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The Open Society and Its Enemies

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Abstract

‘If in this book harsh words are spoken about some of the greatest among the intellectual leaders of mankind, my motive is not, I hope, to belittle them. it springs rather from my conviction that, if our civilization is to survive, we must break with the habit of deference to great men.’
... In his 'Toleration and Intellectual Responsibility' (Popper 1992). Popper first stressed the harm that has been done by intellectuals -who, he argues, have encouraged mass murder in the name of ideas, theories and religious teachings. ...
... I do not boast to have a better alternative that is overriding and encompassing than Popper's. More so, I do not conclude irreversibly that Popper's (1992) proposal is not feasible or applicable in other climes. My contention is my doubt, my colossal reservation or suspicion that Popper's ideas on toleration can be beneficial for resolving Nigeria's distinct regional crises. ...
Chapter
This chapter investigates the problem of knowledge production on economic poverty in Africa as, largely, an instance of epistemic injustice. It applies Karl Popper’s critical rationalism to the issue of knowledge production on poverty. Methodologies of researches on poverty in Africa subtly promotes (un)intended epistemic injustices against the subjects as the poor are underrepresented in knowledge about them; the experiences of the poor are often ignored, and their epistemic capacity for unearthing the push and pull factors of poverty are greeted with much inferiority, skepticism and contempt. In severing the intersection between researching and reporting poverty in Africa and epistemic injustice, this chapter argues that Popper’s critical rationalism is philosophically indispensable. Popper’s scientific and political thoughts are potent theoretical interventions in addressing the epistemic, methodological, social, moral and political problems of poverty in Africa. The elements of scientific method inquiry, rationality, piecemeal social engineering, liberalism and intellectual openness explicit in Popper’s philosophy are explored, applied and found relevant to promoting poverty research ideals and policy development in Africa and beyond. The chapter concludes on the importance of Popper’s works, which span beyond his time and space, to knowledge about Africa.
... In his 'Toleration and Intellectual Responsibility' (Popper 1992). Popper first stressed the harm that has been done by intellectuals -who, he argues, have encouraged mass murder in the name of ideas, theories and religious teachings. ...
... I do not boast to have a better alternative that is overriding and encompassing than Popper's. More so, I do not conclude irreversibly that Popper's (1992) proposal is not feasible or applicable in other climes. My contention is my doubt, my colossal reservation or suspicion that Popper's ideas on toleration can be beneficial for resolving Nigeria's distinct regional crises. ...
Chapter
Karl Popper is famous for favoring an open society, one in which the individual is treated as an end in himself and social arrangements are subjected to critical evaluation, which he defends largely by appeal to a Kantian ethic of respecting the dignity of rational beings. In this essay, I consider for the first time what the implications of a characteristically African ethic, instead prescribing respect for our capacity to relate communally, are for how the state should operate in an open society. I argue that while an Afro-communal moral foundation does not prescribe a closed society, it supports an open society politics of a sort different from the one that Popper specifies. For Popper, the state in an open society should improve social arrangements albeit without seeking to promote a particular conception of the good life, should protect rights that merely serve the function of facilitating individual choice, and should employ majoritarian democracy to be able to avoid unwelcome rulers and policies. On all three counts, I show that a relational ethic typical of the African philosophical tradition entails different, intuitively attractive approaches to politics.
... Presentado como un sentimiento anti-racional que surge en un contexto de crisis, el nacionalismo es, según Mario Vargas Llosa (2017, p. 11), uno de los factores explicativos principales de la ponzoña populista: "el ingrediente central del populismo es el nacionalismo, la fuente, después de la religión, de las guerras más mortíferas que haya padecido la humanidad". Tal como la concibe Karl Popper (1945), en que se apoya el análisis de Mario Vargas Llosa, la sociedad cerrada, mágica, tribal o colectivista se fundamenta en teorías "orgánicas" o biológicas del Estado. Las relaciones entre los miembros tienden a ser más "físicas" que "socialmente abstractas". ...
... Vale chamar a atenção para o fato de que, embora a crítica ao populismo já estivesse fortemente presente em A invenção do trabalhismo, ela não aparece de modo tão explícito nessa obra como ocorrerá em produções acadêmicas posteriores. A despeito do fato de alguns dos estudos mais centrais de Weffort serem citados ao longo do livro -como sua tese de doutorado, Classes populares e política (Weffort, 1968), sua tese de livre-docência, Sindicato e política (Weffort, 1972) e seu artigo "Democracia e movimento operário: algumas questões para a história do período 1945-1964 -, as referências críticas ao autor não são tão diretas, muito em decorrência do contexto em que a obra foi escrita. Como destacado em depoimento por Angela de Castro Gomes, sobretudo pelo fato das formulações de Weffort terem muito "a ver com uma luta dentro da esquerda, que não vinha ao caso para mim" e pela razão de A invenção do trabalhismo ser uma tese de doutorado, "seria simplesmente ridículo, além de deselegante, desrespeitoso e burro de minha parte" fazer um capítulo para discutir com Weffort. ...
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Longe de voltar a discutir as grandes teorias do populismo, debate resgatado recentemente por excelentes trabalhos (Eatwell & Goodwin, 2018; Finchelstein, 2017; Mény, 2019; Urbinati, 2019), o objetivo do livro Populismo: teorias e casos é apresentar um diálogo interdisciplinar entre cientistas políticos, economistas e historiadores internacionalmente reconhecidos como especialistas no tema em questão. As contribuições apresentam teorias originais e inovadoras, frutos de longas reflexões e de rigorosos trabalhos de campo sobre casos específicos, divididas em duas partes. Na primeira parte, o leitor encontra estudos de cunho teórico político, enquanto a segunda parte se dedica à análise de casos nacionais, representando o crescimento do populismo ao redor do mundo com foco privilegiado no Brasil, no Portugal e na Itália – considerados laboratórios contemporâneos das principais tendências populistas em países latino-americanos e europeus, respetivamente.
... The great German philosopher G.W.F. Hegel (who taught at Berlin University in the latter years of Clausewitz's life) was also criticised by L.T. Hobhouse and Karl Popper for justifying the same culture of militarism and politics of authoritarian nationalism, with its prioritisation of reason of state over morality and ethics (Hobhouse 1918;Popper 2011). The Prussian ideology was one of the targets against which the modern liberal democratic view of the state developed in 20th-century Anglo-American thought. ...
Chapter
Violence and war were ubiquitous features of politics long before the emergence of the modern state system. Since the late 18th century major revolutions across the world have further challenged the idea of the state as a final arbiter of international order. This book discusses ten major thinkers who have questioned and re-shaped how we think about politics, violence and relations between states – Thucydides, Augustine, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Clausewitz, Lenin and Mao, and Schmitt. Conflict, war and revolution have generally been seen in political thought as problems to be managed by stable domestic political communities. In different ways, all the paradigmatic thinkers here acknowledge them instead as inevitable dimensions of human experience, manifested through different ways of acting politically – while yet offering radically distinct answers about how they can be handled. This book dramatically broadens the canon of political thought by considering perspectives on the international system that challenge its historical inevitability and triumph. Each thinker is considered in a free-standing chapter rather than as a placeholder in a debate such as ‘realism versus idealism’. The book broadens international political thought debates by drawing on history, theology, and law as well as philosophy. And Paul Kelly introduces thinkers who challenge fundamentally the ways in which we should think about the nature and scope of political institutions and agents. In doing so the analysis illuminates a myriad of troubling contemporary conflicts with a crucial critical and historical perspective. This book is primarily intended for second year and upwards undergraduate students in general political theory and international theory, and advanced international relations students. Each chapter is also downloadable on its own for use in courses considering only some of the ten theorists covered. Written in an accessible way Conflict, War and Revolution will also interest advanced general readers with interests in the historical thought underpinnings of political ideas and today’s international politics. Detailed reading advice is provided, and advice on how to access open access versions of the key thinkers writing.
... The great German philosopher G.W.F. Hegel (who taught at Berlin University in the latter years of Clausewitz's life) was also criticised by L.T. Hobhouse and Karl Popper for justifying the same culture of militarism and politics of authoritarian nationalism, with its prioritisation of reason of state over morality and ethics (Hobhouse 1918;Popper 2011). The Prussian ideology was one of the targets against which the modern liberal democratic view of the state developed in 20th-century Anglo-American thought. ...
Chapter
Violence and war were ubiquitous features of politics long before the emergence of the modern state system. Since the late 18th century major revolutions across the world have further challenged the idea of the state as a final arbiter of international order. This book discusses ten major thinkers who have questioned and re-shaped how we think about politics, violence and relations between states – Thucydides, Augustine, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Clausewitz, Lenin and Mao, and Schmitt. Conflict, war and revolution have generally been seen in political thought as problems to be managed by stable domestic political communities. In different ways, all the paradigmatic thinkers here acknowledge them instead as inevitable dimensions of human experience, manifested through different ways of acting politically – while yet offering radically distinct answers about how they can be handled. This book dramatically broadens the canon of political thought by considering perspectives on the international system that challenge its historical inevitability and triumph. Each thinker is considered in a free-standing chapter rather than as a placeholder in a debate such as ‘realism versus idealism’. The book broadens international political thought debates by drawing on history, theology, and law as well as philosophy. And Paul Kelly introduces thinkers who challenge fundamentally the ways in which we should think about the nature and scope of political institutions and agents. In doing so the analysis illuminates a myriad of troubling contemporary conflicts with a crucial critical and historical perspective. This book is primarily intended for second year and upwards undergraduate students in general political theory and international theory, and advanced international relations students. Each chapter is also downloadable on its own for use in courses considering only some of the ten theorists covered. Written in an accessible way Conflict, War and Revolution will also interest advanced general readers with interests in the historical thought underpinnings of political ideas and today’s international politics. Detailed reading advice is provided, and advice on how to access open access versions of the key thinkers writing.
... Just like nature, Platonic philosophy has been brought repetitively into the world for different purposes and in different forms. Popper (1966) while analyzing the dangers posed by ideologies to an open society tried to locate the philosophical precursors of Hegelianism and Marxism in Platonism. He missed the point that long before Hegelianism came on the scene; it was Christianity which applied Platonism to the world and closed it forever. ...
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Space is not a homogeneous entity. Spatiality, just like temporality abounds in multiplicity. Following Henri Bergson, we are now aware of the heterogeneity of the concept of time 1. Similar is the case with space. The peculiarity of the space comes from the types of ingredients that go into its composition. The aim of this paper is to show how different types of cultural spaces are carved out using different types of ingredients (humans and non-humans), with varying nature and status. For doing so, we have used the distinctions between 'ground' and 'key points' made by Gilbert Simondon (1958) for describing the cultural geographical space. We will look into these cosmologies on the parameters of how much a space is populated with 'key points', to show that the present age of crisis has its genealogy in worldviews which have very little or no investment in this world. A note on the word 'crisis' Sometimes looking at the usage of a particular word over a period of time can give an unexpected handhold for starting an inquiry. This act of historicizing a word does not necessarily mean discovering the essence or true meaning of that word. Historicization reveals the unfolding of multiple trajectories through which a word or a thing finds existence in different spheres of life. It can tell us about the life of a word in all its dimensions. According to all the standard dictionaries, the word crisis has a Greek origin from the word 'krinein' meaning to decide, which dates back to late 14 th century and early 15 th century. And over the years, it has acquired a sense in legal and medical terms meaning, to judge in the former and a turning point in the latter. The general sense of this word denotes a critical situation where it becomes an imperative to take a decision or to make a judgment (Serres, 2013). It denotes a decisive point where the quality of judgment would ensure whether the existence is furthered in time or it ends up in chaos and death (Serres, 2013). A crisis symbolizes a crossroad where we have to choose one path over another and the entire existence depends on that choice of path. Everything depends on the response to the situation presented and the word crisis more or less denotes this sense in wherever way is in use. But something has changed over the years, especially after the18 th century, in the way this word has been deployed, from being used specifically in different fields to one of generality, from denoting a particular situation to describing the general condition. The life of a word, apart from its meaning could be
... As methods are required, it has an explicit normative component (Mittelstraß 1974). Normativity here only means the norms of society (such as the norms of an open society, which, according to Popper (2013), is favored by science). In addition, and more specifically, normativity refers to methods as the ways in which science should be done and thus includes scientific methodologies. ...
... It is true that similar beliefs as the ones labelled 'conspiracy theories' have been circulating for thousands of years (Popper 1966(Popper [1945; Oliver and Wood 2014), so these narratives are nothing new in a sense. However, my choice of this particular topic is driven in a part by the development that encapsulated the world of information-sharing, through new inventions such as the radio and the television and the internet, coupled with the ever-expanding audience who has access to these inventions, which led to a growing mistrust toward information as such. ...
... Kurun saat seseorang hidup sangat penting untuk memahami sikap-sikap dan tindakannya, juga pikiran-pikirannya, yang kemudian (di antaranya) tertuang dalam karya-karyanya. Sekalipun bisa jadi itu terlalu dipengaruhi determinasi politik, bahwa konteks politik telah begitu determinan atas proses kreatif seorang kreator, tetapi mau bagaimana pun seseorang yang hidup dalam langit lazuardi sejarah tidak bisa tidak mesti terikat pada ruang dan waktu historisnya (Karl Popper, 1971). Untuk itu, kita mungkin perlu melihat semangat zaman yang mendasari keempat lakon yang kita bahas ini untuk dapat memahami motivasi pengarangnya secara lebih baik. ...
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Artikel ini menelaah empat lakon sandiwara yang terkumpul dalam Empat Lakon Perang Paderi karya Wisran Hadi. Empat lakon ini berbicara tentang suatu periode penting (lagi krisis) dalam sejarah Islam di Minangkabau. Menggunakan pendekatan neo-historisisme, artikel ini melihat gagasan moderasi Islam yang diusung pengarangnya dalam citra-citra tentang tokoh-tokoh Padri yang ditampilkan pada keempat lakon. Menjawabnya sekaligus akan memperlihatkan wacana keislaman yang diketengahkan Wisran Hadi di dalamnya. Dari hasil pengkajian ditemukan bahwa keempat lakon ini merupakan representasi Wisran atas keempat tokoh Padri (tokoh-tokoh utama Padri: Tuanku nan Tuo, Tuanku nan Renceh, Tuanku Imam Bonjol, & Tuanku Sembahyang). Representasi Wisran atas mereka tampak punya garis yang sewarna: representasi Padri yang korektif dan evaluatif atas keradikalan gerakan yang dicetuskan dari dan oleh kalangan mereka sendiri. Di tengah bangkitnya radikalisme agama dan kekerasan atas nama Tuhan, Wisran tetap memenangkan akal-sehat, kewajaran, dan kepatutan sebagai puncak dari praktik menuju kebenaran. Yang dimenangkannya, dalam konteks ini, adalah suara-suara tokoh-tokohnya yang moderat yang menawarkan jalan-jalan akomodatif untuk mengubah masyarakat, sementara suara-suara yang menginginkan perubahan cepat dengan gerakan kekerasan sebagai pilihan dibuatnya acap tidak berdaya di hadapan suara-suara yang pertama. Tokoh-tokoh radikal mengakui kekeliruan dari kekerasan tindakan mereka dan ‘menyerah’ bersalah di hadapan suara-suara yang lebih moderat. Representasi itu terhubung dengan latar sosial dan politik (semangat zaman) ketika keempat lakon itu ditulis dan terhubung pula dengan latar belakang pengarangnya secara biografis.
... In opposition to this, Hegel-inspired research stands other, and more anti-Hegelian, trends in the human-and social-sciences. For example, Hegel has been scorched in many major works of the post-war period, and the use of dialectics in philosophy, politics, and science has been heavily critiqued from various intellectual domains (Bunge, 2012;Popper, 2012;Sartre, 1978). Furthermore, some of the most cited humanist theorists in Denmark (Foucault, Deleuze, and Latour [Pedersen et al., 2015]) are poststructuralists who are heavily antagonistic towards Hegelian dialectics. ...
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In this article, we explore the metaphysics of Hegelian dialectics and its implications for a developmental science. More specifically, we investigate how Hegel initiated the move from classical mechanicism to dialectics, thus rearranging the ruling scientific logic at his time. We do this by introducing some of the metaphysical assertions implied by mechanicism and showing how these assertions are scientifically inadequate in explicating the relation between the empirical matter and abstract representation of a given (developmental) phenomenon. This claim leads us to a discussion of the theory of knowledge offered by Hegel as opposed to Kant, and how these theories relate to the struggle between process and structure. Finally, we find that the subject is displaced in between observation and experience and thus epistemically constrained in its access to empirical matters. This fact draws attention to the importance of considering the metaphysical aspects of the sense-modalities, and how such aspects relate to any given developmental phenomenon. Overall the article illustrates the potentials of Hegelian dialectics for avoiding entrenched dualisms and static oppositions in future research.
... While we carry out the main argumentation with respect to the natural law, the issue relates clearly to the paradox of tolerance mentioned by Karl Popper in 1945, in the footnote to Chapter 7 of The Open Society and Its Enemies (Popper, 1945). His argument follows that as long as it is possible to uphold reasonable discussion, all views should be tolerated, and then, if such discussion becomes impossible, we should suppress the freedom of speech of those who are openly intolerant and advocate for violence, while keeping the distinction between attack and defense clear (the use of the word "paradox" stems from the fact that according to Popper, freedom of speech must be sometimes violated in order to be uphold, otherwise it is self-destructive). ...
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In the framework of the natural law, only direct aggression or call to direct aggression may be legally punishable. However, the methods of information war and ideological subversion, while non-violent in the first stages of the long-term subversion process, are intentionally engineered to end in aggression (note: “information war” is here understood as conscious manipulation of cultural perception for future political gains, not cyberwarfare). The paper examines whether it is possible to extend the notion of aggression in the framework of the natural law to include self-defense against ideological subversion. We use the information war tactics carried out in the XX century by the KGB propaganda department (as described by Eastern bloc defectors) as the most incisive example. We show that in order to proceed with defense against such strategies, due to the subtle, stretched in time and mostly psychological nature of propaganda – we would necessarily have to break the natural law ourselves. However, we also argue that for such subversion strategies to be successful, they must be carried out in a society with an already overgrown political system where one group can exert power over another group. Therefore, to ask if we can extend the definition of aggression to information war in the framework of the natural law is meaningless, because for an information war tactic to be successful, the natural law must already be violated in the targeted society. We also examine the Popperian paradox of tolerance in this light and claim the clear demarcation line between “the tolerant” and “the intolerant” is impossible to be drawn. Finally, we propose maximum decentralization and mature culture of self-reliance as the only possible defense strategies against ideological subversion, which also ensure a sustainable, relatively free society. We must note though that there might exist trade-offs between defenses against an ideological and an energetic attack. Keywords: Natural Law; Propaganda; Information war; The paradox of tolerance; Cold War.
... Since he formulates the thesis in terms of constitution, what he presents is an ontological view. 3 Popper (2013) asserts this forcefully by warning that we must not be content with collectivist explanations. Also a champion of liberalism, Hayek (1955) expresses the concern that methodological holism leads to political collectivism. ...
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I argue that there are liberal reasons to reject what I call “Global Individualism”, which is the conjunction of two views strongly associated with liberalism: moral individualism and social individualism. According to the first view, all moral properties are reducible to individual moral properties. The second holds that the social world is composed only of individual agents. My argument has the following structure: after suggesting that Global Individualism does not misrepresent liberalism, I draw on some recent insights in social ontology to show that it is inconsistent with the satisfaction of an important liberal principle related to the protection of individual rights over time. As I hold, to solve this problem we need to accept group agents acting as moral agents, which in turn commits us to the weaker notion of normative individualism (a view that is consistent with the existence of some group moral properties). I conclude with the suggestion that even this solution is costly for liberalism, for the conjunction of group moral agency and normative individualism makes the latter unstable and compels liberals to a much less individualistic stance than expected.
... One key feature of these societies is diversity, which enriches such societies through cultural exchange and learning. However, because diversity can also lead to conflicts, there have been calls for mutual tolerance (Scanlon, 2003;Popper, 2013). In recent years, psychology has increasingly acknowledged the notion of tolerance as the attitude that one permits others to have different ways of life (i.e., their beliefs, preferences, and practices) despite one's disapproval of them (e.g., Simon, 2020; see also Verkuyten et al., 2020). ...
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In this commentary, we argue that contemporary psychology can be viewed as similar to democratic societies because they face similar challenges and offer similar solutions to these challenges. After a brief discussion of such challenges, we offer an outlook on a new postmodern methodology that may help psychology overcome these challenges and that can best be characterized as liberal, pluralistic, and more tolerant: liberal because it rejects rules that are too strict in favor of more freedom in the choice of method, pluralistic because it conveys an "almost anything goes" attitude toward methods, and more tolerant because mutual tolerance among researchers is vital for a pluralism of methods.
... (Harrison, 1998 p. 26) To constitute science the information obtained from randomized control trials requires careful interpretation and a contextual base (Charlton, 1997;Miles, Bentley, Polychronis and Grey, 1997;Shahar, 1997). Popper's (Popper, 1966) immense contribution to the philosophy of knowledge was to show that scientific theories could never be verified, only falsified. Indeed, the ability of a theory to be falsified is what qualifies it as scientific. ...
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The past decade has seen a massive drive towards health care reform. The agenda has involved a number of initiatives including managed care, co-ordinated care, purchaser provider models, quality improvement initiatives, and cost rationalization models. This paper explores the dynamics around a significant initiative in health care reform – evidence- based practice (EBP). One cannot work in health care without in some way interacting with the notion of EBP. In this paper I argue that events in the broader domain have shaped the direction of the health reform agenda, distorting its focus, balance, and priorities and creating circumstances in which dominant paradigms act as social defences (Jaques, 1955; Menzies Lyth, 1959) against thinking, creativity, and best practice. EBP has become a phenomenon in health care, transcending its definition. This impacts on the way it has been operationalized to inform decision-making in health care. Indeed, the title of my paper, ‘You’re either with us or against us’ has been coined to suggest that EBP has become politicized and idealized to become the dominant discourse in health care, rendering other discourses as marginal and diminishing EBP’s capacity to enhance effective clinical practice.
... My intention here is not to argue, as some prominent philosophers have done, that essentialism is a universally futile doctrine (e.g., Popper, 1945) but instead to defend the much more modest and local claim that entrepreneurship is a family resemblance concept. Moreover, I have no intention of claiming that there is nothing in common to entrepreneurial phenomena (see also, Glock, 1996). ...
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Why is consensus and clarity about the definition of entrepreneurship so elusive? The central premise of this paper is that we can gain a better understanding of the problem of defining entrepreneurship, of what it means to us as a field of research, and what we can hope to achieve by grappling with it, by substituting one question for another. The question we must start with to get a clear view is not “What is entrepreneurship?”, but rather “What sort of concept is entrepreneurship?” This reframing enables us to see that entrepreneurship is a family resemblance concept. It follows from this metacognitive insight, if it is correct, that all attempts to define entrepreneurship will be subject to counterexamples. This perspective is used to therapeutically alleviate emotional and behavioral problems in the field of entrepreneurship, and to offer practical suggestions for how to deal productively with paradigmatic diversity in the field.
... La loi légitime étant celle exprimée par le peuple, c'est-à-dire par la société en général (Vox populi, vox dei), la complexité entourant la notion de légitimité en régime démocratique est directement perceptible : qui est le peuple, et comment recueillir sa voix (Lefort, 1981) 25 . Certains philosophes contemporains, tels que Michel Foucault (1975) ou encore Karl Popper (1945), se sont ainsi attachés à critiquer les processus de production de discours de légitimation, considérant qu'ils mettent en péril la démocratie. Plus précisément, Foucault (1975) affirme dans son célèbre Surveiller et punir que ces stratégies de légitimation constituent de véritables « actions politiques », en cela qu'elles permettent à ceux qui les mènent de s'assurer une position de pouvoir, allant à l'encontre d'un « régime de vérité » 26 . ...
Thesis
While audit firms have traditionally been active in the control of accounting data, they are increasingly offering their services in other spheres, even though these are far from financial concerns. This is the case of the CSR Assurance market, which has been dominated by the accounting industry (and in particular the Big Four) for twenty years. Despite the efforts made by these professionals to institutionalize the CSR Assurance practice and legitimize their place, some researchers do not hesitate to question some of the "sacred cows" of auditing (Andon et al., 2015). Thus, this thesis seeks to gain a more detailed understanding of how financial auditors experience their legitimacy in this new field, even more when excluded from the Big Four elite. As a former financial auditor, I spent nine months working for two non-Big audit firms offering CSR auditing services in France between 2018 and 2019. Surprisingly, the data analysis highlights auditors with a strong need for their legitimacy recognition (Honneth, 2006) despite French political support, resulting at the individual level in a deep search for meaningfulness. Thus, it nuances the auditors' utilitarian image, still predominant in the academic literature. This doctoral work questions the desirability of the current audit system, driven by liberalism and transposed to CSR, generating strong disillusionment among professionals sensitive to CSR, likely to push them to disengage. The conversion of the audit function into an advisory function finally appears to be an effective means for these professionals to struggle for their recognition, and to compete with the Big Four. Keywords: CSR Assurance, Recognition, Auditors, Meaningful work, Social closure.
Chapter
This chapter outlines some reasons why the meaning of ‘neutrality’, and the uses of it, is much more diverse than Sport Governing Bodies (SGBs) usually take into account. It is crucial to acknowledge this diversity because of the geopolitical role SGBs have in modern society. Many states want to host major sport events in order to boost their national image, as a way to attract tourists and investments, and to make an entry into the global political elite. Others see SGBs as key partners in achieving social progress through human rights and sustainability provisions. This role inevitably involves a political dimension. For that reason, this chapter discusses the ramifications of neutrality along three dimensions—epistemological, moral, pragmatic—and how they correspond with the legal, diplomatic and political/ideological dimensions of neutrality. Lessons are gathered from humanitarian NGOs and diplomatic ventures and contextualised with references to thinkers like J.S. Mill and Karl Popper.KeywordsConceptual importancePolitics of neutralityHumanitarianismDiplomacyWar
Chapter
In den Jahren zwischen 2010 und 2019 wird die Entwicklung zur Globalisierung vermehrt in Zweifel gezogen. Europa gerät unter ungeahnten Druck, weil es nicht länger Stabilität exportiert, sondern Instabilität importiert. Zugleich wird der Fortgang der europäischen Integration im Innern der Europäischen Union mehr als je zuvor angefochten.
Chapter
This chapter shows that knowledge is not only created in social contexts, but is also selected and passed on. This applies not only to everyday knowledge, but also to scientific knowledge. The ‘constructivist turn’ in the sociology of science can be used to conclude that the decisions leading to the formulation of scientific results are in need of particular justification. With the increasing mediatization, the availability of information increases and methods of dealing with this information become more important. The clear presentation and justification of decisions in research and even in the process of acquiring knowledge reduces the risk of an unreflective ideologicalization. The fact that the sciences have developed their own system of reputation generation and securing their own standards speaks in favor of their independent position in society. They are expected to generate suitable knowledge in relation to other parts of society.
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Стаття присвячена проблематицi «вiдкритого суспiльства», його цiнностей i їх реалiзацiї в освiтi. Акцентовано значення цiєї концепцiї в контекстi розробки ключових проблем сучасної фiлософiї. Розглянуто систему iдеалiв i норм «вiдкритого суспiльства», обґрунтовано їх взаємозв’язок з принципами рацiональностi. Проаналiзовано функцiонування цiннiсних орiєнтирiв освiтньої системи та можливостi її реформування на засадах критичного рацiоналiзму. Окреслено проблеми методологiї соцiальних реформ, державного контролю над освiтою; розповсюдження антиегалiтарних тенденцiй в суспiльствi; регулювання освiтнього процесу; упровадження особистiсно-орiєнтованого пiдходу в навчаннi; пiдходу, зорiєнтованого на критичне обговорення важливих суспiльних тем; виховання та розвитку навичок, необхiдних для участi в демократичному життi країни; розвитку критичного мислення. Придiлено увагу проблемi реформування освiти в суспiльствах за умов домiнування цiннiсного релятивiзму, проблемним аспектам спiвiснування суперечливих традицiй у суспiльствi. Розглянуто особливостi освiтнiх систем, що були сформованi на засадах марксистської та пост-марксистської iдеологiй. Пiдкреслено їх зв’язок з iррацiоналiзмом та релятивiзмом. Характеризовано формальний спосiб органiзацiї такої системи та її цiннiсне наповнення. Актуалiзовано категорiї «соцiальної адаптацiї», «соцiальної мiмiкрiї», висвiтлено феномен подвiйної моралi, характерний для посттоталiтарних країн. Розглянуто засади стратегiї поетапної соцiальної iнженерiї щодо суспiльств такого типу. Висвiтлено проблемнi аспекти помiркованого (поетапного) шляху реформ та методу радикальних перетворень. Окреслено стратегiю конструктивної дiяльностi реформатора, ознаки його приналежностi до критикорацiоналiстичної традицiї. Пiдкреслено роль фiлософської освiти та фiлософських дисциплiн у поширеннi цiннiсних настанов та iдеалiв вiдкритого суспiльства, становленнi рацiоналiстичної традицiї.
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As asserted in Chapter 2, it is unclear whether and to what extent Western notions of acceptability apply in the Chinese context. There are no formal laws or official documents indicating how lay citizens could participate in policymaking processes in the Chinese context.
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The choice of topic was based on the reluctance of Poles to accept refugees from countries of the Middle East and Africa. The starting point for understanding these attitudes is dual process theory. Impulsive and reflective way of thinking were distinguished. Due to the evolution, people tend to be instinctively hostile towards strangers, and most often rely on intuition when making moral judg- ments. It was hypothesized that reflective people would make utilitarian moral judgments in favor of refugees and show less social distance towards them. The influence of situational-activated cognitive reflectivity on moral judgments and social distance was also examined. The results confirmed the hypotheses. Cognitive reflectiveness, both as permanent feature and situationally activated, fosters tolerance towards refugees. The possibility of actively shaping tolerant attitudes can be used in the educational process.
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This essay traces Augustine’s understanding of the structuring elements that give shape to human becoming. It presents this understanding as a distinctive form of maximalism in thinking about happiness, justice, and power, and as standing apart from classical and modern alternatives in its approach to desire, power, and mediation. By tracing the way that Augustine develops a moral grammar across three distinctive constellations of concepts, it shows where influential interpretations of his work leave important elements behind, and wider contemporary conceptions may benefit from dialogue with his work.
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Public awareness of nature and environmental issues has grown in the last decades and zoos have successfully followed suit by re-branding themselves as key representatives for conservation. However, considering the fast rate of environmental degradation, in the near future, zoos may become the only place left for wildlife. Some scholars argue that we have entered a new epoch titled the “Anthropocene” that postulates the idea that untouched pristine nature is almost nowhere to be found.1 Many scientists and scholars argue that it is time that we embraced this environmental situation and anticipated the change. 2 Clearly, the impact of urbanization is reaching into the wild, so how can we design for animals in our artificializing world? Using the Manoa School method that argues that every future includes these four, generic, alternatives: growth, discipline, collapse, and transformation3, this dissertation explores possible future animal archetypes by considering multiple possibilities of post zoo design.
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Social innovation is often framed as an alternative and in opposition to dominant entrepreneurial understandings of technological innovation. In these cases, the term social innovation denotes bottom-up and beneficial processes of social change. The chapter traces the emergence of this specific understanding of social innovation and how it became popular in academic and policy discourse over the last 20 years. I argue that the popularity of social innovations in the policy arena rests on an instrumental notion that strongly resembles the dominant entrepreneurial understandings of technological innovation in line with Schumpeter. This however, curtails the analytical potential of social innovation for the study of social change. Rather than following the pro-innovation bias of technological innovation, social innovations also provide opportunities to focus on processes of social change in which novel solutions are explored in order to maintain the status quo in the light of larger societal transformations.
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From research monograph: Principles and Laws in World Politics: Classical Chinese Perspectives on Global Conflict (2022)
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Although we desire peace and tranquility, harmony and social stability, life can be harsh and brutish. We also acknowledge exploiting the values of others for self- aggrandizement negates their sacred personhood. And although we dance on the summit of individual rights and liberties conceding their personal and private nature, we need to understand democracy is built on a collectivity of like-minded people, on a foundation of dialogic civility, communal accountability, and a moral sensibility that is pubic and open to criticism and adjustments.
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O objetivo deste estudo é introduzir a temática das teorias de conspiração aos cientistas da religião brasileiros, apresentando uma perspectiva não monolítica de tratamento ao objeto em questão. Para tanto, o artigo apresenta tanto as teorias do cientista da religião David Robertson sobre o estudo das narrativas conspiratórias quanto a tipologia de adesão às teorias de conspiração fruto da pesquisa de Franks e colaboradores. Intencionou-se, com isso, fornecer uma alternativa de método no estudo desses objetos, que atualmente estão em grande domínio da psicologia, por uma perspectiva que tende a igualar os conspiracionistas ao pensamento distorcido.
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Intellectual (specialised) knowledge is omnipresent in human lives and decisions. We are constantly trying to make good and correct decisions. However, responsible decision-making is characterised by rather difficult epistemic conditions. It applies all the more during the pandemic when decisions require not only specialised knowledge in a number of disciplines, scientific consensus, and participants from different fields, but also responsibility and respect for moral principles in order to ensure that the human rights of all groups are observed. Pandemic measures are created by politicians, healthcare policy-makers, and epidemiologists. However, what is the role of ethics as a moral philosophy and experts in ethics? Experts in ethics and philosophy are carefully scrutinising political decisions. Levy and Savulescu (2020) have claimed that Ethicists and philosophers are not epistemically arrogant if they question policy responses. They played an important role in the creation of a reliable consensus. This study analyses epistemic and moral responsibility, their similarities, analogies, and differences. Are they interconnected? What is their relationship and how can they be filled with actual content during the pandemic?
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This is a draft of a forthcoming 2023 reprint/version of my 2007 book on education in the UK. It is a questioning, deconstructive reading, written in response to taking a PGCE teacher training course. For more details, go to https://www.ageofantipsychoanalysis.com/single-post/student-entered-2022-version Thank you to Natalie England for proof reading.
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Der vorliegende Band verdeutlicht die großen Herausforderungen, vor denen Louisiana gegenwärtig steht: eine starke Ausrichtung auf Förderung von Erdöl und –gas, verbunden mit ökologischen und gesundheitlichen Risiken, eine hohe Vulnerabilität gegenüber den Auswirkungen des anthropogenen Klimawandels, insbesondere in den südlichen Teilen des Staates, wie auch eine massive Ungleichverteilung von Lebenschancen, zulasten insbesondere gegenüber afroamerikanischer Bevölkerung. Diese Themen werden – vornehmlich aus mediengeographischer Perspektive – in dem vorliegenden Band behandelt. Dabei wird vorwiegend die stark konfliktäre Verhandlung der unterschiedlichen Themen wie auch deren zeitliche Kontextabhängigkeit deutlich. Der ‚neopragmatische Ansatz‘, regionalgeographisch tätig zu werden, mit seiner vierfachen Triangulation aus Daten, Methoden, Forschenden und – konstitutiv – theoretischen Perspektiven, hat die Möglichkeit eröffnet, den Themenkomplex ‚Herausforderungen Louisianas‘ in ihrer medialen Repräsentanz multiperspektivisch zu untersuchen und so zu einem differenzierten Bild des ‚Pelican State‘ zu gelangen.
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This article aims to investigate the legislative recognition of categories, subcategories and species of long-term impairments as disabilities in the Federative Republic of Brazil. The methodology adopted is descriptive and quantitative-qualitative, eminently based on data collection through the Internet. The results obtained in a sample of 55 domestic legislations indicate that ten categories and subcategories and 26 species of long-term impairments have at least one type of legislative recognition as a disability based on exclusively medical criteria. In the end, it is concluded that, in a Federation with 5,598 autonomous entities, the persistence of ideas of essentiality of legislative recognition and exhaustiveness of the list of beneficiaries contributes to the formation of a picture of profound inequality in eligibility for Brazilian National Policy for the Inclusion of Person with Disability.
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We propose a theory of democratic backsliding where citizens' retrospective assessment of an incumbent politician depends on expectations that are endogenous to the incumbent's behaviour. We show that democratic backsliding can occur even when most citizens and most politicians intrinsically value democracy. By challenging norms of democracy, an incumbent can lower citizens' expectations; by not doubling down on this challenge, he can then beat this lowered standard. As a result, gradual backsliding can actually enhance an incumbent's popular support not despite but because of citizens' opposition to backsliding. This mechanism can only arise when citizens are uncertain enough about incumbents' preferences (e.g. owing to programmatically weak parties). Mass polarization, instead, can reduce the occurrence of backsliding while simultaneously increasing its severity.
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In this article, I examine the case of a viral film entitled “Plandemic,” its sequel, and the epidemiologist that is its main subject, and develop a cultural sociology of conspiracy theorizing through the concept of “performative conspiracy.” I argue that the Plandemic case represents a cultural performance within the (ongoing) serious social drama of the Covid-19 pandemic. I focus primarily on the “alternative” narrative put forth by the Plandemic case; however, the (Western/US) “mainstream” narrative becomes clear as well. Both call upon the same sets of binary oppositions, chief among them, science vs. blind faith, truth vs. deception, and evidence vs. supposition. Audiences, who are themselves fragmented and differentiated, are exposed to multiple narrative paths. Within the mainstream, they encounter an apocalyptic-turned romantic story, in which science, evidence, and the truth, the sacred trio, will lift humanity out of perilous danger. Plandemic’s alternative narrative begins in a tragic tone and builds apocalyptically into a tale of terror, waged by the very same forces of science, truth, and evidence, to create a “plague of corruption” that will “kill millions.” To conclude, I reflect on the potential implications of the increasing popularity of conspiracy theorizing about Covid-19.
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Resumo Este ensaio foi originalmente lido na forma de comunicação oral em evento acadêmico ocorrido no ano de 2019 na Universidade Federal de Rondônia no qual se discutiu, em caráter temático, sobre o Direito de Resistência. Assim, a escolha de Antígona, de Sófocles, é mais do que justificada, já que a personagem que dá nome a essa peça teatral de mais de 2400 anos é “o” paradigma ocidental da resistência à opressão e da busca pela legitimidade no exercício do poder político, em particular no indispensável respeito aos “direitos naturais”, sinônimos hoje do que chamamos de Direitos Humanos. Mas há um aspecto de Antígona que por vezes se faz questão por esquecer: todo ato de resistência, para ser coerente e ético com o alegado motivo subjetivo que o desencadeia, exige que se suporte as consequências morais e jurídicas do ato, sob pena de esvaziar-se de sentido, ou conforme Gandhi, satyagraha, isto é, firmeza na verdade. Assim, se procurou apresentar nesse trabalho uma leitura de Antígona na qual se buscou conciliar aquilo que ela tem de contemporaneidade, entendendo-se essa expressão no sentido dado por Giorgio Agamben: aquilo que é extemporâneo e escapa à fugacidade do imediato. Palavras chaves: Antígona. Direito de Resistência. Resistência à Opressão. Legalidade. Legitimidade Antigone: between legality, legitmacy and resistance to oppression Abstract This essay was originally read as an oral communication at an academic event that took place in 2019 at the Universidade Federal de Rondônia, in which the Law of Resistance was discussed. Thus, the choice of Sophocle's Antigone is more than justified, since the character that gives name to this play of more than 2400 years is "the" Western paradigm of resistance to oppression and the search for legitimacy in the exercise of political power, particularly to duty to respect for “natural rights”, synonymous today what we call Human Rights. But there is an aspect of Antigone that sometimes much people makes a point of forgetting: any act of resistance, in order to be coherent and ethical with the subjective motive that triggers it, requires standing the moral and legal consequences of the act, or emptying of sense. According to Gandhi, this standing call satyagraha, that is, firmness in truth. Thus, we tried to present in this work a reading of Antigone in which we sought to reconcile what she has of contemporary, understanding this expression in the sense given by Giorgio Agamben: that which is extemporaneous and escapes immediately fugacity oh the present time. Keywords: Antigone. Right of Resistance. Resistance to Oppression. Legality. Legitimacy
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After the war, the world was divided between two main powers, a Western capitalist bloc led by the USA, and an Eastern communist bloc, driven by the USSR. From Japan to Mexico, the post-war years were ones of prosperous economic growth and profound social transformation. It was the time of re-housing families split apart and of rebuilding destroyed cities, but it was also the time of democratic rebirth, the definition of individual and collective freedoms and rights, and of belief in the open society envisaged by Karl Popper. Simultaneously, it was the time of the biggest migrations from the countryside, revealing a large faith in the city, and of baby booms, revealing a new hope in humanity. (...) Whether through welfare state systems, as mainly evidenced in Western Europe, under the prospects launched by the Plan Marshall (1947), or through the establishment of local housing authorities funded or semi-funded by the government, or through the support of private companies, civil organizations or associations, the time had come for the large-scale application of the principles of modern architecture and engineering developed before the war. From the Spanish polígonos residenciales to the German großsiedlungen, ambitious housing programs were established in order to improve the citizens’ living conditions and health standards, as an answer to the housing shortage, and as a symbol of a new egalitarian society: comfort would no longer only be found in bourgeois houses.
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Since the onset of the covid-19 pandemic, governments around the world, along with a handful of unelected medical experts, have been behaving as though they are the social engineers of totalitarian regimes. To be more precise, this select group of political leaders and medical experts have upended economies, as well as the lives of billions of ordinary people, by implementing extremely coercive and restrictive lockdowns and physical distancing measures for the stated purpose of bringing the pandemic under control and preventing future outbreaks. Specific measures have included curfews; police patrols on the streets; the compulsory closure of businesses deemed nonessential, as well as workplaces, schools, and institutions of higher education; the banning of social gatherings; the cancelation of sporting and cultural events; the suspension of religious services; and restrictions on personal movement and interactions at the local, national, and international levels.
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Epistocratic systems of government have received renewed attention, and considerable opposition, in recent political philosophy. Although they vary significantly in form, epistocracies generally reject universal suffrage. But can they maintain the advantages of universal suffrage despite rejecting it? This paper develops an argument for a significant instrumental advantage of universal suffrage: that governments must take into account the interests of all of those enfranchised in their policy decisions or else risk losing power. This is called ‘the Interests Argument’. One problem for the Interests Argument is that governments are not entirely responsive to voter interests, partly because voters do not always know what is in their interests. I will show how this epistemic claim can be used to support certain forms of epistocracy, but deny that it undermines the Interests Argument. I then consider whether we can identify forms of epistocracy that preserve the benefits of the Interests Argument whilst overcoming the epistemic limitations of democracy. I propose six forms of epistocracy, and argue that two are able to maintain these benefits, hence providing an evaluation of the relative strengths of these epistocracies with respect to one of the most valuable instrumental benefits of universal suffrage. Whilst epistocracy lacks many of the advantages of democracy, this paper shows that some forms fare better than others.
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The rise of authoritarian populism has forced many democracies to consider how best to defend democracy against its inner enemies. In the literature on democratic self-defense, one often distinguishes between three models: a legal (militant), political (procedural) and social (integrational). If much scholarly attention is on the merits and limits of the first two models, the social model has fallen behind. This is surprising given its success in the interwar years in many Scandinavian countries, and the empirical correlation between high levels of social equality and high levels of political tolerance. This article examines the merits and limits of the social model. More specifically, it makes two contributions. First, it introduces ‘the social security’ approach proposed by early Swedish social democratic thinkers as an alternative to ‘the social homogeneity’ approach proposed by Hermann Heller. The aim is to show that they provide different solutions to the loser's dilemma: the fact that losers in a democratic election must be ready to support the winners, whose decisions are at odds with their own convictions. Second, the article examines a common objection against the social security approach, namely, that it politicizes democracy, and thereby undermines the distinction between procedure and substance in the defense of democracy.
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Since the 1980s, ‘critical cartography’ has been developing. Its merits lie in its awareness of the socially constructed nature of cartographic representations, the power relations involved, and the process-bound nature of cartographic practices. The ‘post-critical’ cartography proposed here takes up these merits but does so without following the categorical rejection of positivist ‘traditional’ cartography or the moral demarcation of what can and cannot be represented as well as the subordination of theories to the ‘critical’ paradigm. Instead, the ‘post-critical’ approach relies on the struggle for suitable theoretical frameworks—the normative reference horizon within the endeavor of cartography is the enhancement of life chances. In this respect, the prefix ‘post’ refers not only to a temporal ‘after’, but also to the perpetuation of central concerns of ‘critical’ cartography, simultaneously freeing it from such limitations.
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Dieses Kapitel zeigt, dass Wissen nicht allein in sozialen Kontexten entsteht, sondern auch selektiert und weitergegeben wird. Dies betrifft nicht allein alltagsweltliches, sondern auch wissenschaftliches Wissen. Aus der ‚konstruktivistischen Wende‘ der Wissenschaftssoziologie kann auf eine besondere Begründungsbedürftigkeit der Entscheidungen, die zur Formulierung von wissenschaftlichen Ergebnissen führen, geschlossen werden. Mit zunehmender Mediatisierung nimmt die Verfügbarkeit von Informationen zu, Methoden des Umgangs mit diesen Informationen gewinnen an Bedeutung. Die klare Darlegung und Begründung von Entscheidungen im Forschungs- und selbst im Wissenserschließungsprozess vermindert die Gefahr einer unreflektierten Ideologisierung. Für eine eigenständige Stellung der Wissenschaften in der Gesellschaft spricht, dass sie ein eigenes System der Reputationsgenerierung und Sicherung der eigenen Standards ausgeprägt hat und andere Teile der Gesellschaft Erwartungen an die Wissenschaften in Bezug auf die Generierung von tauglichem Wissen richten.
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This article examines how the modern Russian press covers the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict, both historically and currently. Since print media are some of the most popular sources of information in Russia, such analysis helps us understand the media's priorities in presenting the conflict to Russian society. The article focuses on the inherently manipulative, albeit hidden, essence and layout of this material, which increases the likelihood of information bias. While the quality of the reporting on this conflict demonstrates the proximity of contemporary Russian media to the interests of the country's ruling powers, it also provides opportunities for the government to influence its audience's comprehension of Middle East politics.
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This book explores how the social sciences became entangled with the global Cold War. While duly recognizing the realities of nation states, national power, and national aspirations, the studies gathered here open up new lines of transnational investigation. Considering developments in a wide array of fields – anthropology, development studies, economics, education, political science, psychology, science studies, and sociology – that involved the movement of people, projects, funding, and ideas across diverse national contexts, this volume pushes scholars to rethink certain fundamental points about how we should understand – and thus how we should study – Cold War social science itself. Mark Solovey is Associate Professor in the Institute for the History and Philosophy of Science and Technology at the University of Toronto, Canada. Christian Dayé is a sociologist at the Science, Technology and Society (STS) Unit of Graz University of Technology, Austria.
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Citizens in Western democracies often have negative attitudes toward political bodies, yet consistently re-elect their own representatives to these same political bodies. They hate Congress, but love their own congressperson. In contrast to resource-based explanations, we propose that this Paradox of Congressional Support is partly due to the wide availability of negative information about politicians in open societies combined with basic processes of information processing. Five studies found that unrelated negative political information decreases attitudes toward political categories such as U.S. governors but has no effect on attitudes of familiar, individual politicians (e.g., one’s own governor); additional studies further identify familiarity as the critical process. Importantly, we demonstrate that this effect generalizes to all U.S. regions and remains when controlling for and is not moderated by political ideology. These results place a presumed macrolevel political paradox within the domain of cognitive mechanisms of basic information processing.
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How should free societies deal with people who profess support for the use of unlawful violence to achieve political ends? I believe that what tends to be called extreme speech should not be subject to any additional legal restrictions beyond the ordinary legal constraints on criminal activity. Police and lawmakers should focus on preventing active conspiracies to commit violence against persons and property rather than identifying extreme speech for prosecution. My argument is as follows. Violent rhetoric is a common part of political discourse. ‘Lawful’ violence itself is a core feature of the way all states maintain social order. People disagree a great deal about how violence may legitimately be used and for what ends. So advocating for the use of violence as a matter of policy or morality, rather than against specific individuals, cannot plausibly be considered extreme. It is hard to distinguish extreme political positions from mainstream political positions expressed in slightly different terms or from actors in different social positions. Any legal restrictions would be unevenly, and likely arbitrarily, enforced.
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In the various versions of democracy’s orientations around the world nowadays, we can discern cracks, but still not a crucial break from the project of (an) open society. The inner reality of this phenomenon can be deciphered and dealt with in many ways. The two case studies (The Workcenter of Jerzy Grotowski and Thomas Richards as well as Subpoetics International) analysed in the article, present theatre as healing and pedagogical forces, which can save the core of Open Society. Generally speaking, this can be achieved by strengthening intercultural dialogue and empathy while applying strict rules of the craft and technique. The two mentioned theatre-performance groups present high-functioning varieties of open society and also focus on the threats and obstacles which may be encountered in contemporary society. Beyond varied activities, the Workcenter and Subpoetics also carry out educational and workshop-based work connecting people from all paths of life and all around the world, creating an international network, which is both healing and creative. In both cases they are groups producing works of very powerful physiology and intensity, which seek the human truth in troubled times.
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