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Politics and Society: Introduction
... While this resonates with previous scholars that emphasize the importance of Confucian values of authority, obedience and harmony rather than individual expression in China (e.g. Gamer, 2008;Christiansen and Rai, 1996), it is in considerable contrast with findings in the West as well as some the core ideas of 'Alternative Food Networks'. ...
Transitioning towards organic consumption and production has been widely promoted as a more sustainable alternative for urban and rural food systems. Our paper shows how a focus on legitimacy can shed light on current barriers to deeper institutionalisation of the organic labelling scheme in China. Based upon documentary analysis, personal observations and over 70 qualitative interviews we identify consequential concerns amongst China’s small scale farmers, limited support by the Chinese central government, and procedural problems as the main barriers. We discuss strategies to overcome these barriers, for example tighter certification procedures or more participatory arrangements. Our work contributes to the legitimacy, product labelling and food safety literatures as well as bourgeoning discussions on how to facilitate more sustainable consumption and production in China.
... The aim of these policies is to standardise the directions, focal points, and objectives of renewable energy development from different viewpoints. The third level policies include practical and specific incentives and managerial guidelines, and specific supporting measures for developing and using renewable energy (Christiansen, 1996). 2007). ...
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to introduce and discuss policy making process in the field of climate change in China. It aims to describe the main climate change‐related policies and to discuss the role of China in international climate change negotiations.
Design/methodology/approach
A qualitative method has been used for this paper. A preliminary desk study based on the analysis of the primary and secondary sources published in both English and Chinese (Mandarin) has been conducted. Literature on policy analysis and evaluation and the role of political actors in it, as well as examples of energy efficiency studies in other countries has been studied to develop an analytical framework for the empirical data interpretation. The main sources for information about China's situation are books, articles, as well as internet resources and newspapers covering China's politics, the climate change regime, and Chinese climate policy.
Findings
The paper provides insights into China's climate change policy making process and outlines the main challenges that policy implementation in China is facing today.
Research limitations/implications
It was appreciated that some sources should be used with caution as information given in Chinese is subject to censorship and governmental control in China and therefore may be biased. It is not possible to avoid this problem totally when dealing with a state like China, but using multiple sources and personal observation may improve the reliability of the information.
Practical implications
The paper includes suggestions on policy improvements such as strengthening of supervision mechanisms and creating a Ministry of Energy.
Originality/value
This paper fulfils an identified need to study the climate change policy‐making process in China.
This chapter examines the legitimacy of extra-Charter use of force in Public international law. This examination establishes a vital link between the claim of the legitimate use of force by states and regional organizations alike under Public international law and their treatment of non-state actors in this legal framework. It offers a discussion about the meaning and significance of the legitimacy of use of force. It discusses the legitimacy of pre-emptive, anticipatory, and preventive use of force. It argues that the legitimacy of use of force in Public international law requires its perceived legitimacy among those who are most affected by this legal framework, that is legitimacy in the descriptive sense.
The Article analyzes the Internet governance in the Chinese context, with a particular focus on the Xinjiang Uighur Special Administrative Region. China is characterized by a tamed version of the Internet, whose governance is founded on the interaction between a highly sophisticated set of censorship tools and psychological self-censorship. In the Xinjiang Uighur Region, this architecture bonds with the war on Islamic terror. Indeed the censorship grip is stronger in the Islamic region, resulting in frequent cut off from the national Internet and in a slow connection speed. Moreover, the Xinjiang has turned into a laboratory for new censorship tools, which further compress rights and freedoms. Here the infringements affect, besides first generation rights (as in the rest of China), also second generation rights, towards which the government usually shows a great commitment. The result is a censorship that creates two different Internet, thus creating a discrimination between Uighur Chinese and Han Chinese.
Disaster marathon was proposed by media communication scholars to differentiate the genre of disaster television broadcasting from media events. However, its theoretical framework is limited by its omission of findings from disaster social science literature, and its lack of examinations of marathons of domestic natural disasters. Using the August 2014 Yunnan (China) Television Station broadcast The Special Report on the August 3 Earthquake in Ludian, Yunnan, we conduct a qualitative content analysis to empirically examine the disaster marathon concept for natural disasters. During the content analysis, three themes emerge: authorities’ command and control, the involvement of armed forces, and convergence of social support. Our case study findings contradict the disaster marathon conceptualization and conclude that the local television coverage following a natural disaster can also be performed as a series of conventional media events and is consistent with the established disaster coverage literature.
In the twentieth century, authoritarian states throughout Asia mobilized mass populations to adopt modern subjectivities and national identities. Literacy campaigns and the development of formal education systems were key strategies in shaping these subjectivities and identities, a social process that continues to have enormous material, affective, behavioral, and epistemological ramifications, even long after the eclipse of the authoritarian governments themselves. To contribute more to the understanding about how these massive social projects coerced and persuaded nonurban, pastoral, and semi-nomadic populations, this article explores the 1950s and 1960s Cultural Campaigns in the socialist Mongolian People's Republic (1924–90), which emphasized hygiene, health, literacy, and ideology. Oral history accounts document how the socialist Mongolian state infiltrated the private spaces of Mongolians and shaped their attitudes toward reading and writing and other desirable social goals. Additionally, these accounts suggest ways that pastoral Mongolians subtly resisted and challenged the authority of the socialist Mongolian state.
This article discusses the conflict that broke out between the Taiwanese Positivists and New Confucians in 1950s Taiwan. Opposing
views on science, tradition, Chinese culture, and Western culture led to a series of debates, which yielded significant impacts
on Taiwanese society. After several previous studies, I re-examine the conflict and how it played out, concluding that its
historical significance is twofold. First, both Positivists and New Confucians had no effect on the scientific industrialization
of Taiwan but had political, cultural, and social effects. Second, the debates constructed a Taiwanese version of C.P. Snow's
“two cultures”—a morally humanistic Chinese culture contrasting with a positivistic scientific Western culture. These served
as the historical prototype for later formulations of the two cultures.
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to examine the effect of individual factors on the transfer of human resource management (HRM) knowledge in Chinese subsidiaries of multinational corporations, and to explore the relationships between individual factors and introduce the concept of joint effect‐integrated capability.
Design/methodology/approach
Based on the notion that certain factors can affect knowledge transfer (KT), this paper examines the effect of four factors, i.e. cultural difference and adaptability, language and communication, working relationship, and motivation and willingness, on the transfer of HRM knowledge. The paper is based on an empirical study of 22 individual HR professionals from 21 Chinese subsidiaries. Data were collected through semi‐structured interviews conducted between January and April 2004 and an exploratory data analysis was carried out with the assistance of Nvivo software.
Findings
The study has found that Chinese HR managers have the ability of all four factors to facilitate the transfer of HRM knowledge. The findings further suggest that integrated capability‐joint effect could be generated from the four factors and affect the transfer process jointly. When the capability is positive, it facilitates the transfer. Conversely, when the capability is negative, it impedes the transfer.
Research limitations/implications
The findings not only extend the understanding of the effect of single factor on KT, but also the interrelationship between individual factors, their joint effect‐integrated capability and the transfer process.
Originality/value
Existing research has concentrated on studying the effect of single factor on KT, knowledge management by and large. There is little research investigating the correlations between individual factors. This paper addresses this gap and introduces the concept of joint effect, integrated capability.
In January of 2001, the TimberWest Corporation permanently closed its Youbou sawmill facility near Duncan, British Columbia, Canada laying off 220 workers. On the surface, the Youbou mill closure reinforced a pervasive sense that workers and communities in the province are increasingly vulnerable to an ever more globally integrated and footloose forest industry. But a funny thing happened in Youbou; the workers fought back. While the mill was completely dismantled and scrapped, with no discernable response from the provincial government, workers from the Youbou sawmill banded together to form a new NGO called the Youbou TimberLess Society. Since its inception, the YTS has developed into one of the most unique and compelling voices for forest policy reform in BC. In so doing, the YTS also represents something of an anomaly in exhibiting many of the characteristics of so-called new social movements, and yet emerging from the industrial working class. This paper explores the ways in which the YTS has served as a powerful arena in which the subjectivities of sawmill workers and other community members have been transformed through organized resistance to global capital. At the same time, informed by the YTS, the paper draws on Polanyi's idea of the dual movement to examine scales and terms on which globalization and competing notions of autonomy are contested in moral economies of both work and nature.
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