Gender, Religion, and New Media: Attitudes and Behaviors Related to the Internet Among Ultra-Orthodox Women Employed in Computerized Environments

Abstract

We analyze patterns of rejection and adoption of new technology in a closed and conservative community through the study of ultra-Orthodox Jewish women working in computerized environments, and their perceptions and uses of the Internet. These women stand in the intersection between orthodoxy and modernity. Their workplaces are populated by ultra-Orthodox women and adjusted for their needs, but the companies that employ them are (mostly) owned by seculars, they work with computers, and (occasionally) the workplaces even have Internet access. We study if and how the conceptions of new technologies among women in a conservative community serve to demarcate, construct and reassure the borders of the community. The research questions are: How do these ultra-Orthodox women perceive the place of the Internet within their community and personal lives? With whom do they create online ties? And are there correlations between socioeconomic and sociodemographic variables and women's perceptions of the place and functioning of the Internet in the ultra-Orthodox community and their lives?

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Gender, Religion, and New Media:
Attitudes and Behaviors Related to the Internet Among
Ultra-Orthodox Women Employed in Computerized Environments
RIVKA NERIYA-BEN SHAHAR
Sapir Academic College, Israel
AZI LEV-ON
Ariel University Center, Israel
We analyze patterns of rejection and adoption of new technology in a closed and
conservative community through the study of ultra-Orthodox Jewish women working in
computerized environments, and their perceptions and uses of the Internet. These
women stand in the intersection between orthodoxy and modernity. Their workplaces
are populated by ultra-Orthodox women and adjusted for their needs, but the companies
that employ them are (mostly) owned by seculars, they work with computers, and
(occasionally) the workplaces even have Internet access.
We study if and how the conceptions of new technologies among women in a
conservative community serve to demarcate, construct and reassure the borders of the
community. The research questions are: How do these ultra-Orthodox women perceive
the place of the Internet within their community and personal lives? With whom do they
create online ties? And are there correlations between socioeconomic and
sociodemographic variables and women's perceptions of the place and functioning of the
Internet in the ultra-Orthodox community and their lives?
Introduction
This article focuses on the interface between gender, religion, and new technology, and examines
the attitudes and behaviors pertaining to the Internet among ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) women working in
designated “technological hothouses.”1
Rivka Neriya-Ben Shahar: rivka.nbs@gmail.com
Azi Lev-On: azilevon@gmail.com
Date submitted: 2010–05–10
1 The authors express their gratitude to Chava Magder, Eliya David, and Chen Sabag for their assistance in
collecting the data and preparing the manuscript. We also thank the research authority of Ariel University
Center, whose generous support enabled the research upon which this article is based.

876 Rivka Neriya-Ben Shahar & Azi Lev-On International Journal of Communication 5(2011)
The presentation of findings and discussion are integrated in a theoretical framework that
emphasizes the gap between ideology and practice in religious communities, and the religious-social
shaping of technology (see Campbell, 2010). When practice may threaten the boundaries of the
community, and ideology attempts to protect and strengthen it, the "liminal spaces" (Turner, 1969)
between ideology and practice constitute interesting areas for research. Thus, the research questions are:
What are the attitudes and behavioral patterns of these women online? Is there a discrepancy between
their attitudes and behavior and, if so, how do they justify and cope with it?
The study contributes to the knowledge about Haredi women in particular, women in religious
and fundamentalist societies in general, and the unique role of new technologies in the processes of
change that these societies experience.
Haredi Women in the Private and Public Domains
The Haredi society comprises 6.7% of the adult population in Israel (Israel Central Bureau of
Statistics, 2007). The Jewish religion and all its principles, instructions, and limitations strictly dictate the
private and public life of community members. The all-encompassing religiosity and relentless study of the
Torah differentiate the ultra-Orthodox from other religious sectors in Israeli society (Friedman, 1991). The
ultra-Orthodox emphasize the significance of self-control and restrictiveness (Stadler, 2009), which are
manifested, among other things, by keeping many commandments, as well as stern limitations on issues
such as Jewish dietary laws (Kashrut), the Sabbath (Shabbat), and family purity.
The ultra-Orthodox community is not a unified whole, but rather a multifaceted entity. The
various ultra-Orthodox groups are distinguished from each other by paring developments that occurred in
Eastern Europe over the past two centuries. The split within ultra-Orthodoxy began in 18th century Poland
with the rise of the Hasidic movement, and the contra-movement of those who opposed it (Mitnagdim),
whose members are also called Lithuanians. Nowadays the differences between the Hasidim and the
Lithuanians are manifest, among other things, in the emphasis (or lack thereof) on spirituality,
perceptions of leadership, dress code, and even spoken language. In comparison with Hasidic
communities, Lithuanian communities are considered more open and liberal (Friedman, 1991).
The Haredim reserve the key positions in the community for males, leaving women at the
periphery, while idealizing women’s place in the private sphere (El-Or, 1997), as described in the
emblematic passage, "All the glory of the daughter of the king is within" (Psalms 45:14). The place of
women is emphasized repeatedly in, for example, modesty classes in schools and texts published in
Haredi newspapers. One of the main characteristics of the Haredi domestic sphere is the abundance of
children; Haredi women in Israel have 7.7 children on average, compared to 2.6 children among non-
Haredi Jewish women (Gurovich & Cohen-Kastro, 2004).
But contrary to the ideals, Haredi women are no longer found exclusively in the private sphere,
and have a significant presence in the public domain; they go to work, study and support their families.
Since the 1950s, the Haredi community in Israel has been transformed into a “society of learners” in
which most men do not work, but devote themselves exclusively to study of the Torah (Friedman, 1991,
1995). Women are expected to work, the ideal being to be the wife of a religious scholar and the mother
of children who live by the Torah; their husbands are expected to study the Torah, and the rewards for
such study are to be shared by the partners (Friedman, 1995).

International Journal of Communication 5 (2011) Gender, Religion, and New Media 877
Thus, since the 1950s, a considerable number of Haredi women began working outside the home,
mainly in education.2 Since the 1970s, various channels of mobility directing women to "new" professions
have been created. Tertiary educational institutions (such as teaching seminars for girls) provide
technological education, in addition to training in teaching, within a Haredi environment. Also, since 2006,
"Centers for the Development of Employment Opportunities for Haredim" have been established for
guidance and placement. These centers are operated by a Haredi staff in Haredi environments. A survey
conducted a few months after they began operating found that women comprised 71% of their clients
(Schwartz, 2008). Also in recent years, "technological hothouses" functioning as protected environments
adapted to the lifestyle of Haredi women have been established in various Haredi areas.
New Media, Conservative Communities
The admission of modern technologies into traditional communities is frequently accompanied by
apprehension and suspicion, especially with regard to the Internet (Campbell, 2010). Studies show how
the Internet facilitates new religious and spiritual experiences, creates novel religious-spiritual identities,
and enables social support between believers (Campbell, 2010; Ess, Kawabata & Kurosaki, 2007). Larsen
(2001), for example, shows that in many Christian communities, the Internet enhances the sense of
belonging to the church and strengthens believers’ faith and spiritual growth. The Internet also has
created a public space for members of Muslim communities in which they connect and learn about
religious practice, empower the "cyber Islamic environment,” and strengthen the ummah––the Muslim
community (Bunt, 2000).
But there are also numerous studies demonstrating opposition by leaders and members of
religious and conservative communities to the Internet (Campbell, 2010; Dawson, 2004). Among other
things, the leaders of these communities fear transformation of the hierarchical communal systems and
erosion of their authority.
The Haredim in Israel are a minority who maintains a multifaceted relationship with the majority.
The Haredim are interested in preserving the unique character of their community and are not keen on
establishing relationships with the majority for fear of external influence. This isolation has turned the
Haredi community into an "enclave culture" (Sivan, 1991). Scholars have observed two parallel processes
among the Haredim in recent years: on the one hand, a process of "Haredization," i.e., enhanced
stringency in response to the surrounding "temptations" of the secular Israeli lifestyle (Friedman, 1991);
and on the other hand, a process of "Israelization" that involves lowering the walls of isolation and
adopting novel patterns in a variety of spheres such as consumerism, leisure, and adoption of
communication technologies (Caplan, 2007; Rashi, 2011).
The Internet, as a relatively new technology, is a cause of contention among the Haredim.
Different approaches exist, ranging from reserved acceptance to rejection on principle. The approach
favoring acceptance with reservations emphasizes that the Internet functions as a useful tool and provides
information and services; it also performs a communal function of horizontal and vertical mediation, and
enables communication between community members and the great sages of the generation by allowing
2 According to data from 2005, 55% of Haredi women go out to work, compared to only 44% of Haredi
men. In comparison, among secular Israeli Jews, 83% of women go out to work, compared to 95% of
men (Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, 2006).

878 Rivka Neriya-Ben Shahar & Azi Lev-On International Journal of Communication 5(2011)
access to an enormous wealth of Torah studies, forums, questions and answers, joint learning, watching
live events, and listening to Torah classes (Zarfati & Blais, 2002).
The approach that rejects the Internet regards it as a dangerous medium that contains and
spreads harmful content. The Internet, with its unlimited content and anonymous communication, can
easily expose the Haredi world to heresy, sexual, violent and other types of speech regarded as
sacrilegious and threatening to traditional values (Livio & Tenenboim-Weinblatt, 2007). The dominance of
this view among the Haredi leadership has led to the establishment of a special rabbinical court to deal
with "the matter of breaches3 in computers" that on January 7, 2000 publicized a "Torah opinion"
according to which "Every man of Israel should know, that connection to the Internet or television
presents, God forbid, a grave danger to the continuation of the generations of Israel, and constitutes a
terrible breach in the holiness of Israel” (Zarfati & Blais, 2002, p. 50). As opposed to television, the
Internet is represented as a device "a thousand times more dangerous, and prone to bring destruction,
God forbid, on the nation of Israel" (ibid.). Consequently, Internet usage had been forbidden, even for
assistance in providing a livelihood.
However, it was a prohibition that the public could not sustain. Several sects in the Haredi
community ignored the "Torah opinion" and continued to use the Internet. The growing Haredi business
sector also exerted pressure for access to computerized communications. Thus, a second "Rabbinical
Committee for Matters of Communications" was established in 2006. In December 2007, the committee
permitted usage of the Internet in the Haredi sector for the first time. Permission was granted only for
supervised access to a small number of websites, and for business only (Pereg, 2007). At the time of this
writing, the "Kosher Internet" project is still in its infancy.
Although opposition to the Internet seems to prevail in the Haredi rhetoric, a survey carried out
by the Shiluv research center (2007) shows that 60% of the Haredim have computers at home, of which
57% (or approximately a third of the Haredi public) have Internet access.
Presentation of the findings and the discussion are incorporated in a theoretical framework that
addresses the religious and social shaping of technology (RSST). According to Campbell (2010), to
understand the complexities of the decisions made by members of religious groups about new
technologies, a few themes should be considered: Religious tradition and history; contemporary
community values and priorities; negotiation and innovation of technology by the community; and the
communal discourses applied to justify its use.
The discussion below is also embedded in the analysis of the discrepancy between ideology and
practice; i.e., between the social patterns dictated by values and social norms, and the actual behaviors of
community members that sometimes only moderately approximate the dictates of ideology. This
discrepancy is an especially interesting subject of study in religious communities, where the tension
between "the desirable or the ideal and the requirements and challenges of life" is particularly viable and
visible (Caplan, 2007, p. 18).
3 Pirtza is the common term in Haredi rabbinical speech for a breach of traditional values, rabbinical
decrees, or exposure to improper content.

International Journal of Communication 5 (2011) Gender, Religion, and New Media 879
Douglas (1966) demonstrated how communities maintain boundaries to avoid undesired influence
and "pollution," and delineated four circles of possible contamination:
. . . first is danger pressing on external boundaries; the second, danger from
transgressing the internal lines of the system; the third, danger in the margins of the
lines. The fourth is danger from internal contradiction, when some of the basic
postulates are denied by other basic postulates, so that at certain points the system
seems to be at war with itself. (Douglas, 1966, p. 152)
We view the Internet as a tool capable of "polluting" the Haredi community in all the circles
delineated by Douglas (1966). It is a threat to the external boundaries separating the Haredi community
from Israeli society at large, and it blurs the internal boundaries differentiating various sects, men and
women, young and old, leaders and followers.
This study examines the discrepancy between ideology and practice from the unique angle of
gender and technology. Studies show that women in fundamentalist societies occupy a significant place in
the social dialectic between ideology and practice, and in shaping the living religion—despite their
marginality, or perhaps because of it (Gross, 1996). Working women are often perceived as a unique
danger and possible agents of change in their communities (Friedle, 1997).
The disparity between ideology and practice is especially evident in the case of Haredi women
employed in computerized environments, including those with Internet access. On the ideological level,
the Haredim are suspicious of new technologies, women are channeled into the private domain, and it is
thought they should be barred from access to new technologies; their work should help support their
families and keep their scholar-husbands within the boundaries of Haredi society. On the practical level,
however, the Haredim adopt (although partially and with reservations) new technologies, and women
appear in public spheres outside the boundaries of Haredi society, where new technologies are accessible.
This state of affairs can be regarded as an internal contradiction, existing in a so-called "liminal space" on
the continuum between ideology and practice (Turner, 1969).
A few empirical studies have analyzed the use of the Internet in the Haredi sector. Barzilai-Nahon
and Barzilai (2005) analyzed usage patterns of some 14,000 users of Hevre (an Israeli social network with
a nostalgic focus) who define themselves as Haredim. Katz (2007) interviewed members of five Haredi
families from northern Israel and studied their attitudes towards the Internet. The Haredi respondents
regarded the Internet as a tool that assisted them in studying and making a living, but also as a
dangerous tool, because of the content they may be exposed to online, and because the time devoted to
surfing could cause bitul Torah (neglecting the study of the Torah).
A small number of studies have looked at Haredi women online. Livio and Tenenboim-Weinblatt
(2007) conducted in-depth interviews with five Haredi women who regularly use the Internet for work and
leisure, focusing on the justification for the use of technology and the tension between usage and
rabbinical prohibitions. Tydor-Baumel-Schwartz (2009) observed five English-language forums catering to
Haredi women, and surveyed various events on these forums as signals of cultural changes occurring in
Haredi communities. Using an online survey, Lev-On and Neriya Ben-Shahar (2011a) studied the attitudes
of 53 members of closed online forums designed for Haredi women. Results again demonstrated that

880 Rivka Neriya-Ben Shahar & Azi Lev-On International Journal of Communication 5(2011)
members of these forums regard the Internet as a significant factor in their lives and a source of
empowerment, but also as a danger to the Haredi lifestyle.
Thus, the present research looks at an interesting social phenomenon at the intersection of
gender, fundamentalism, and the patterns of adoption/rejection of new technologies. The research
questions are: How do Haredi women perceive the place of the Internet in Haredi society and in their
personal lives? With whom do they create online ties? Is there a correlation between socioeconomic and
sociodemographic variables and the perceptions of the role and functioning of the Internet in the lives of
subjects and in the Haredi community?
Methodology
To study these questions, we used an author-generated questionnaire composed of three main
parts: first, a list of statements that subjects were asked to rate on a scale of five options (1="strongly
disagree", 2="disagree", 3="somewhat agree", 4="agree ", 5= "strongly agree"). “Agreement” with a
certain statement was measured by the percentage of subjects who “strongly agreed,” “agreed,” or
“somewhat agreed” with it. “Agreement level” was the average of the subjects’ answers (from "strongly
agree" to "strongly disagree").4
The second part of the questionnaire contained statements and closed questions measuring
actual behaviors, for example: "The Internet is a means for me to make new female friends." Here too,
the rating was done on a scale of five options. This part of the questionnaire also included some yes-or-no
questions, for instance: "Do you have Internet access from home?" The third part of the questionnaire
addressed a number of socioeconomic and sociodemographic variables, such as work outside the home (of
both the woman and her spouse), level of education, age, and level of income.
Questionnaire Validity and Credibility
The questionnaire was formulated on the basis of in-depth familiarity with the Haredi community
in general, and Haredi women in particular. Special attention was given to fine-tune the text to correspond
to the unique parlance used in the Haredi community (see below). Before the questionnaire was
distributed, it was tested on a number of Haredi women, who filled it in and commented on it. The
questionnaire was also sent to key scholars studying perceptions of media exposure, and to others
studying the Haredi community. The questionnaire was revised in accordance with the comments
received.
Population and Sampling
The study population was made up of Haredi women working in technological hothouses. A
sample enabling us to make statistical generalizations pertaining to the total population must be
probabilistic, and must be derived from a sampling framework: a list of all individuals from which the
sample was selected. In the current study, such a sampling framework is unavailable, since there are no
4 We did not include indecisive options such as "no opinion" or "undecided," in order to place respondents
in a position of acceptance or rejection.

International Journal of Communication 5 (2011) Gender, Religion, and New Media 881
lists of Haredi women working in technological hothouses. Instead, we used a non-probabilistic volunteer
sample.
Questionnaires were distributed in several technological hothouses by research assistants who
are religious observants. Respondents received general information about the study and were asked to fill
in the questionnaires. Since the women employed in the hothouses also include a small percentage of
non-Haredi religious women, the research assistants emphasized that the questionnaire was aimed
exclusively at Haredi women; this was stated at the beginning of the questionnaire as well. Every woman
who filled in the questionnaire (they did so on their lunch breaks) received 20 shekels as compensation. It
was expressly stated that there were no correct or incorrect answers and that there was no connection
between the answers and the payment. Filling in the questionnaires usually took 10–15 minutes.
Overwhelmingly, those women approached chose to take part.
The sample included 156 women with the following characteristics: 20% (28) had an academic
degree (or an equivalent thereof).5 The average number of years of schooling was 14.01. The average age
was 28.95 (range: 19–61), relatively young and therefore the average number of children––2.91––was
comparatively low for the Haredi sector. Ninety-four percent (146) were married and the rest were single
or divorced. The women belonged to all sects that comprise the Haredi community, with 52% Lithuanians
(80), 11% (17) Hassidic, 20% (30) Sephardic. Sixty-three percent (99) were born in Israel, 23% (36)
were born in the United States. The fathers of 33% (52) were born in Israel, while the fathers of 23%
(36) were born in the United States.
Research Process
The research process involved three main stages: mapping the sites where data could be
collected, namely technological hothouses designed for Haredi women; contacting the managements and
obtaining their approval to distribute the questionnaires; and finally, collecting the data in five locations.6
Methodological Concerns
Studies of closed religious communities pose a unique challenge for researchers. Haredi society,
and Haredi women in particular, are strongly influenced by codes of modesty in speech and behavior, and
it is rather difficult to get subjects to participate in studies (Gurovich & Cohen-Kastro, 2004; Neriya-Ben
Shahar, 2008). We anticipated that four factors would help overcome such obstacles:
A. Anonymity: Respondents were promised complete anonymity. The emphasis on anonymity also
appeared in two different places in the questionnaire.
5 Ultra-Orthodox rabbis instruct their followers not to learn in universities or colleges. There is an
agreement between the Ministry of Education and the ultra-Orthodox sector by which women can instead
participate in “degree equivalent” programs, composed of classes in ultra-Orthodox institutions and in
groups of women only.
6 Citibook offers outsourcing services to companies abroad, especially in real estate. A total of 110 women
work in the Modiin Ilit branch and 30 in the Beitar Ilit branch. Malam issues pay slips. The branch in Beitar
Ilit employs 25 women. Geoda creates digital archives and scans documents for the Israeli Ministry of
Justice. The Elad branch employs 70 women. Visa CAL issues credit cards. The branch in Modiin employs
56 women.

882 Rivka Neriya-Ben Shahar & Azi Lev-On International Journal of Communication 5(2011)
B. Sensitivity to the unique characteristics of the Haredi community: The questionnaire used a high
register, without any slang or expressions that might be considered immodest.
C. Data collection sites: The questionnaires were distributed in the workplaces after informing
managers in advance about the date. Thus, subjects filled in the questionnaires in a familiar and
“protected” environment. In a few other workplaces to which we applied, the managers agreed
that we could distribute the questionnaires and return the following day to collect them in order
to avoid commotion and prevent any encroachment on working hours. It was decided to give up
this possibility, as we were concerned that taking the questionnaires home might involve
conformity pressures leading to dishonest answers.
D. Choosing the interviewers: Research assistants who distributed and collected the questionnaires
were observant female students, dressed modestly.
Findings and Discussion
The presentation of findings is divided into three parts: (1) Ideology: Women’s ideological
conceptions and attitudes regarding the Internet; (2) Practice: Computers and the Internet in everyday
life; (3) The meeting between ideology and practice: Conflict, tension, and integration.
1. Ideology: Women’s Ideological Conceptions and Attitudes Regarding the Internet
1A. Women’s perceptions of rabbis’ positions regarding the Internet
A key aspect of Haredi ideology is the centrality of the rabbinical leaders, some of whom are
called "great men" (in the study of the Torah). The sages’ interpretation of sacred texts determines the
forms of observance of the religious precepts, as well as believers’ decisions on personal, economic, and
political matters (Caplan, 1992).
When studying the penetration of a new technology into a religious group, one should determine
who is entitled to provide the legitimate translation of sacred texts, and analyze the spiritual and moral
codes that administer the practices of and negotiation with the technology (Campbell, 2010). Due to their
unique role, the “great men” determine the acceptance/rejection of new technologies. Hence, it is
important to study how women perceive their positions about the Internet.
Respondents were asked how they perceived the rabbis’ attitude toward the Internet. Three
statements on a continuum from strict to permissive were formulated. Forty-eight percent (73) of
respondents agreed with the moderate statement: "To the best of my knowledge, the rabbis in my social
milieu permit the use of the Internet when needed" (average agreement=2.61, SD=1.28). Seventy-eight
percent (120) of the respondents agreed with the intermediate statement (average agreement=3.49,
SD=1.13), "From what I understand, the rabbis in my social milieu permit the use of the Internet for work
purposes only." Thirty percent (46) of respondents agreed with the strictest statement: "To the best of my
knowledge, the rabbis in my social milieu do not permit the use of the Internet for any purpose
whatsoever" (average agreement=2.37, SD=1.27). No correlation was found between the sect to which
the women belong and their interpretation of rabbis` position toward the Internet.
Nearly one-third of respondents (46) agreed with the strictest statement according to which the
rabbis "do not permit the use of the Internet for any purpose whatsoever." Apparently women’s

International Journal of Communication 5 (2011) Gender, Religion, and New Media 883
interpretation of the rabbis’ position toward the Internet as stringent and restrictive is based on one of the
central ideological values of Haredi society: strict and punctilious religious observance. Still, 27% (12) of
the women who agreed with the strictest statement have Internet access at home.
IB. The Internet endangers the Haredi community
Next, we examined the ideological attitudes of the women toward the threat that the Internet
poses to the ultra-Orthodox community. The majority of women regarded the Internet as a danger to the
Haredi society. Ninety percent (137) of the women agreed with the statement: "I think the Internet
constitutes a danger to the Haredi lifestyle" (average agreement: 4.18, SD=1.08). Seventy-five percent
(116) agreed with the statement: "I think the Internet is as dangerous as the cell phone because it
enables to contact other people" (average agreement=3.74, SD=1.41). Ninety-five percent (149) agreed
with the statement: "I think the Internet is as dangerous as television because it enables people to view
and hear prohibited content" (average agreement=4.52, SD=0.89). No correlation was found between the
religious sect of respondents and the perception of the Internet as dangerous.
The fact that a large majority of women agreed with the statements declaring the Internet, the
cell phone, and television as dangers to the Haredi lifestyle bears witness to an ideology characterized by
fear and segregation. But the fact that almost all the respondents approved of use of the Internet to work
and support their families also corresponds to the attitude of some rabbis as expressed in the decree of
the "rabbinical committee on matters of communication." All of the above demonstrates a pragmatic
outlook, distinguishing the Internet as a tool for employment from its uses as a means of communication.
2. Practice: Computers and the Internet in everyday life
2A. Computers at home
Sixty-one percent (95) of respondents have a computer at home, 57% (53) of whom have
Internet access. Twenty-six percent (22) of the women possessing a computer have an academic degree,
compared to 11% (6) of the women who do not possess a computer; the majority, 76% (70) were born
outside Israel. Having a computer at home is correlated with the husband’s occupation (χ2(1) = 8.22, P<
.01); husbands of 55% (41) of the women with a computer at home are Yeshiva students, compared to
79% (42) of the husbands of women who do not have a computer. No correlation was found between the
sect to which the women belong and having a computer at home.
2B. Internet access at home
Thirty-five percent (53) of respondents answered affirmatively to the question: "Do you have
Internet access at home?" No correlation was found between the sect to which the women belong and
their having Internet access at home.
To create a profile of women with Internet access at home, we used the χ2 test to examine
correlations between Internet access at home and certain sociodemographic variables. Correlations were
found between Internet access at home and the following variables:
• The main occupation of the husband (χ2 (1) =16.1, P <.001). Among women with Internet access
at home, 41% (17) of the husbands were Yeshiva students, compared to 78% (66) of the
husbands of women who do not have Internet access.

884 Rivka Neriya-Ben Shahar & Azi Lev-On International Journal of Communication 5(2011)
• Academic degree (χ2 (1) = 13.98, P<.01). Thirty-one percent (15) of the women with Internet
access at home have an academic degree, compared to 15% (13) of those without Internet
access at home.
• Country of birth (χ2 (2) = 13.98, P<.001). Fifty-seven percent (30) of the women with Internet
access at home were born outside Israel, compared to 26% (26) of those without Internet access
at home.
• Father’s country of birth (χ2(2) = 9.72, P<.01). Eighty-three percent (43) of the fathers of
women with Internet access at home were born abroad, compared to 57% (55) of the fathers of
women without Internet access at home.
Table 1 presents the means and standard deviations of participants’ levels of agreement with the
statements. The middle columns refer to the levels of agreement of women with a computer at home,
without a computer at home, with Internet access from home, and without Internet access from home. T-
tests for independent samples were used to compare the levels of agreement with the various statements
between (a) women with a computer at home, and women without a computer at home; as well as
between (b) women with Internet access at home, and women without Internet access at home.
Table 1. Differences Between Women With and Without Internet and Computers at Home.
With Internet
Without
Computer
With
Computer
SD M SD M T SD M SD M T 85.
4.58
(N=99)
1.18 3.92
(N=51)
***3.87
(df
=148)
68.
4.74
(N=61)
1.12 4.11
(N=92)
***4.8
(df=15
1)
In my opinion, the
Internet can weaken
people religiously
A.
Statements
about
dangers
related to the
Internet
1
.
3.31
(N=97)
1.29 2.52
(N=52)
**3.47
(df=14
7)
1.34
3.34
(N=58)
1.39 2.82
(N=93)
*2.28
(df=14
9)
I feel that the Internet
weakens me
religiously
1.22 2.71
(N=98)
1.1 3.47
(N=53)
***3.87
(df=14
9)
1.26 2.58
(N=60)
1.16 3.21
(N=94)
**3.16
(df=15
2)
In my opinion, Kosher
Internet that utilizes
approved filtering
technologies is not
dangerous
89
.
4.45
(N=97)
1.31 3.66
(N=53)
***3.98
(df=14
8)
63.
4.66
(N=59)
1.2 3.87
(N=93)
***5.29
(df=15
0)
I think the Internet
constitutes a danger
to the Haredi lifestyle 75.
4.65
(N=100)
1.07 4.26
(N=53)
*2.32
(df=15
1)
53.
4.82
(N=61)
1.01 4.33
(N=95)
***3.96
(df=15
4)
I think the Internet is
as dangerous as
television because it
enables people to
view and hear
prohibited content

International Journal of Communication 5 (2011) Gender, Religion, and New Media 885
1.32 4.01
(N=98)
1.48 3.23
(N=53)
**3.21
(df=14
9)
1.21 4.27
(N=59)
1.44 3.41
(N=95)
***3.97
(df=15
2)
In my opinion, the
Internet is as
dangerous as the
cellular phone
because it enables
people to contact
other people
1.17 3.48
(N=97)
1.13 2.98
(N=53)
*2.56
(df=14
8)
1.16
3.59
(N=59)
1.16 3.12
(
N=93)
*2.45
(
df=15
0)
In my opinion, the
Internet should be
used only at the
workplace
B.
Statements
about
restrictions
on Internet
usage 1.28 4.12
(N=99)
1.32 3.33
(N=51)
**3.49
(df=14
8)
1.11 4.43
(N=60)
1.35 3.12
(N=93)
*2.31
(df=15
1)
I think there is no
room for the Internet
in the Haredi
household 1.24 2.42
(N=98)
1.3 3.02
(N=51)
**2.71
(df=14
7)
1.26 2.32
(N=60)
1.26 2.8
(N=92)
*
2
.
31
(df=15
0)
To the best of my
knowledge, the rabbis
in my social milieu
permit the use of the
Internet when needed
1.29 3.43
(N=96)
1.1 4.04
(N=53)
**3.02
(df=14
7)
1.33 3.29
(N=58)
1.18 3.83
(N=94)
*2.57
(df=15
0)
I feel that the Internet
enables me to achieve
things I was unable to
achieve before
C.
Positive
statements
about the
Internet
1.23 2.72
(N=95)
1.08 3.87
(N=52)
***5.84
(df=14
5)
1.31 2.75
(N=57)
1.26 3.34
(N=93)
**2.73
(df=14
8)
I think that I am
capable of controlling
the content to which I
am exposed online
1.1 1.91
(N=92)
1.37 2.85
(N=53)
***4.22
(df=14
3)
1.07 1.78
(N=54)
1.78 2.51
(N=94)
***3.65
(df=14
6)
I feel that the Internet
enables me to rest
and relax
1.2 2.09
(N=90)
1.52
2.7
(N=53)
*2.48
(df=14
1)
1.1 1.98
(N=54)
1.98 2.54
(N=92)
*2.6
(df=14
4) I am in contact
with other
women online
D.
Statements
about online
social ties
1.23 1.91
(N=88)
1.47 2.46
(N=52)
*2.27
(df=13
8)
1.16 1.79
(N=53)
1.41 2.31
(N=90)
*2.36
(df=14
1)
I am in
contact
with other
people online
*p<.05, **p<0.01, ***p<.001

886 Rivka Neriya-Ben Shahar & Azi Lev-On International Journal of Communication 5(2011)
The literature review and the analysis of the groups of statements suggest the following patterns
(according to the framework proposed by Campbell, 2010):
• Religious tradition and history, with regard to new types of media (such as television and mobile
phones, which allow dangerous content into the home) demonstrate resistance and principled
rejection (Deutsche, 2009). This tradition corresponds to the relative agreement with the
statements regarding the dangers of the Internet, particularly statements that compare it to
television and mobile phones.
• Contemporary community values and priorities: Along with external supervision, the ultra-
Orthodox emphasize the significance of self-control and restrictiveness. To help ensure self-
control, introducing television into an ultra-Orthodox home is forbidden, and many orthodox
people use a “kosher” mobile phone or content-restricted Internet services. These values are
manifest in the statements about the dangers of the Internet and its comparison to TV and the
mobile phone, three technologies that the ultra-Orthodox use in limited fashion.
• The negotiation and innovation of technology by the community, and the communal discourse
applied to justify its use, are manifested in the last two groups of statements that point to the
positive traits of the Internet and the social connections provided by its use. The relative
agreement with these statements demonstrates that, despite being an enclave culture, the ultra-
Orthodox community undergoes a process of “Israelization” and conditionally adapts to various
cultural and technological changes (Caplan, 2007).
A key finding from Table 1 is that women owners of a computer and/or an Internet connection
are less fearful of their dangers and less supportive of the restrictions on Internet access. They are more
disposed to perceive the Internet as a positive tool, and use it to create more social connections.
When analyzing the first group of statements, dealing with dangers related to the Internet, it is
evident that the women who do not own a computer and/or an Internet connection perceive the Internet
as having a religiously undermining effect (on themselves as well as others), compared to women who do
own a computer and/or an Internet connection. In contrast, women owners of a computer/Internet
connection agree more with the statement that filtering technologies make the Internet “kosher” and
harmless, and suggest that the new technology can be adapted to be congruous with the values of the
community.
Statements pointing to danger to the ultra-Orthodox lifestyle, equating the Internet with
television and mobile phones, are also significantly different among women who own a computer and/or
an Internet connection, and women who do not. Here also, women with a computer/Internet connection
perceive the Internet as less threatening to the ultra-Orthodox lifestyle.
The danger discourse is typical in the ultra-Orthodox community. It is related to its historical
experiences in general, and to apprehension of novel technologies in particular (Campbell, 2010). It
seems that the presence of a computer and/or an Internet connection in the home mitigates the feeling of
danger, and women who use the Internet are aware of its advantages.

International Journal of Communication 5 (2011) Gender, Religion, and New Media 887
The statements regarding imposing restrictions on the Internet are derived from the stringent
and rigid religious discourse that characterizes the ultra-Orthodox community. It is not surprising that the
women who do not own a computer and/or an Internet connection agreed with the statements that there
is no place for the Internet in the ultra-Orthodox home and that the Internet should be open only in the
workplace, more than the women who do own a computer and/or have an Internet connection. In
addition, the owners of a computer/Internet connection agree with the relatively liberal statement that
perceives the rabbis as permitting use of the Internet according to needs, more than the women who do
not own a computer and/or an Internet connection.
In the group of positive statements toward the Internet, the same pattern is repeated; i.e.,
owners of a computer and/or Internet access agree with the statements that the Internet makes it
possible for them to achieve things that they could not have achieved previously, and that it provides
them with rest and relaxation, more than those without a computer/Internet connection. It may be that
because of the benefits that the Internet introduces to subjects’ lives, they develop a positive attitude
toward it over time that reduces the feeling of apprehension.
The last group of statements refers to attitudes regarding Internet social connections. The level
of agreement among women who own a computer/Internet connection with the statements pointing to
relations with various men and women is higher than among women who do not own a computer or have
Internet access. Obviously, the presence of the technology in the home makes it possible for subjects to
develop new connections. But one can also assume that the perception of the degree of legitimacy of
creating and maintaining relationships with various men and women also increases with Internet access.
This hypothesis, however, requires further support.
Table 1 also demonstrates an interesting gap between statements regarding the perception of the
Internet as weakening "people" in terms of religion, and weakening the respondent personally. This gap
can be explained by the "third-person effect" (Davison, 1983, see later; see also Lev-On & Neriya-Ben
Shahar, 2011b).
The differences between women with/without the Internet and with/without a computer at home
were significant across almost all statements in the questionnaire. But in three cases, significant
differences were found between women with/without the Internet at home, but not between women
with/without computers at home. This was the case in reference to the following three statements: “My
female friends know that I use the Internet.” “In my opinion, most Haredi people have Internet access at
home,” and “I think the Internet enables Haredi women to work and support their families” (see Table 2).
These statements legitimize the Internet as a work tool as well as a part of the household, and
demonstrate that Internet access may be, in places, more consequential than computer access alone for
expressing social legitimacy, and for bridging the gap between ideology and practice.

888 Rivka Neriya-Ben Shahar & Azi Lev-On International Journal of Communication 5(2011)
Table 2. Statements in Reference to Which Significant Differences Were Found Only Between
Women With and Without Internet at Home.
*p<.05, **p<0.01, ***p<.001
2C. Connections online
Respondents were asked about the partners of their online interactions. Below are the levels of
agreement with the following statements:
• 34% (49): I am in contact with other women online (average agreement=2.34, SD=1.37).
• 23% (33): I am in contact only with Haredi women online (average agreement=2.05, SD=1.21).
• 18% (26): The Internet enables me to make new female friends (average agreement=1.87,
SD=1.1).
• 29% (41): I am in contact with other people online (average agreement=2.12, SD=1.35).
Apparently women establish contacts with other women online, but most of them limit their
contacts exclusively to Haredi women. The expression "other women" was chosen to enable the
respondents to refer to non-Haredi women without expressly stating "religious (non-Haredi) or secular
women."
For one-third of respondents, the Internet is used for contact with other people. This expression
was chosen to include (with due caution) the possibility of contacts with Haredi and secular men. Here,
too, no correlation was found between the sect to which the women belong and the patterns of
establishing online contacts.
These results demonstrate that a significant group adopts the Internet in their daily practices.
They use the computer and Internet not only for work and at the workplace, but introduce them into the
home. These actions are carried out despite the perceived danger and in contradiction to rabbinical
instructions. The data on online contacts demonstrate that for some, the Internet does not function strictly
as a tool for obtaining information, but also for establishing contacts of various kinds.
With Internet Without Internet M SD M SD T 3.94
(N=52)
1.29 2.99
(N=82)
1.51
***3.91
(df=133)
My female friends know
that I use the Internet 2.36
(N=53)
1.11 1.88
(N=99)
73.
**2.83
(df=150)
In my opinion, most
Haredi people have
Internet access at home 3.62
(N=53)
94.
2.76
(N=98)
1.07
***5.12
(df=148)
I think the Internet
enables Haredi women to
work and support their
families

International Journal of Communication 5 (2011) Gender, Religion, and New Media 889
3. When ideology and practice meet: Conflict, tension, and integration
How do subjects handle the discrepancy between ideological opposition and practical adoption?
The Haredim, like other fundamentalist communities, treat most new technologies with a
conscious and sometimes open duality (Caplan, 2007; Blondheim & Caplan, 1993). The introduction of
the Internet into Haredi communities illustrates a normative shift. In the past, the attitude toward
communication technologies was marked by clear-cut boundaries: legitimization of the use of the tool,
accompanied by total rejection of secular contents and adoption of "kosher" contents. Accordingly, the
Haredim were opposed to television but adopted audio cassettes (Blondheim & Caplan, 1993); were
opposed to reading secular newspapers but permitted to read Haredi newspapers; adopted landline
telephones but opposed advanced-generation cellular phones, which are not strictly tools of
communication, but also transmit content (Deutsche, 2009). The Internet blurs the boundaries, and it is
almost impossible to use the technology and reject the content.
3A. Dealing with the discrepancy by means of technological change
Sixty percent (92) of the women agreed with the statement: "In my opinion, Kosher Internet that
utilizes approved filtering technologies is not dangerous" (average agreement=2.97, SD=1.23). Arguably,
this statement captures many Haredim’s perception of technology: If it is possible to make the
technological tool “kosher,” its use should be permitted (with certain reservations) and it would no longer
be considered dangerous. The patterns of use and consumption of the “Kosher Internet,” and the attitudes
and perceptions pertaining to it, require further quantitative and qualitative research.
3B. Dealing with the discrepancy by minimizing exposure to dangerous content
The dangerous content which exists online, such as words of heresy, violence, and pornography,
present a significant threat to Haredi ideology, and is commonly presented as an enemy; it is seen as a
seducer of the "evil instinct," the control of which is part and parcel of religious observance. Haredi women
observing the precepts of religious law (Halacha) and refraining from eating food that is not strictly
kosher, should also be careful not to consume spiritual food that is not "kosher," such as communication
messages and Internet sites. It is therefore expected that they would refrain from accessing sites
containing forbidden content.
Sixty-five percent (97) of the women agreed with the statement: "I think that I am capable of
controlling the content to which I am exposed online" (average agreement=3.12, SD=1.31). Still, 73%
(108) agreed with the practical statement: "It happens that I am exposed to inappropriate contents online
(unintentionally)" (average agreement=3.5, SD=1.35). No significant differences were found in terms of
the sects to which respondents belong.
The Internet and the dangerous content that can be found (even unintentionally) online are
perceived as a threat to the unique texture of Haredi society. This, perhaps, is the reason for the high
level of agreement, 92% (141), with the statement: "I think that the Internet can weaken people
religiously" (average agreement=4.36, SD=1.01). On the other hand, only 56% (85) agreed with the
statement: "I feel that the Internet weakens me religiously" (average agreement=3.02, SD=1.39).
Although the majority of respondents agree with both statements, the large and significant
difference between the levels of agreement points to the existence of a "third-person effect" (Davison,

890 Rivka Neriya-Ben Shahar & Azi Lev-On International Journal of Communication 5(2011)
1983), according to which individuals perceive communication messages as affecting others much more
than themselves. This is particularly relevant for messages with a negative connotation, such as
pornography and violence (for a meta-analysis of research into the third-person effect, see Paul, Salwen &
Dupagne, 2000). Recent research shows that the effect also occurs with regard to the perception of the
influence of pornographic content on the Internet (Lee & Tamborini, 2005; Lo & Wei, 2002). Our findings
seem to conform to such earlier findings: The influence of the Internet is perceived as a threat in general,
but more so to other members of the community than to the respondents.
In spite of the threat and the need to control it, a considerable number of respondents
acknowledged the advantages of the medium. Sixty-seven percent (103) agreed with the statement: "I
think the Internet enables Haredi women to work and support their families" (average agreement=3.06,
SD=1.12); 78% (118) agreed with the statement: "I feel that the Internet enables me to achieve things I
was unable to achieve before" (average agreement=3.63, SD=1.27). And 34% (51) agreed with the
statement: "I feel that the Internet enables me to rest and relax" (average agreement=2.24, SD=1.28).
No correlation was found between the perception of the Internet as a tool with positive attributes and the
sect that respondents belong to.
Significant positive correlations were found between the levels of agreement with the statement:
"I think the Internet enables Haredi women to work and support their families," and the statement: "In
my opinion, most Haredi people have Internet access at home" (rp=.26, P<.01), as well as with the
statement: "To the best of my knowledge, the rabbis in my social milieu permit the use of the Internet
when needed" (rp=.28, P<.01). Significant negative correlations were found between the level of
agreement with the same statement ("I think that the Internet enables Haredi women to work and
support their families") and the statements: "I think there is no room for the Internet in a Haredi
household" (rp=-.22, P<.01), and "I think the Internet can weaken people religiously" (rp=-.32, P<.01).
Although these correlations are of moderate strength, they express a pragmatic attitude: Haredi
women perceive the Internet as a tool enabling them to work, tend to think that most households have
Internet access, and that rabbis permit use of this tool according to necessity. They tend to agree less
with the statement that there is no room for the Internet in a Haredi household and that it is a tool prone
to weaken people religiously.
3C. Dealing with the discrepancy by means of spatial separation
Another possibility of dealing with the discrepancy between ideology and practice is by means of
a spatial division between home and the outside world. The findings demonstrate that in contrast to the
home, which must be defended, the workplace is perceived differently. Seventy-two percent (110) of the
respondents agreed with the statement: "In my opinion, the Internet should be used only at the
workplace" (average agreement=3.3, SD=1.13). Apparently, creating a total separation between home
and workplace requires different levels of protection. In the private domain, the Internet is dangerous for
two main reasons: the threat of exposing the children to dangerous contents, and the danger of personal
exposure to dangerous content behind closed doors. The workplace is protected against these threats. The
children are not there, and one cannot access prohibited content in a public and controlled environment.
In this context, we found a significant correlation between the level of agreement with the statement: "In
my opinion, the Internet can only be open in the workplace," and the level of agreement with the

International Journal of Communication 5 (2011) Gender, Religion, and New Media 891
statement: "To the best of my knowledge, the rabbis in my social milieu permit the use of the Internet for
work purposes only" (rp=.32, P<.01).
The common thread between the three strategies of dealing with the discrepancy between
ideology and practice is that control can minimize the threat: control of the medium by making it
"kosher"; control of the content by self-filtering prohibited content; and control of space by maintaining a
"wall" between home and workplace. It appears that such control enables the respondents to move along
with the "living religion" in the liminal space between strict ideological principles and the realities of
everyday life.
Conclusions
We examined the attitudes and behaviors of women in a fundamentalist community with regard
to new technology, and the implications of these attitudes and behaviors on processes of signaling and
restructuring the boundaries of their community.
Examining women’s attitudes regarding the Internet reveals fundamentalist perceptions, which
correspond to the "institutionalized religion" manifest in statements of rabbinical leaders. The respondents
perceive the Internet as a danger to the Haredi community, and a threat to its boundaries. However, on
the practical level, we found that almost two-thirds of respondents possess a computer at home, half of
whom have Internet access. About one-third of the women establish contacts through the Internet, mostly
with other women.
Various discrepancies are manifest in our findings: between ideology and practice, for instance,
between perceiving the Internet as dangerous but accessing it from home; between perceiving the
Internet as a danger to people in general, but as a lesser danger to self; between the perceived ability to
control undesirable content and the actual exposure to such content. Correlations were found between
variables such as women’s education and husbands’ occupations, and ideological and behavioral openness
towards the Internet.
We looked for correlations between the sect to which women belong (Chassidic, Lithuanian,
Sephardi and others) and the levels of agreement to various statements regarding the Internet. But
despite considerable differences between various sects found in earlier studies (Friedman, 1991; Neriya-
Ben Shahar, 2008), the findings in the current study are weak and insignificant. The explanation may lie
in the characteristics of the research population, namely women who choose to work in a novel and
unique environment. Possibly their common denominators are more significant than the differences in the
Haredi world outside the workplace.
An interesting aspect of the study regards the ways of coping with the discrepancies between
ideology and practice (Caplan, 2007). Women are aware of the fact that real life requires them to get an
education, to work and to possess a computer and possibly even have Internet access at home. The
ideological narrative keeps them within the protective boundaries of their community and they regard
their behavior as adjusting to the demands of reality.
When combining the two theoretical narratives of the present study––dealing with the gap
between ideology and practicality, and Campbell’s RSST approach (2010)––the following picture emerges:
The historical and moral background of the ultra-Orthodox community is manifested through ideology.

892 Rivka Neriya-Ben Shahar & Azi Lev-On International Journal of Communication 5(2011)
The community is fearful of the permeation of secular and Western content, and emphasizes the need to
obey the judgment of the rabbis. Nevertheless, a spirited negotiation or dialogue takes place regarding
the use of technology, which in fact enters into many ultra-Orthodox homes. This is expressed by
ownership of a computer and/or an Internet connection, creating online relationships, acquiring education,
and working in secular workplaces.
Like women in other fundamentalist communities, the participants personify the fact that mostly
there is insufficient congruence between women’s religious ideals and the reality of life in the modern
world. Their place in the liminal space, as working women who are agents of change, causes them to be
perceived as a danger to society (Friedle, 1997).
Like Campbell (2010), we regard ultra-Orthodox women as a user community that adapts the
technology in ways that would enable them to integrate it into their life routines without harming their
core values and ideology. It is evident that the women who appropriated the technology submitted it to a
process of personal and moral modification—they are less apprehensive of it, they perceive it as legitimate
and permissible, they are aware of its advantages, and they feel they have the ability to control its
content. In contrast, women who did not introduce the technology into their homes are more afraid of its
dangers, perceive the Internet more as harmful to the values and existence of the community, and feel
they are less able to control its content.
On a wider plane, the patterns of dealing with the discrepancy between ideology and practice
employed by respondents are not confined to working women but demonstrate processes to which Haredi
society, and fundamentalist societies in general, are subjected. The participants live in an "enclave
culture" (Sivan, 1991), but its walls are not as high as they were in the past, nor are they perceived as
such. Haredi society in general and the respondents in particular maintain daily contact with the
surrounding Israeli culture.
Moreover, the respondents, moving back and forth between the Haredi community and Israeli
society, cross the gates of their "enclave culture" on a daily basis. The passage between these gates
proves on the one hand that walls exist: The women wear distinct clothes, their behavior is different, and
they are assigned to separate technological hothouses out of bounds for men and secular people. On the
other hand, the gates enable entry and exit, they are not resistant to external influences, and they seem
to obscure threats, fears, and dangers.

International Journal of Communication 5 (2011) Gender, Religion, and New Media 893
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