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Apathy, alienation and young people: the political engagement of British millennials

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Abstract

Conventional wisdom holds that today’s young people, often known as ‘the Millennials’, are a politically alienated generation. Their hostility towards political parties, association with protest movements, and low electoral turnout are all said to indicate their alienation from the processes and institutions of Western democracy. This conventional wisdom stands, however, on shaky ground. Previous research has given too little attention to the definition and measurement of political alienation, and has barely explored its causal relationship with political participation. The use of methods capable of exploring the generational distinctiveness of the Millennials has been limited, as have efforts to outline why the Millennials should be conceptualised as a distinct political generation in the first place, and what is gained from doing so. Focussing on the case of Britain, this study explores the extent to which the Millennials are a distinct political generation in terms of political participation, political apathy, and political alienation, and considers how their conceptualisation as a distinct generation improves our understanding of their political characteristics. Furthermore, it tests the theory that their alienation from, rather than their apathy towards, formal politics can explain their distinct political behaviour. Through critiquing and developing conceptualisations of the Millennials as a political generation, and of political apathy, alienation and participation, this thesis challenges the conventional wisdom. The Millennials are a distinct generation in terms of their political participation, apathy and alienation – but they are distinct for their lack of participation, their unusually high levels of apathy towards formal politics, and their unusually low levels ofalienation from it. The Millennials have the potential to be the most politically apathetic, and least politically alienated, generation to have entered the British electorate since World War Two. In addition, this research also shows that while generational differences are significant and often substantial, they make only a limited contribution to explaining variation in political apathy, alienation and participation. This research argues, therefore, that future studies into and policy responses to the political behaviour of young people must recognise their distinct levels of political apathy. At the same time, however, the focus on political generations should not be so intense as to obscure the role of more influential causes of differences in political participation.

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... Prior studies of turnout decline on the individual level have discovered important roles of changing civic duty norms Blais & Rubenson 2013) and of education (Gallego 2009;Dassonneville & Hooghe 2017) but these studies have thus far looked past an important distinction made in the broader literature on democratic developments and changing political attitudes: that between political apathy and political alienation. The former type of theories argue that citizens today are generally less interested in politics (Pirie & Worcester 1998;Park 2000;Putnam 2000;Wattenberg 2012;Fox 2015) while the latter argue that they are just as interested but instead estranged from their formal political systems for some reason (Norris 2002;O'Toole et al. 2003;Zukin et al. 2006;Marsh et al. 2007;Dalton 2009). In this literature, turnout decline is routinely cited as a consequence of those different developments, but that relationship has not yet been but to the test (Hay & Stoker 2009, 226;Smith 2009, 3-4;Flinders 2012a, 1;Wattenberg 2012;Dalton 2016, 13;Chou et al. 2017, 17). ...
... Therefore, there is an ongoing debate in the academic literature on democratic developments and this debate results in different hypotheses about the causes of turnout decline, but these hypotheses have barely been tested by quantitative studies of turnout decline. Fox (2015) does test this distinction in the British context and Persson et al. (2013) look at both political interest on the individual level and party membership on the aggregate level in Sweden, but both are limited to single countries and the latter does not measure alienation at the individual level. I argue that empirical studies of turnout decline should take note of this particular distinction made in the theoretical literature because it is an empirical contestation that is highly important for our understanding of voter turnout, turnout decline and broader democratic developments. ...
... These findings are certainly important, but I argue that they miss a fundamental distinction in the academic literature about democratic developments: that between apathy and alienation. This distinction has been largely ignored in quantitative studies (Albacete 2014;Fox 2015; for exceptions, see Henn et al. 2003) but it has been highlighted as fundamental in many qualitative studies and theoretical writing on the current state of democracy and its prospects: whether citizens have become less interested in politics or are in fact still interested but instead do not identify with their political systems (O'Toole 2004;Marsh et al. 2007;Sloam 2007;Fox 2015). Chou et al. (2017, 17) exemplify this distinction when they write that: ...
Article
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Voter turnout has been in a trend of gradual decline in most established democracies in recent decades and the reasons for this are by no means fully understood. While most studies agree that the trend is largely driven by younger generations voting less than older cohorts, the individual‐level mechanisms of their declining propensity to vote are still disputed. A major distinction in the literature on democratic developments is that between theories of political apathy and political alienation: whether citizens are less interested in politics or still interested but instead estranged from their political systems. An interesting test for these different explanations can be found in Scandinavia: While Norway and Sweden have intimate historical, political and cultural similarities, Norway has been experiencing gradual turnout decline, while there has been no clear overall trend in Sweden. This study uses a combined dataset of over 50.000 respondents from 31 national election studies in these two countries from 1956–2013 to test the relative roles of apathy, alienation and generational dynamics in explaining these different trends in turnout. The results indicate that apathy has been declining while alienation has been rising in both countries. However, in Norway, those who are more apathetic today are much less likely to vote than apathetic citizens were in the past. The youngest generations are also significantly more apathetic and less likely to vote in Norway than in Sweden. These dynamics appear to account for the larger trend of turnout decline in Norway.
... However, such a dichotomy is likely a simplification as a seemingly passive stance can actually mask a latent political involvement (e.g., Amnå & Ekman, 2014). This is important as it shows that, although it may be that Norris' depiction of young people is applicable in many places of the world, to assume that political passivity has the same meaning and consequence across contexts is likely a misguided presumption (Fox, 2015). In light of these puzzles concerning political passivity, this study aims to deepen the knowledge about political passivity by examining whether it is explained better by political apathy or alienation. ...
... In similar vein, understanding political apathy as a lack of involvement in political participation is common also in contemporary research (Cammaerts, Bruter, Banaji, Harrison, & Anstead, 2014;O'Toole, Lister, Marsh, Jones, & McDonagh, 2003). In contrast to such definitions however, we follow the logic of Fox (2015) and define political apathy as lack of a desire, or motive, to take an interest in politics. This means that apathy is understood exclusively as an attitudinal orientation not to be confounded with a lack of political participation. ...
... ' A common way to conceptualize political alienation is to extract it into four dimensions: powerlessness, normlessness, meaninglessness, and isolation (Finifter, 1970). Because the latter two seem to be empirical unrealities (Finifter, 1970;Fox, 2015), and thereby foremost of theoretical value, this study focuses on powerlessness and normlessness. Political powerlessness reflects 'an individual's feeling that [s]/he cannot affect the actions of the government… [and that] the heart of the political process…is not subject to his[/her] influence' (Finifter, 1970, p. 390). ...
Article
Political participation is one of the most studied aspects of the contemporary development of western democracies (Ekman & Amnå, 2012; van Deth, 2014). A recent trend focuses the lack of political participation among younger generations (e.g., Henn, Weinstein & Forrest, 2005; Kimberlee, 2002). At the same time, the last decades have also witnessed a growth in the share of young European Union (EU) citizens who express alienation, and distrust toward social and political institutions at the national as well as the European level (Dalton, 1998; Henn et al., 2005; Mierina, 2014). By studying young people across different countries of the EU, the current study aims to examine if youths’ political passivity is better explained by political apathy or alienation. Our analyses are based on a comparative survey data collected by the Catch-EyoU project comprising approximately 4,454 late adolescents assembled from eight member countries of the EU. Results from logistic regressions predicting non-voting from apathy and alienation support the idea that political passivity is best understood as the result of political apathy. Moreover, it seems that the underlying separator of apathetic and alienated youths is cognitive awareness of political life. These results are discussed in relation to potentially built-in paradoxes of apathy present in efficient and well-functional welfare-state democracies.
... Conversely, prior quantitative studies of turnout decline have often been conducted exclusively on the aggregate level (Franklin, 2004;Hooghe and Kern, 2016) or confined to single countries (Blais, Gidengil and Nevitte, 2004;Wass, 2008;Konzelmann, Wagner and Rattinger, 2012;Blais and Rubenson, 2013;Górecki, 2013;Persson, Wass and Oscarsson, 2013;Fox, 2015), instead of testing these different individual-level mechanisms that have been proposed. Some have studied turnout decline at the individual level across countries, finding that generational differences (Blais, Gidengil and Nevitte, 2004;Gallego, 2009;Grasso, 2016), differences in education levels (Gallego, 2009;Dassonneville and Hooghe, 2017b) and civic duty norms (Blais and Rubenson, 2013) play important roles, but none of these have tested the important distinction between apathy and alienation. ...
... The academic treatment of the concept of political participation became more complex and segmented in the latter part of the 20 th century, however, with different forms of political participation being taken into account, followed by differences on how broadly the concept could be stretched (e.g. Norris, 2002; van Deth, 2014;Fox, 2015). A great deal of work has been carried out on the topic of voter turnout, although some authors have pointed out that we still know remarkably little about the subject for certain (Blais, 2006) and what we "know" often seems to account for a remarkably small part of the variation in voter turnout (Matsusaka and Palda, 1999). ...
... On the social contextual level prominent in socialization and resource models of voter turnout, it has been shown that turnout is generally higher in more economically developed countries, countries with long democratic histories, more extensive civil liberties and freedoms and higher literacy rates but lower in countries with more income inequality (Solt, 2008) and higher globalization levels (Steiner, 2010;Marshall and Fisher, 2015). Turnout has also been found to be lower in countries with larger populations (although the difference is mostly between the group of smallest nations and others), less stable populations and higher shares of minority groups (Norris, 2002;Pintor and Gratschew, 2002;Barrett and Brunton-Smith, 2014;Fox, 2015). ...
Thesis
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What is driving the general decline of voter turnout in established democracies in the 21st century? In this study, I develop a holistic framework that incorporates explanations on the aggregate and individual levels, as well as the broader literature on democratic developments hitherto largely ignored in studies of turnout decline. I argue that there is an important, overarching debate within this literature that has yet to be tested longitudinal, cross-country analyses of changing political behaviour: that between political apathy on one hand and political alienation on the other. In other words: are modern citizens voting less than earlier electorates because they are simply less interested in politics or because they are still interested but instead alienated from the specific type of formal politics dominant in today’s democracies? To what extent are these dynamics particular to particular generations of citizens coming of age and what is the role of citizens’ changing education levels? In order to provide answers to these questions, I conduct multilevel logistics regression models and age-period-cohort (APC) analyses on an extensive new dataset, consisting of over 250.000 respondents from 121 national election studies conducted in eleven Western European countries in the period between 1956-2017 and merged specifically for the purposes of this study. I present descriptive data for various measures of turnout, apathy and alienation in all of these countries before focusing in on the four “turnout decline countries” (TDC), where the available survey data reflects a gradual trend of turnout decline, and comparing dynamics in these countries with the rest of the countries in this study. The results suggest that political apathy has in fact been declining across the region, while alienation has been rising substantially. However, the negative effect of apathy on turnout has become much stronger: apathetic citizens today are much less likely to vote than apathetic citizens in the past. This development accounts for most of turnout decline in the TDC and is significantly stronger there than in the other group of countries. Furthermore, I find that this effect is largely (but not entirely) particular to younger generations of citizens, but there is also a growing education gap in turnout that these dynamics do not fully explain. These results have important implications for studies of turnout decline and broader democratic developments, as well as for public policy in the fields of citizenship and participation – and for anyone interested in re-engaging citizens with their democratic systems.
... Globalization has led to transformation of the world, which affected the monopoly of state. Now state is not the only distributor and provider of services, there also other actors which affect the government policies like multi-national companies, NGOs etc. (Fox, 2015). ...
... This means that it is more about attitudinal orientation rather than perplex with an absence of political participation. This approach opens the possibility to investigate the behavioural consequences of lack of political participation (Fox, 2015). ...
... Commonly political alienation has been four characteristics or dimensions; powerlessness, normlessness, meaninglessness, and isolation (Finifter, 1970). Fox in his thesis examined these four variables and he found the two variables meaninglessness and isolation as empirical unrealities (Fox, 2015), and due to this reason we will also used only variables of alienation in our research. ...
Book
In recent years, there has been a decline in political participation across the world. There is consensus among scholars about political apathy that it could ultimately endanger the legitimacy of the democratic system. Because Democracy stands on demo "people's participation". Political apathy has been prevalent in Pakistan with the same intensity in Pakistan. For exploring the dynamics of political apathy in Pakistan, I have employed the survey approach to collect primary data from the existing research. My findings show that there are many reservations of the citizens about the present political structure which discourages them to take part in the democratic process.
... Identity-based PA posits there is a need for congruency between politicians and voters in terms of internal value systems for voters to be politically motivated, as their value systems are affirmed by a potential authority figure (Caprara, Vecchione, & Schwartz, 2012). Developmental life cycles describe the characteristic life events at different stages of life influencing incendivity and motivation toward political engagement (Fox, 2015), such as youths disengaging from politics because their lives are focused on education and relationships, or adults engaging in politics because entering the working-world means governmental economic policies play significant roles in their lives. July 2020 ½Vol. ...
... It is a common stereotype that youths lack wisdom and are disinterested in politics (Smets, 2016). There is a torrent of studies to support this narrative; specifically, early-aged individuals being the least engaged in politics and middle-aged individuals peaking in political engagement, followed by decline of political engagement in late-aged individuals (Achen & Wang, 2019;Fox, 2015;Lindsay, 2018;Mulgan & Wilkinson, 1995;Sears, Huddy, & Jervis, 2003;Smets, 2008Smets, , 2016Turner, Shields, & Sharpe, 2001). Smets (2016) argued that significant events in different life stages, called life cycles, play significant roles in influencing varying degrees of political engagement throughout life. ...
... Smets (2016) argued that significant events in different life stages, called life cycles, play significant roles in influencing varying degrees of political engagement throughout life. For example, younger individuals, due to their lower state of cognitive development, may lack the capacity needed to grasp political concepts/processes (Glenn, 2005), or may have more important life events to consider, such as advancing education, developing careers, or finding romantic partners (Fox, 2015;Strate, Parrish, Elder, & Ford, 1989). Additionally, politics may be too abstract and unappealing for younger individuals to find them engaging (Bennett, 1997). ...
... However, such a dichotomy is likely a simplification as a seemingly passive stance can actually mask a latent political involvement (e.g., Amnå & Ekman, 2014). This is important as it shows that, although it may be that Norris' depiction of young people is applicable in many places of the world, to assume that political passivity has the same meaning and consequence across contexts is likely a misguided presumption (Fox, 2015). In light of these puzzles concerning political passivity, this study aims to deepen the knowledge about political passivity by examining whether it is explained better by political apathy or alienation. ...
... In similar vein, understanding political apathy as a lack of involvement in political participation is common also in contemporary research (Cammaerts, Bruter, Banaji, Harrison, & Anstead, 2014;O'Toole, Lister, Marsh, Jones, & McDonagh, 2003). In contrast to such definitions however, we follow the logic of Fox (2015) and define political apathy as lack of a desire, or motive, to take an interest in politics. This means that apathy is understood exclusively as an attitudinal orientation not to be confounded with a lack of political participation. ...
... ' A common way to conceptualize political alienation is to extract it into four dimensions: powerlessness, normlessness, meaninglessness, and isolation (Finifter, 1970). Because the latter two seem to be empirical unrealities (Finifter, 1970;Fox, 2015), and thereby foremost of theoretical value, this study focuses on powerlessness and normlessness. Political powerlessness reflects 'an individual's feeling that [s]/he cannot affect the actions of the government… [and that] the heart of the political process…is not subject to his[/her] influence' (Finifter, 1970, p. 390). ...
... However, Grasso (2014) analyses that today's youth is the least politically engaged generation when it comes to formal and informal political participation. In addition, 'Millennials' seem to be a 'unique' generation, disengaged from any form of political participation (Fox 2015). ...
... Yet, some of the recent studies argue that young people are not apathetic and disengaged, but they have instead turned to alternative forms of political engagement such as protesting, demonstrating, being part of organisations, signing petitions, volunteering, and engaging online (Norris 2003;Spannring, Ogris, and Gaiser 2008;Sloam 2016). Others found that young people are equally disengaged from formal and informal political participation (Grasso 2014;Fox 2015). ...
... The results from the regression models controlling for countries reveal that there are some statistically significant variations in levels of youth engagement across different established democracies (see supplemental material Appendix B). For instance, the results indicate that political engagement is low in the U.K., which is also evident in previous studies reporting that the Generation Y in Britain is very disengaged from politics (Wring, Henn and Weinsten 1999;Grasso 2014;Fox 2015). Young people in Britain are less likely to vote or be a member of a political party compared to respondents from the reference category (France). ...
Article
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Youth political disengagement continues to be a major issue facing contemporary democracies that needs to be better understood. There is an existing literature on what determines youth participation in terms of socio-demographic factors, however, scholars have not given much consideration to the macro-level determinants. In this paper, I outline an empirical analysis of what determines political participation among young people using the Eurobarometer 375 survey data from 28 European Union countries. I argue that while socio-demographic factors are crucial for youth political participation, context matters in shaping levels of political participation among young people. The results from the logistic regression analyses indicate that democratic maturity influences patterns of political participation among young people in the EU. The results show that youth engagement in different modes of political participation varies significantly across distinctive democracies, where individuals situated in established EU democracies are more likely to be politically active. The findings raise fresh concerns about existing levels of young people’s engagement in politics in advanced and new democracies. This paper also contributes to the comparative research on young people’s participation in politics.
... This means that key socialising agents and experiences during adolescence are vital to determining one's alienation from the political system, such as the attitudes of one's parents, key early experiences of the political process, or exposure to institutions or communities that can encourage alienation (such as the press that has been shown to promote low trust and cynicism in the political process) (de Vreese 2005; Cappella and Jamieson 1997; Gniewosz et al. 2009). As individuals age, the values and dispositions developed during adolescence are reinforced and become habitual; barring a dramatic event that 'over-rides' these habits, alienation (or a lack of it) becomes a relatively stable and lasting component of one's political characteristics, meaning that changes in political alienation are very rare (Van der Eijk and Franklin 2009;Fox 2015). ...
... The first is 'political powerlessness' (Finifter 1970;Aberbach 1969;Nachimas 1974), which refers to the individual's perception that the political process or elite is unresponsive to their influence, essentially mirroring the concept of external political efficacy (Citrin et al. 1975). This is usually associated with an individual's withdrawal from political activity (Fox 2015). The second is 'political normlessness' (Finifter 1970;Schwartz 1973), which refers to the individual's belief that the norms governing just and fair political interaction are not adhered to. ...
... It mirrors the concept of internal political efficacy. This alienation is likely to result in the individual's withdrawal from the political process altogether (Fox 2015). ...
Article
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A common interpretation of the UK’s Brexit vote is that it was an expression of anti-establishment sentiment, outrage and dismay from a politically alienated majority. This line of thinking suggests Brexit, like the electoral appeal of Donald Trump and parties such as the Five Star Movement, is but the latest manifestation of a growing disconnect between Western citizens and their democratic institutions. The direct role of political alienation in building support for such anti-establishment causes has, however, barely been examined. This study addresses this gap and uses previous literature on political alienation to build a model to test the claim that Brexit was (at least in part) driven by political alienation in UK citizens. The analyses show that while political alienation did have a substantial effect in making some citizens more likely to support Brexit—specifically those who lacked trust in the integrity of the political elite and felt that the political system was unresponsive—its impact overall was limited. Moreover, claims that Brexit was driven by political alienation understate how alienated from politics most people who were opposed to it also feel.
... The theory that young people show a relatively low interest in formal politics is accepted by most political scientists (Furlong and Cartmel, 2012). However, this argument goes further, stating that alienation applies to both formal and informal forms of participation (Fox, 2015;Grasso, 2014;Wattenberg, 2020). ...
... This analysis line emphasizes that youngsters prefer to get involved in specific causes and not with institutions (Amnå & Ekman, 2014;Norris, 2002), causes which have more meaning for their daily lives (Norris, 2004;Sloam, 2013). This scenario poses a paradox for academics: if young people are sufficiently interested and politically knowledgeable to get involved in participatory politics (Kahne et al., 2014), why do they deviate from electoral participation (Fox, 2015)? ...
Article
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The increasing electoral abstention of young people is a global problem that has raised concerns both inside and outside the academy. However, recent research suggests that young people are significantly more likely to vote when causes or issues close to them are at stake. This article explores the influence of context (the Covid-19 and far-right populism) on youth voter turnout. Using a triangulation of methods, data were collected both via a survey (n = 350) answered by a representative sample of young Portuguese people between 18 and 29 years old and through social media analytics (n = 2.373), analyzing the activity of young people in the same age group on Twitter during the 2021 Presidential Election in Portugal. The results point to a strong mobilization power of the rise of far-right populism in young people's turnout, who demonstrate a willingness to express their opposition to these movements through voting. On the contrary, Covid-19 does not seem to be a mobilizing topic that young people are passionate about, but it influences the electoral moment in two ways: negatively, by making it difficult or impossible to vote; positively, by reinforcing attention to the election campaign.
... .); result[ing] the fact that nonparticipation has not yet been problematized adequately" (Weiss, 2020, p. 9). The understanding of Millennials as somewhat distinct, as a "generation apart" (Henn, Weinstein and Wring, 2002), as politically interested although highly reluctant regarding formal politics, led to ongoing attempts to make sense of their multifaceted patterns and profiles of engagement (Fox, 2015). Yet, exactly how these political profiles relate to socio-political dimensions and, ultimately, shape democratic citizenship, needs to be further explored. ...
... The emotional side of civic and political engagement was measured through Trust (political and interpersonal) (EFA, ML one factor solution, 38.0% variance explained; Cronbach's α 0.61): "I trust the European Union," "I trust the national government," "Most people can be trusted," from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree); and Alienation (4-item; EFA, ML one factor solution, 53.6% variance explained; Cronbach's α 0.82): "People like me do not have opportunities to influence the decisions of the European Union," "It does not matter who wins the Portuguese elections, the interests of ordinary people do not matter," rated from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Given the relationship between political trust and political alienation (Fox, 2015), feelings of political powerlessness, distrust of political institutions and other people are considered key in the emotional engagement and triggers of political action. An emotional conception of trust, closely linked to the field of political psychology, understands "political trust [as] an affective attitude-a relatively enduring set of feelings and emotions-that individuals adopt (. . ...
Article
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Coming to terms with the multidimensionsionality of civic and political engagement implies analyzing it in a comprehensive manner: not limited to conventional modes of expression, nor to dichotomic perspectives or observable acts of participation. Studies in this field tend to overlook cognitive and emotional dimensions as types of engagement which, alongside with behavior, constitute citizenship. In this article, we analyze data from the Portuguese sample of the CATCH-EyoU Project’s survey (1,007 young people aged between 14 and 30 years old). The main result is the identification of four distinct profiles according to behavioral, emotional and cognitive forms of engagement: Alienated, Passive, Disengaged and Engaged. These profiles are then examined to assess whether and how they differ in terms of: i) national and European identification, ii) relationships with alternative and traditional media, iii) democratic support, and iv) attitudes towards immigrants and refugees. The relationship between the different profiles and individual socio-demographic variables is also examined. We discuss how different dis/engagement profiles relate with socio-political dimensions and have different consequences both in terms of the political integration of young people and of the political challenges faced by democratic societies.
... It is not just its caricature of young people in which this narrative is problematic: it can also narrow political debate, behaviour and potential, approving some forms of engagement whilst rejecting others. Whilst this "apathetic" narrative often lingers on in political discourse (e.g., Fox [48]), and can surface in academic work where engagement is perhaps not always thought about deeply enough, there is a strand of research into youth political participation that looks past simplistic understandings of such engagement. ...
... Viewed in terms of the high levels of youth activism in Labour's campaign, young people's distinctive attitudes on a range of important issues as compared to older generations, their use of social media in political campaigning and their high levels of electoral support for Labour, there clearly have been rather more than just small tremors. The real myth, which unfortunately the BES team reinforce, is that young people are politically apathetic (e.g., Fox [48]). As this article has argued, however, much more persuasive is an anti-apathy paradigm (e.g., Phelps [55]), which holds that, while there is evidence of alienation from formal politics and institutions, young people are engaged with politics, defined more broadly. ...
Article
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This article explores whether the past few years have witnessed what can accurately be described as a “youthquake” in British politics, following the candidature and election of Jeremy Corbyn as leader of the Labour Party. It argues that the British Election Study team, who argue that we witnessed “tremors but no youthquake”, fail to advance a convincing case that turnout did not significantly increase among the youngest group of voters in the 2017 general election in the UK, as compared to the previous election. The article explains why their rejection of the idea of a youthquake having occurred is problematic, focusing on the limitations of the BES data, the team’s analysis of it and the narrowness of their conception of what the notion of a “youthquake” entails. This article argues that there is other evidence suggestive of increased youth engagement in politics, both formal and informal, and that some social scientists have failed to spot this due to an insufficiently broad understanding of both “politics” and “youth”. The article concludes that vital work needs to be done to better conceptualise and measure the political experiences, understandings and actions of young people, which are not adequately captured by current methods.
... In politics, participation can be understood as citizen involvement in decision making, including mechanisms for people to influence political and social choices, among other areas of action (Human Rights Council, 2014). There is a current sense of frustration and disappointment with participation, captured by different authors in diverse situations, including low levels of political engagement among young people in Great Britain (Fox, 2015), participatory frustration with institutional processes in Spain (Fernández-Martínez, García-Espín & Jiménez-Sánchez, 2019), and frustration about poor government performance in Asia (Sanborn, 2017), among others. However, participation is still deemed vital for democracy, as it can affect individual and collective interests and well-fare and can make decisions more well-informed and legitimate. ...
Book
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Why is participation relevant? What is meant when the concept is used? How can we ensure that participation is used/organized in a responsible way? How can it be rendered meaningful in the different spaces of society? These may be the most important questions that motivated this discussion on the contemporary relevance of participation. The result of this long process is a thematic issue entitled “Rescuing participation”, which presents 10 articles, available in both Portuguese and English, produced by researchers from different latitudes that span the globe. Many come from Europe (Belgium, Portugal, United Kingdom, Spain and Sweden), but some come from Brazil and Indonesia. These authors present their perspectives on what they see as a positive – and pragmatic – approach to participation, in a variety of fields, including public consultations on environmental issues; participation within the scope of cultural policy; participation in elementary schools (as a media literacy project); in fiction/drama; and, ultimately, as a way to engage underprivileged and marginalized communities. This thematic issue thus offers a convincing case, theoretically and analytically embedded, for the relevance of participation in the many fields that make up our societies.
... In these societies, younger cohorts and the better-off social strata tend to be driven by values of self-expression which are not always in tune with traditional forms of political representation. Political apathy towards formal politics was also found among British young people (Fox, 2015). This is seemingly motivated by the feeling that they have little say in governmental affairs (Sloam, 2011). ...
... In these societies, younger cohorts and the better-off social strata tend to be driven by values of self-expression which are not always in tune with traditional forms of political representation. Political apathy towards formal politics was also found among British young people (Fox, 2015). This is seemingly motivated by the feeling that they have little say in governmental affairs (Sloam, 2011). ...
Chapter
Youth and the Politics of the Present presents a range of topical sociological investigations into various aspects of the everyday practices of young adults in different European contexts. Indeed, this volume provides an original and provocative investigation of various current central issues surrounding the effects of globalization and the directions in which Western societies are steering their future. Containing a wide range of empirical and comparative examples from across Europe, this title highlights how young adults are trying to implement new forms of understanding, interpretation and action to cope with unprecedented situations; developing new forms of relationships, identifications and belonging while they experience new and unprecedented forms of inclusion and exclusion. Grounding this exploration is the suggestion that careful observations of the everyday practices of young adults can be an excellent vantage point to grasp how and in what direction the future of contemporary Western societies is heading. Offering an original and provocative investigation, Youth and the Politics of the Present will appeal to students and researchers interested in fields such as Youth Studies, Globalization Studies, Migration Studies, Gender Studies and Social Policy. Enzo Colombo is a Professor of Sociology and Culture at the
... UGVs were dominated by anti-government and negative sentiments in the Kaohsiung where most citizens were considered politically apathetic (Fox, 2015), the prominence of antiruling party KME2018 UGVs were the results of growing political enthusiasts, especially opposition supporters for Han who lacked channels to express their views through mass media. The political UGV culture is in an initial stage in this country with strict media control. ...
Article
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The objective of this research study was to explore the social media are now widely used for political protests, campaigns, and communication in developed and developing nations, but available research has not yet paid sufficient attention to experiences beyond the Asia Pacific region. This collection tackles this imbalance head-on, compiling cutting-edge research across six continents to provide a comprehensive, global, up-to-date review of recent political uses of social media. The user-generated videos (UGV) developed as a new means for online political involvement and discussion during the 24 December 2018 Kaohsiung Mayoral Election (KME2018). This study first analyzed the keyword searches for KME2018, related to UGVs and observed their content characteristics, and then selected 50 videos for textual analysis. Instead of a campaigning tool, UGVs were primarily UGVs created by candidates to share participatory experiences in elections or express their political opinions. In terms of content characteristics, the UGVs can be categorized into UGV Participatory Behavior. The analyses show the numbers of records uploaded UGVs in political events revealing the strong political attitudes and sensationalism. Satirical and controversial tend to receive lots of view counts and sensitive comments. In the setting of DPP party, a long-ruling party of Kaohsiung has intense control of mass media within the city, the massive amount of Kaohsiung UGV's content uploaded to support the campaign and political comments showed strong growing favorable attitudes of winning the voters' hearts that led to the predictive victory of the election.
... In politics, participation can be understood as citizen involvement in decision making, including mechanisms for people to influence political and social choices, among other areas of action (Human Rights Council, 2014). There is a current sense of frustration and disappointment with participation, captured by different authors in diverse situations, including low levels of political engagement among young people in Great Britain (Fox, 2015), participatory frustration with institutional processes in Spain (Fernández-Martínez, García-Espín & Jiménez-Sánchez, 2019), and frustration about poor government performance in Asia (Sanborn, 2017), among others. However, participation is still deemed vital for democracy, as it can affect individual and collective interests and well-fare and can make decisions more well-informed and legitimate. ...
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No contexto político, entende-se por participação o envolvimento dos cidadãos na tomada de decisões, incluindo mecanismos para que as pessoas intervenham nas escolhas políticas e sociais, entre outras áreas de ação. Esses mecanismos são cruciais, pois a democracia depende da participação cívica na vida política. No entanto, na era do big data, a participação não é possível sem o acesso e controle de dados por parte das pessoas; isto é, os direitos civis tornam-se direitos digitais. Este artigo trata da literacia de dados como um filtro para a participação e do papel das pessoas comuns no ambiente e nos processos de datificação. Como a participação num mundo datificado depende da capacidade das pessoas de entrar na contenda, questões sobre onde se estabelecem as linhas de separação entre especialistas e não especialistas (ou seja, cidadãos comuns) e se a intervenção na infraestrutura de dados requer um grau de literacia de dados para participação efetiva constituem uma discussão relevante para a prática e teoria do ativismo como uma forma de envolvimento político ou cívico. O envolvimento político é entendido aqui como uma ação coordenada voltada para a resolução de problemas, campanhas e assistência aos cidadãos. Ou seja, para resgatar a participação política num domínio de dados, é necessário um certo grau de capacitação. Partindo de uma taxonomia do envolvimento em data mining (Kennedy, 2016) e casos empíricos de mapeamento de crises (Gutierrez, 2018a, 2018b), este artigo teórico propõe conceptualizações para pensar sobre as implicações da participação na contemporaneidade.
... Em política, a participação pode ser entendida como o envolvimento dos cidadãos na tomada de decisões, incluindo mecanismos para que as pessoas influenciem escolhas políticas e sociais, entre outras áreas de atuação (Conselho de Direitos Humanos, 2014). Existe um sentimento atual de frustração e deceção com a participação, capturado por diferentes autores em diversas situações, incluindo baixos níveis de envolvimento político entre os jovens na Grã-Bretanha (Fox, 2015), frustração participativa com processos institucionais em Espanha (Fernández-Martínez, García-Espín & Jiménez-Sánchez, 2019) e frustração com o fraco desempenho do governo na Ásia (Sanborn, 2017), entre outros. No entanto, a participação ainda é considerada vital para a democracia, pois pode afetar os interesses e o bem-estar individuais e coletivos, e pode tornar as decisões mais informadas e legítimas. ...
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Resgatar a participação > special issue of Comunicação e Sociedade, 36 See https://revistacomsoc.pt/issue/view/103/
... In these societies, younger cohorts and the better-off social strata tend to be driven by values of self-expression which are not always in tune with traditional forms of political representation. Political apathy towards formal politics was also found among British young people (Fox, 2015). This is seemingly motivated by the feeling that they have little say in governmental affairs (Sloam, 2011). ...
... In these societies, younger cohorts and the better-off social strata tend to be driven by values of self-expression which are not always in tune with traditional forms of political representation. Political apathy towards formal politics was also found among British young people (Fox, 2015). This is seemingly motivated by the feeling that they have little say in governmental affairs (Sloam, 2011). ...
... En primer lugar, se explora el nivel de interés que existe en la política en general, para encontrar ciertos determinantes que podrían fomentar o inhibir la participación. Varios estudios toman como conocimiento general que los jóvenes tienden a estar menos interesados en la política y menos comprometidos con los procesos democráticos (PNUD, 2012;Stuart, 2015;IPU, 2016; entre otros). Es necesario indagar si esto aplica para el caso salvadoreño posterior a las elecciones legislativas y municipales de 2018. ...
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Este estudio tiene como finalidad analizar las actitudes políticas, la participación y el comportamiento electoral de la población salvadoreña, en el marco de las elecciones legislativas y municipales de 2018, así como sus factores sociodemográficos y políticos determinantes. Este estudio incorpora, como elemento innovador, un enfoque transversal que permite explorar las semejanzas y diferencias en las actitudes políticas entre personas jóvenes (18 a 29 años) y adultas (30 años o más).
... In these societies, younger cohorts and the better-off social strata tend to be driven by values of self-expression which are not always in tune with traditional forms of political representation. Political apathy towards formal politics was also found among British young people (Fox, 2015). This is seemingly motivated by the feeling that they have little say in governmental affairs (Sloam, 2011). ...
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