispredictedbasedonthemodel—i.e.,the
doublehierarchyandtheincrementumitgetsmappedonto.7Theincrementum
functionsvisuallyaswellaslinguistically,asshowninFigure1.
SiliconValleyandtheServiceEconomy
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ThepersuasivenessoffBaronCohen'sEMBtheoryowesmuchtoourcurrent
culturalpreoccupationswithhitechcultureandnerdomaswellaswithsex/gender.
OnetheoryrelatedtoEMBisassortivemating—thenotionthatariseinautismand
Asperger'ssyndromediagnosesisduetoincreasedopportunitiesforhigh
systemizers(i.e.,nerds)tomeetandhavechildren.Anoftencitedfactoidsuggests
thatratesofautismarehighestinSiliconValley,whereworkersinhitech
computingareconcentrated.In2002,SteveSilbermanreportedinaWired
magazinearticlethat"somethingdarkandunsettlingishappeninginSilicon
Valley,"citing"spiraling"ratesofautisminCalifornia:
TheValleyisaselfselectingcommunitywherepassionatelybright
peoplemigratefromallovertheworldtomakesmartmachineswork
smarter.Thenutsandboltspracticalityofhardlaboramongthebits
appealstothepredilectionsofthehighfunctioningautisticmind[…]The
chillingpossibilityisthatwhat'shappeningnowisthefirstproofthatthe
genesresponsibleforbestowingcertainspecialgiftsonslightlyautistic
adults—theveryabilitiesthathavemadethemdreamersandarchitects
ofourtechnologicalfuture—arecapableofbringingaplaguedownon
thebestmindsofthenextgeneration.(Silberman)
Thisquoteevokesthe1980sfilmRevengeoftheNerds,whichparodiesAmerican
culturalpreoccupationswithapplepienormalcy.Theidealcitizen,exemplifiedin
sportsheroes,isathletic,goodlooking,andresolutelynormal.InRevengeofthe
Nerds,themaincharactersaresocialoutcastswhononethelesssucceedinkicking
thejocksoutofstudentgovernment,usingtheirmentaladvantagestoengineer
solutionstofeatssuchasajavelinthrowingcontest.IntheSiliconValleyarticle,
Silbermanenvisionsaplagueofsuchnerds,wreakinghavoconnormalAmerican
culturebybreedingwitheachother.Inthisway,thearticleproducesasortofpost
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humandiscourse,thesuggestionthatgeekinterbreedingmightleadto"chilling"
consequences,araceofgeekswhowillsomehowhackintoanddestroyAmerica.
The"SiliconValley"factoidhasbecomecommonplaceindiscussionsofautism;
Silberman'sarticlewascitedinaTimemagazinearticle,andbyBBCnews,which
reportedthatautismcouldbelinkedto"geekgenes"(Nash;BBCNews).Todate,
theseassumptionshavenotbeenscientificallyvalidated.Asearchofscientific
databasesturnedupnoepidemiologicalstudiesofautismintheSiliconValley.A
2009studybytheCaliforniaDepartmentofPublicHealthfoundthatfatherswith
technicalbackgroundswerenomorelikelythancontrolstohavechildrenwith
autism(Windham,Fessel,andGrether).Fornow,itseemsthatthepersuasiveness
oftheExtremeMaleBrainorSiliconValleytheoriesliesmoreinhowthosetheories
fitwithournotionsofgender,geekiness,andthelatetwentiethcenturyworkplace
thaninactualstatisticalpatterns.
Withtheriseofinternetcultureinthe1990s,thefigureofthetechsavvygeekgrew
increasinglycommoninpopculture,fromfilmtotelevisiontomagazines.Thegeek
ornerdisoverwhelminglymale.Inhisbook,AmericanNerd:TheStoryofMy
People,BenjaminNugentarguesthatthereareactuallytwotypesofnerds.The
first,hesuggests,is"disproportionatelymale"(6)andtakesaspecialinterestin
machines,technology,andlogic(6).Theinterestsaccordedtothistypeofmale
excludethoseassociatedwith"emotionalconfrontation,sex,food,orbeauty,"such
as"basketball,violin,sex,surfing,acting,knitting,interiordecorating,winetasting,
etc."(6).I'vealreadysuggestedhowknitting,forinstance,caneasilybeconsidered
asystemizingtypeofactivity.Thesamecouldbesaidfortherestofthelist.Surfers
activelymonitorweatherpatterns,swell,andsurfgearvariables;wineconnoisseurs
chartgeographicregions,vintages,andcasktypesonwebsitessuchas
winegeeks.comorbyplayingthetriviagameWinerd.Inshort,thedominant
depictionofnerdinessleadsustooverlookawiderangeoftechnicalbehaviorsand
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interests—thoselikelytobepursuedbywomenaswellasmenwhoseinterests
alignmorecloselywiththestereotypeofthe"typicalmale."Thesecondtypeof
nerd,Nugentargues,becomesanerdthrough"sheerforceofsocialexclusion,"and
isequallylikelytobemaleorfemale(7).
Thefirsttypeofnerd,whatIwouldcallthehegemonicmalenerd,though,istheone
mostcloselyalignedwithautismspectrumdisorders,especiallyAsperger's
syndrome.Nugentwritesthat"ifyoulineupthetraitsofpeopleandfictional
characterswhoarenerdswiththetraitsthatcompromiseAsperger's,theoverlapis
hardtoignore"(143).Thesimilaritiesincludeaninterestintechnicalobjectsor
machines,alackofunderstandingofemotionsandnonverbalcommunication,and
thelike.However,Nugentiscriticalofthetendencytopathologizethese
preferences,notingthatindoingso,wetakebehavior"onceconsideredmerely
eccentric"andturnitinto"hardwiredneurologicaldifference"(150).Adisability
studiesperspectivewouldcorroboratethisassessment,stressingthatautismoffers
anexampleofanalternativeneurologicalcondition.9
NugentsuggeststhatonereasonforthepersuasivenessoftheEMBtheoryliesin
shiftsinourunderstandingofmasculinity.Whilenineteenthcenturymenmightnot
havebeenexpectedtoexhibitempathy,overthecourseofthetwentiethcentury,
definitionsofnormalmasculinitygraduallybegantoemphasizeempathyand
emotionalcompetence.Forone,theUnitedStateseconomyhasshiftedtowarda
serviceindustry,whichvaluesemotionalandcommunicationskills.Even
technologicaljobsnowemphasizeteamwork,communication,andinterpersonal
skills.Somemightcallthisthefeminizationoftheworkplace,insofarastraditionally
femalejobshaveoftenemphasizedemotionalskills,epitomizedinthelaborofthe
waitress,stewardess,ornurse.
Thenotionofsocialoremotionalintelligencegainedinprominenceinthe1990s,
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aroundthesametimeasthetechnologyboomandawaveofinterestinautismand
Asperger's—especiallywhenunderstoodas"geeksyndrome."Whilethenotionof
socialintelligencewasdevelopedintheProgressiveEra,10itwasin1995,withthe
publicationofDanielGoleman'sEmotionalIntelligence,thattheideatookoffasa
popculturereference,educationalobjective,andindicatorofmiddleclass
marketability.Emotionalintelligence,Golemanargues,maybemoreimportantthan
anyothertypeofabilityindeterminingsuccessonthejob.Golemanarguedthat
latetwentiethcenturyworkerswere"beingjudgedbyanewyardstick"(3).In
rhetoricalterms,EIofferedanewtypeofincrementum,orscale,alongwhich
humanscouldbeordered,inthiscaseaccordingtoemotionalskillratherthan
intelligence.Intelligence,training,andexpertisenolongerconstitutedthekey
measuresforsuccessonthejob;instead,Golemanwrites,workerswerebeing
judgedbysocialskills,suchas"initiativeandempathy,adaptabilityand
persuasiveness"(3),whichdetermined"whowillbehiredandwhowillnot,whowill
beletgoandwhoretained,whopassedoverandwhopromoted"(3).Hereagain,a
doublehierarchyargumentappears:theestablishedbusinesshierarchy,with
leadersatthetopandminionsonthebottom,isalignedwiththenewscaleoffered
bytheEI.Inthisway,EInaturalizestheworkplacehierarchy,detachingitfrom
education,class,andgender,allofwhichmayinfluencewhetherindividualsare
perceivedasleaders.
Golemanlinksemotionalintelligencespecificallytothevaluesandidealsoftheso
called"serviceeconomy."11Notsurprisingly,corporations,businessschools,and
consultantsjumpedontheEIbandwagonastraditionalmanufacturingjobsinthe
UnitedStatesallbutdisappeared.Notably,womenhadalwaysworkedinthe
"servicesector,"inwhatusedtobecalled"PinkCollar"jobs.Itwasmen,in
particular,whoweremostaffectedbytheshifttowardsaserviceeconomy,who
mustnowdevelopskillsrequiredtoworkwithpeopleratherthan(orinadditionto)
things.Thus,theEIandtheconcomitantriseoftheserviceeconomygenerateda
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newformofmasculinity,theemotionalequivalenttothe"metrosexual"—amanwho
wasexpectedtotakeonsomeofthetrappingsoffemininityinordertoincreasehis
economicpower.
GenderandEmpathy
Empathyhashistoricallybeendescribedasanemotion.Inrhetoricaltheory,ithas
beenassociatedwithacapacityforfeelingemotions,notidentifyingthem.
Quintiliannotedthatthemosteffectiverhetorspossessacapacitytofeelthe
emotionstheyseektoevoke(Quintilian6.2.26).ForQuintilian,though,empathyis
alsoperformative,sinceoratorswhocan"bestconceivesuchimageswillhavethe
greatestpowerinmovingthefeelings"(6.2.29).Inhisformulation,empathy
representsacapacitytoconjureforoneselftheemotionalstatesthatmovethe
feelings,andtoprojectthoseemotionalstatestoanaudience.
Whenitbecameatopicforpsychologicalinquiry,empathyoriginallyenjoyeda
muchbroaderdefinition.Intheearlytwentiethcentury,empathywasaslikelyto
refertoaesthetics,cognition,orembodiedemotion.In1925,HerbertEllsworthCory
declaredthatdancewas"themostdirectelaborationofempathy(thosemovements
bywhichweseektobecomeonewiththeobjectwecontemplate"(394).Asan
embodied,aestheticreaction,empathycouldbedirectedtowardsobjects,notjust
people.CognitivedefinitionsofempathydrewfromHusserl,whoviewedempathy
asamethodofphilosophicalinquiryintootherminds(inGerman,Einfuhlung,or
"sympatheticparticipation").Thisdefinitionmaintainedthattheactualfeelingsof
anotherareunknowableandunsharable,butthatmeaningsofemotionscouldbe
sharedtotheextentthatonecouldprojecthisorherownfeelingsontoothers
(Urban281).Finally,psychologistTitchenerreferredtomotorempathy,orthe
mirroringoftheembodied,physicalbehaviorsofanother.
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Intheearlytwentiethcentury,itwasunclearthatempathycouldbemeasuredatall.
WilburM.Urbanwrotein1917thatthenotionthatonecould"know"otherminds
wasalwaysaninference,andoftenaprojectionofone'sownfeelingontoothers
(281).Feeling,Urbaninsisted,was"unrepresentableandunsharable,"soclaimsto
knowwhatsomeoneelseisfeelingcanonlyrefertojudgmentsaboutthemeaning
orintentionsofsomeoneelse(282).In1949,RosalieF.Dymondpublishedthe
resultsofaninitialattempttoquantifyempathy,whichshedefinedas"the
imaginativetransposingofoneselfintothethinking,feelingandactingofanother
andsostructuringtheworldashedoes"(127).Notably,femalesdidnotscorebetter
onthetestshedevisedthandidmales,althoughthefemalesdidshowgreater
improvementonthetestwhengivenachancetoretakeit(130).BaronCohen's
versionofthetestdrawsonthisprecedent,whichreducesthefullrangeofempathic
activitiestoonesthatcanbetested,suchas"correctly"identifyingorpredicting
someone'sstateofmind.
Recently,psychologistshavedisputedthedoublehierarchythatplacesmenand
womenalonganincrementumbasedonempathy.In1983,NancyEisenbergand
RandyLennonpublishedareviewofpsychologicalstudiesofempathy.They
arguedthatthetendencyforwomentoscorehigheronarangeofempathytests
waslargelyafunctionofthemethodused(124).Women'ssuperiorscoreswere
mostevident"whenitisobviouswhatbehaviorortraitisbeingassessed"(124)or
onselfreportstudieswherewomenmightfeelpressuretopresentthemselvesas
moreempathetic(125).Whenempathywasmeasuredlessobtrusively(i.e.,by
observingmaleandfemaleparticipantsreacttoasituationorbymeasuring
physiologicalresponses),sexdifferencesdisappeared.Inotherwords,the
existenceoftheincrementum,orthe"commonsense"notionthatwomenaremore
empatheticthanmen,servesapersuasivefunctionintestingcontests,goading
womenintochoosingresponsesthatwillalignthemwithfemininityandempathy
ratherthanmasculinityandindifference.
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Evidently,extrapolatingfromcommonplacesbasedongenderedstereotypesto
explanationsforbrainbaseddifferencesrequiresanumberofspeculativeleaps.
Notably,thisunderlyingtheorylinkssex,gender,andsexualityinneatlyordered
rows:malesaremasculine,aggressive,systematic;womenarefeminine,passive,
andempathic.Suchatheoryclearlyfloutscurrentunderstandingsofhuman
sexuality,sex,andgenderasitselfmultiple(FaustoSterling).BaronCohendoes
notaddressthequestionofwherehomosexual,transsexual,ortransgendered
individualsmightfallonhisEmpathizingSystemizingspectrum.
NewScales
Despitetheproblematicsex/genderincrementumunderlyingtheEMBtheoryof
autism,manyscientistscontinuetosearchforbiologicalfactorstoaddnew
dimensionstothescale.Recently,researchershavesoughttodeterminewhether
higherfetaltestosteronelevelsinuterocorrelatewithanautismdiagnosis.12One
methodresearchersusetotestprenataltestosteroneexposureisbymeasuringthe
ratiobetweenthesecondandfourthfinger(ordigit),calledthe2D:4Dratio.
Accordingtothishypothesis,peopleexposedtohigherlevelsoftestosteronein
uterotendtohavealongerfourthfingerthanindexfinger—oralow2D:4Dratio.13
Thismeasure,then,allowsresearcherstodrawonthefigureofincrementummore
explicitly,positioningindividualsalongascalebasedontheir2D:4D
measurements.Thosewiththelowestratio,presumably,havethehighestriskfor
anASDdiagnosis.The2D:4Dratioprovidesanincrementumthat,unliketheSQor
EQ(whichreliesonqualitative,selfreportdata),canbequantifiedwithoutrelying
onindividuals'ownselfperceptions.Similarly,MarkBrosnanandIanWalkerhave
extendedtheEMBtheorytoquestionwhethermothersofautisticchildrenmaybe
masculinizedinsomeway,apropositiontheytestbyexaminingadifferentratio,the
waisthipratio(WHP),whichiscalculatedbydividingthewoman'swaist
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circumferencebythehipcircumference.Theaveragewoman'sWHPfallsbetween
.7and.8.Theauthorshypothesizethat"ifsomemenwerefoundtoshowa
preferenceforhigherthanaverageWHRmates,thiswouldencouragegreater
prenataltestosteroneexposureforthosemen'soffspring"—ahypothesistheytestin
apopulationofparentsofchildrenwithASD.
Boththe2D:4DratioandtheWHPratioenableresearcherstodeploytherhetorical
resourcesoftheincrementum,orderingindividualsaccordingtoaquantifiable,
biologicaltrait.Theattractionoftheseformulationsmaybethatmeasuringa
biologicalquantity(asopposedtoselfreportmeasuresfromasurvey)enables
researcherstodepictsexgenderrelationsasparticularlyhardwiredandnatural,
andhenceimmunetosocialandrhetoricalconstructions.
Implications:AlternativeScreens
Becausesex/genderdifferenceprovidessuchapervasive,andpersuasive,lens
throughwhichweunderstandhumanity,itisnotsurprisingthatittendstoinform
studiesofautism.Unfortunately,though,competingtheoriestendtobe
marginalized,especiallyiftheyconformlesseasilytoourcommonunderstandings
ofsex/genderdifference.
SomeresearchersquestiontheEMBtheoryforitsfailuretoaccountfullyforthe
rangeoffeaturesthatcharacterizeautism.EliseB.Barbeau,AdriannaMendrek,
andLaurentMottronobjecttotheEMBtheory,arguingthat"Theautisticbrain
functionsdifferently,sometimesmorelikemen,sometimesmorelikewomen,but
weshouldconsiderthatitmightactuallyfunctioninitsownuniqueway"(27).In
essence,Barbeau,Mendrek,andMottronargueagainsttheincrementumthat
positionsmen,women,andpeoplewithautismalongascale;instead,they
suggest,autismmightpresentadifferenttypeofpatternaltogether,onethatdoes
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notfallneatlyonamalefemalecontinuum.
AnotheralternativeunderstandingofautismcomesfromHenryMarkram,Tania
Rinaldi,andKamilaMarkram,whohavesuggestedthatautismmightbe
understoodasan"intenseworldsyndrome."Intheirtheory,autismischaracterized
notbyanextrememalebrain,butbyahyperreactiveandhyperplasticbrainthat
makestheworldseemoverstimulating.Autisticindividuals,then,mayexperience
anexcessofsensoryandemotionalinput—notalackthereof,astheEMBtheory
wouldhaveit.Symptomssuchasrepetitivebehaviorandwithdrawal—whichare
notexplainedbytheEMBtheory—canbeunderstoodaccordingtothe"intense
world"hypothesisascopingmechanismsindividualsusetodealwith
overstimulatedsenses.
Notably,thisexplanationseemstoaccordbestwithhowmanyautisticpeople
themselvesdescribetheirsensoryexperiences.RachelCohenRottenberg,who
maintainsablogcalledJourneysWithAutism,writesthat"Tomy(autistic)mind,
IntenseWorldSyndrometheoryistheclosestthatthescientificcommunityhasever
cometounderstandingautism."Anotherwoman,aselfdiagnosed"Aspie,"writes
that,inherexperience,sensoryinput"comesinfasterthanIcanprocessit,"soshe
mustlookawayinorderto"processallthe'data'comingin"(Neshamaruach).What
mayappeartobelackofempathymaybe,accordingtotheseautisticwomen,an
excessofemotionalandsensoryinput.
WomenwhohaveautismorAsperger'ssyndromeareeffectivelymarginalizedin
theEMBtheory—anelisionthathasbeenaddressedinpopularbooksand
scholarlyworkinthehumanities(Davidson"'InaWorldofHerOwn…'";Davidson
"'MoreLabelsThanaJamJar'";Bazelon;ErnspergerandWendel)butthatsofar
hasnotgreatlyimpactedpsychologicalstudiesthatcontinuetofollowtheparadigm
laidoutbyBaronCohen'stheory.Listeningtoautisticwomenmightleadtoa
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revisednotionof"systemizing"asawayofthinkingthatcanbeappliedtoafull
rangeofinterests,notasoneconnectedtoparticulartypesof(typicallymasculine)
interests.OneparticipantinanonlineforumforwomenwithAsperger's,whouses
thescreenname"gimpyzebra,"offersthefollowingreflections:
I'venoticedadifferencebetweenmyinterests,andthoseofmaleaspies.
Ilovecomputers,butwhereamaleaspiewouldbemoreinto
programmingandinternalworkingsofthecomputer,Iammoreinto
graphicdesignandwebdesign.Withthesciences,Iammoreinterested
inhumansciencelikebiology,medicine,psychology,sociologywherea
maleaspiemaybemoreinclinedtowardstechnocoly[sic],computer
programming,etymology,etc.Ialsohaveintenseintereststhatfallunder
TonyAttwoodsassessment[sic]offemaleinterests(animals,poetry,
etc).Afewofmyintenseinterestarepenguins,languageandlinguistics,
knitting/crafing[sic],artandarthistory.
BaronCohen'sSQtestmightcaptureonlyafewofthiswoman'swiderangeof
interests.Ifusedasadiagnostictool,theSQcouldskewtheratioofdiagnosed
malesversusfemalesevenfurther.
Moreover,theEMBtheoryreliesonabinarymodelofsex/genderthatforces
individualsintotwocategories,ratherthanaccountingforawider,morefluid
understandingofsexandgender.Someautisticpeoplefindtraditionalgender
categoriesinapplicabletotheirexperiences.Asoneindividual,abiologicalmale
whousesthescreenname"shiva",writesonhisblog:
beingthoughtofas"male"isjustasoddtomeasbeingthoughtofas
"female".Idon'tconsidermyselftohaveanysortof"internal"gender
identitywhatsoeveritalwaysfeelslike"gender"issimplynotavalid
categoryinwhichtoplacemyself.Whenisee"gender"asatickbox
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categoryonaform,ifeelsimilarlytoif,onaformaskingfordetailsofa
vehicle,itaskedfor"milespergallon"whenmyvehiclewaspoweredby
somethingcompletelydifferent(andthatcan'tbemeasuredingallons),
likesaysolarelectricityijustdon'treallyconsidermyselftobelongto
thecategoryofbeingsthathavegender.
Whilenotallautisticpeoplefindtraditionalsexrolesrestrictive,thisparticular
blogger'spostsuggeststhatabroaderunderstandingofsex/gendercould
complicateBaronCohen'stheory.Whatdoesitmeanifasupposedly"male
brained"individualactuallyfeelsungendered?Orifanautisticwomanlikes
wearing"shinyobjects,""gaudyjewelry,"andlong,flowyskirts,despiteher
admittedlymasculine"personaandselfconcept"?(Lindsay).Theseexamples
suggestthatabinarymodelofbrains,likeabinarymodelofsex/gender,is
insufficienttoaccountforthecomplexitiesamongactualindividuals.
Further,theEMBtheorydoeslittletoaddresstheneedsandinterestsmost
commonlyexpressedbyautisticpeoplethemselves,suchasissuesofcommunity
support,education,employment,andlanguage.Bypathologizingthehyper
systemizingbrainoftheautisticperson,whoiscastasanearrobotorcyborg,
researchersdeemphasizenotonlytheirabilities,butalsotheirfundamental
humanity.
Byconsideringautismthroughtheterministicscreensofsexandgender,
researchershavehistoricallyshiftedtheirfocustowardssomefeaturesofautism
andawayfromothers.Intheexampleofautism,masculinityitselfhasbeencastas
adisability,atleastinitssocalled"extreme"form.Thisanalysisdemonstratesthat
rhetoricalandculturalconditionsplayanimportantroleinhowdisabilitiesbecome
gendered.Fordisabilitytheorists,theexampleofautismsuggeststhatsexand
genderofferpersuasivetheoriesthroughwhichdisabilitiescanbecast,andthatthe
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incrementum,inparticular,offersonerhetoricalfigurethroughwhichsex/gender
differentiationsareconstructed.
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Windham,GC,KFessel,andJKGrether."AutismSpectrumDisordersinRelation
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Endnotes
1. Forexamples,seehttp://www.2bwell.org/famousautistics.htmlor
http://www.aspergersyndrome.me.uk/people.htm.
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2. Ongenderedtechnologies,seeJudyWajcman,FeminismConfronts
Technology(StateCollege:PennsylvaniaStateUP,1991).
ReturntoText
3. Onthegenderedassumptionsinformingdefinitionsoftechnology,see
KatherineT.Durack,"Gender,Technology,andtheHistoryofTechnical
Communication"(CentralWorksinTechnicalCommunication,eds.Johndan
JohnsonEilolaandStuartA.Selber,NewYork:OxfordUP,2004,3543).
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4. ForareviewoftheracistandEurocentricassumptionsundergirding
mainstreamhistoriesofscienceandtechnology,seeSandraHarding,Whose
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Science?WhoseKnowledge?ThinkingfromWomen'sLives(Ithaca:Cornell
UP,1991),Chapter9.
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5. Originallyseenasanextensionofthecalculationsworkwomenperformed
duringWorldWarII,programmingoftheENIACcomputerwasassignedtosix
women.Onlylater,whenitbecameapparentthatprogrammingwastobea
highstatusactivity,diditcometobeconsideredaman'sjob.SeeJennifer
Light,"WhenComputersWereWomen,"TechnologyandCulture40.3(1999):
45583.
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6. Notably,theauthorsofthisstudydonotquestionthevalidityofthose
measurements,concludingthatmeninSwedenareindeedmorelikelythan
womentohavetheSQtypeofbrain.
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7. Thatthebraincanbegenderedinthiswayisnosurprise,ofcourse.See
LondaSchiebinger,TheMindHasNoSex?:WomenintheOriginsofModern
Science(Cambridge,Mass:HarvardUP,1989).
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8. ImagefromSimonBaronCohen,RebeccaC.Knickmeyer,andMatthewK.
Belmonte,"SexDifferencesintheBrain:ImplicationsforExplainingAutism,"
Science310(2005):819823.
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9. See,forinstance,SaraO'Neil,"TheMeaningofAutism:BeyondDisorder,"
Disability&Society23.7(2008):78799;MolloyHarveyandLatikaVasil,
"TheSocialConstructionofAspergerSyndrome:ThePathologisingof
Difference?"Disability&Society17.6(2002):65969.
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10. In1920,psychologistE.L.Thorndikeusedtheterm"socialintelligence"inan
articleinHarper'sMagazine,notingthatitwasoneofthreecoretypesof
intelligence(theothertwobeingmechanicalandabstractintelligence).SeeE.
L.Thorndike,"IntelligenceandItsUses,"Harper'sMagazine140(1920):228.
Theterm"emotionalintelligence"gainedscientificpurchasewiththe
publicationofPeterSaloveyandJohnD.Mayer'sarticle,"Emotional
Intelligence,"in1989.There,SaloveyandMayerdefinetheirkeytermas
"abilitytomonitorone'sownandothers'feelingsandemotions,to
discriminateamongthemandtousethisinformationtoguideone'sthinking
andactions."SeePeterSaloveyandJohnD.Mayer,"EmotionalIntelligence,"
Imagination,Cognitionandpersonality9.3(1989):185211.
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11. Beginninginthe1960s,expertswarnedthateconomicgrowthintheUnited
Stateswouldincreasinglydependontheservicesector.VictorFuchs
declaredin1965that"wearenowa'serviceeconomy'—thatis,wearethe
firstnationinthehistoryoftheworldinwhichmorethanhalfoftheemployed
populationisnotinvolvedintheproductionoffood,clothing,houses,
automobiles,andothertangiblegoods."SeeVictorR.Fuchs,"TheGrowing
ImportanceofServiceIndustries,"JournalofBusiness38.4(1965):344.
Startingevenbeforethesecondworldwar,Fuchsnoted,employmentinthe
UnitedStateswasgraduallyshiftingtowardtrade,finance,insurance,real
estate,professionalservices,andthelike—atrendthatcontinuedintothe
1980sand1990s,whentheterm"emotionalintelligence"begantocirculate.
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12. Whilebothmenandwomenproduceandrogens,mendosoinlarger
quantities,afactthataccountsforsecondarysexualcharacteristics,suchas
bodyhair,alowervoice,and,presumably,aggressionandsimilarlymale
associatedqualities.Someevidencesuggeststhatboyswithautismgo
throughpubertyearlierthanotherboysdo.
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13. See,forinstance,BonnieAuyeung,SimonBaronCohen,EmmaAshwin,
RebeccaKnickmeyer,KevinTaylor,GeraldHackett,andMelissaHines,
"FetalTestosteronePredictsSexuallyDifferentiatedChildhoodBehaviorin
GirlsandBoys,"PsychologicalScience20.2(2009):144148.
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The incidence of autism spectrum disorders has increased dramatically over the past two decades, yet these disorders are still poorly understood. By considering the viewpoints of autistics themselves, together with evidence from the scientific literature, it becomes clear that autism spectrum disorders are not always the debilitating conditions that they are sometimes portrayed as. In fact, they are often associated with a number of strengths. With a focus on the areas of intelligence, communication, social skills and stereotyped/repetitive behaviours, this article calls into question the idea that autism is a traditional disorder and argues that a new inclusive dialogue on the meaning of autism should be considered.
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This article poses the question 'Is Asperger Syndrome (AS) a disorder or a neurological difference that has been socially constructed as a disorder?' AS is currently defined within the medical paradigm as a developmental disorder. Alternative conceptualisations of Asperger Syndrome have largely been absent within the academic discourse on AS. Drawing on the emerging field of disability studies we examine how the diagnostic category of AS has been socially constructed. Our contention is that Asperger Syndrome has been readily adopted as a category because of its value as a category of special education. In other words, the school is a pivotal institution in the dissemination of AS as a category. Within the framework of special needs AS is viewed as a social disability and the aim of professional interventions is to help to rehabilitate or 'normalise' the child. In attempting to re-frame this conceptualisation of AS it is important to shift the emphasis from issues of diagnosis and evaluation to examining the social implications of representing children as having AS.
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This article considers why women have been absent from the history of technical communication. It discusses research from the history of technology suggesting that notions of technology, work, and workplace may be gendered terns. The piece concludes with several suggestions for defining technical communication so the significant works of women will not be excluded from the discipline's history.