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6
Showing and Telling: Photography
Exhibitions in Israeli Discourses of
Dissent
Tamar Katriel
The collection and dissemination of testimonies that document routine
acts of violence, harassment and intimidation against civilian popula-
tions under occupation are part of the agenda of anti-occupation groups
in Israel and elsewhere. Indeed, as Givoni (2008) has argued in her study
of the French organization “Physicians Without Borders,” witnessing
has become an intrinsic technique and a shared code of contemporary
humanitarian action. As a transnational yet locally embedded cultural
configuration, witnessing has become a way of responding to states of
emergency, crises and ongoing conditions of human suffering around
the globe. It is conceptualized as involving three basic components,
which are differently and delicately balanced in every given case: (1)
presence in a socially distant scene of suffering, while siding with
victimized “others”; (2) documentation and reporting grounded in an
empirical epistemology associated with the seeking of evidence; (3) the
use of fearless speech, that is, speech that involves risk-taking as it chal-
lenges hegemonic positions and power relations by voicing critique,
condemnation, or demands for intervention (Foucault, 2001).
Within this framework, I address the testimonial projects of two
among many of the dissident groups operating in Israel today in a loosely
organized fashion—the veterans’ group known as “Breaking the Silence”
(Shovrim Shtika, here BTS), which was established in 2004 for the purpose
of collecting and disseminating soldiers’ testimonies about their experi-
ences as part of the Israeli occupation regime in the Palestinian occupied
territories (Katriel, 2009),1 and the women’s group known as “Checkpoint
Watch” (Machsom Watch, here CPW), which was established in 2001 for
the purpose of monitoring soldiers’ treatment of Palestinian civilians at
the many checkpoints dotting these same territories (Ginsburg, 2009;
Kaufman, 2008; Kirstein Keshet, 2006; Mansbach, 2007).2
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PROOF
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110 Photography Exhibitions in Israel
Members of both these activist groups construct their activism as
a form of witnessing, but each of them manifests its own distinctive
configuration of presence, documentation, and fearless speech. Each,
in turn, develops its own particular blend of present-oriented activism
and future-oriented memory work by combining witnessing practices
that are anchored in its members’ particular positioning vis-à-vis the
occupation regime. Specifically, in this chapter I focus on these groups’
use of photography exhibitions as cultural arenas and visual resources
in and through which they have chosen to voice their dissent. Defiant
of mainstream media coverage and official military parlance, they use
their members’ witnessing stance to problematize and condemn soci-
etal silences and denials concerning the day-to-day reality of the Israeli
occupation in the Palestinian territories.
The two groups considered in this study share a basic view that
holds the Israeli establishment, especially its military branch, rather
than individual soldiers, responsible for the decades-long oppression of
the Palestinian population in the occupied territories. They also share
the goal of forcing the reluctant Israeli public to confront the nature
and the human costs of the Israeli military control over three million
Palestinians in the occupied territories of the West Bank and Gaza. The
daily reality of life under occupation that remains largely hidden from
the Israeli public is witnessed at close range by the soldiers upholding
it and by the women activists, who have made it their task to moni-
tor and report human rights violations at the checkpoints. While both
these groups of eyewitnesses can claim direct knowledge of the disrup-
tions and suffering the occupation policies and practices bring into the
Palestinians’ lives, they differ considerably in the nature of their pres-
ence at the site of occupation and in their positioning with respect to
the reality to which they testify.
Breaking the Silence members perform their witnessing as perpetrator-
observers in the scene of occupation. Their presence in this scene is insti-
tutionally mandated by their soldiering role, and epitomizes the Israeli
matrix of control over the Palestinian population in the territories.3
These control measures include a labyrinth of ever-changing rules
and regulations, ongoing curfews, checkpoints, house searches, street
patrols, and so on. The soldier-activists shift from the position of fully
enmeshed participants to that of perpetrator-observers as they assume
their witnessing role. This shift is often predicated on self-distancing
moves resulting from experiences of “moral shock” ( Jasper, 1997) in
response to incidents of harassment of Palestinian civilians. Being jolted
out of their unreflective stance as perpetrators, they turn themselves
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Tamar Katriel 111
into self-conscious perpetrator-observers who are able to question their
own acts. In some cases, this self-questioning leads soldiers to become
conscientious objectors and refuse to continue to serve in the occupied
territories when called up for reserve duty (risking military trial, impris-
onment, and social censure). Others continue to serve despite their criti-
cal stance toward the military policies soldiers are required to uphold as
part of the occupation. BTS encompasses a variety of opinions on this
highly controversial issue and its members are careful to state that there
is no organizationally binding position on it.
The CPW women, by contrast, are self-appointed activist-observers
whose explicitly radical left-wing and feminist positions, civilian orien-
tation, older age, observer status, and gendered presence at the check-
points make them pointedly extrinsic to the functioning of these sites
as military installations, whose day-to-day operation is largely invisible
to most Israeli citizens. While their presence is tolerated by the army
(some high-ranking soldiers even met with the group’s representatives
to signal their concern over incidents of human rights violations) it is
often felt to be burdensome and disruptive by soldiers on checkpoint
duty. This is particularly the case when the women attempt to intervene
directly in the soldiers’ activities to prevent harassment, or intercede
with higher military commanders to overrule decisions and practices
at the observation site. The reports the women post on their website
also irk the military by publicly exposing oppressive arrangements and
incidents of cruelty. Thus marking a provocative grassroots interven-
tion that expresses their personal convictions and choices, as well as
their willingness to place themselves voluntarily at the very site of
others’ suffering, they go out in small groups, twice a day, seven days
a week, at the peak hours of movement for the Palestinian population,
and conduct observations at scores of fixed checkpoints and mobile,
so-called “floating” barriers. They collect and record information about
the oppressive practices the system has developed over 40 years of
occupation, keeping them well out of sight for most Israelis. Not surpris-
ingly, the records of heartless and capricious controlling practices they
compile as activist-observers corroborate the accounts of such practices
provided by the BTS testimonials.
The testimonies of both the soldiers and the women attest to the
plight of the Palestinians living under occupation, whose freedom of
movement is severely constrained, endangering their health, economy,
and social life. While the women activist-observers are intensely con-
cerned with the human consequences of the checkpoint system, the
soldiers, in assuming the perpetrator-observer role, position themselves
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PROOF
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112 Photography Exhibitions in Israel
as victimized-victimizers. Their testimonies foreground their own feel-
ings while attending to, but not foregrounding, the suffering of the
local population placed under their control.
The checkpoints—the focus of the activist-observers’ female gaze, and
the site of some of the soldiers’ most severe practices of control—separate
villages from towns and other villages, workers from their workplaces,
children from their schools, patients and doctors from their health
facilities, and family members from one another. They are manned
by either young conscripts in their late teens and early twenties, or by
reservists who are called up for about a month a year until their early
forties. These soldiers come from all corners of Israeli society, including
newcomer communities from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia as
well as national-religious settler communities in the West Bank and Gaza
(and with the exception of Palestinian citizens of Israel and ultraortho-
dox Jews who are exempt from military service). Although manning
these checkpoints is only part of the soldiers’ assignment, these are sites
where the coercive power of the occupation regime is both routinely and
conspicuously dramatized, and its devastating impact on the Palestinian
fabric of life is most keenly felt. It is for this reason, and in response
to highly disturbing stories about the checkpoints that occasionally
reach the Israeli public through the singular reporting of a few Israeli
journalists and activists, that the women observer-activists chose the
checkpoints as the target of their monitoring project. By courting media
attention, and via development of their own alternative means, the two
groups independently launched awareness-raising campaigns, reporting
on what they did, saw, heard, and felt to the public at large. While the
soldiers’ testimonies evidenced their troubled position on what to do
and not to do during their tours of duty, the women activist-observers
deliberated about ways of intervening in and obstructing the military
routines that uphold the occupation regime. While the soldiers testified
to their troubled relationship with their own structural power over the
Palestinians, as symbolized by gun and uniform, the older, self-assured,
and well-connected middle class female members of Checkpoint Watch
openly challenged the status quo through their uninvited presence, and
reporting of and bringing attention to particular cases of harassment.
The organization of photography exhibitions was an integral part of
these two groups’ program of activities. In both cases the pictures were
taken mainly by amateurs as part of their routine engagement with
the scene of occupation, and the exhibitions were curated with the
help of professionals who volunteered their services. Both these exhibi-
tions were originally launched in a peripheral venue on the outskirts
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PROOF
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Tamar Katriel 113
of Tel Aviv, the Gallery of the Geographic Photography College, and
traveled to other, mostly peripheral venues around the country as well
as abroad. They played different roles in the organizational history of
each of the two activist groups, but in both cases provided a site in
and through which the group’s concerns and messages were publicly
expressed, galvanizing emotions and triggering debate with regard to
Israel’s occupation and its policies.
In what follows, I will address the social careers of these two pho-
tography exhibitions as social arenas, attending to some of the charac-
teristic features of the photographs included in them, but also to the
interpretive and viewing practices organized around them. I will then
build on these accounts in reflecting on the photography exhibitions
as performative sites in which their creators constitute their roles as
witnesses through visual display and verbal articulation.
6.1 The “Breaking the Silence” exhibition
The group of discharged soldiers, all in their early twenties, who
launched the BTS exhibition in May 2004, had spent a good part of their
mandatory military service in the old town of Hebron and its environs
and the pictures included in the exhibition represent their experiences
in that area. The settlement in Hebron of several hundred orthodox
Jewish settlers in the midst of a many-fold larger Palestinian popula-
tion has made it a site of acute and often bloody daily strife. While for
its orthodox Jewish settlers Hebron represents a sacred Jewish site, the
City of the Patriarchs, for many Israelis it stands as a potent symbol of
the ills of the occupation.4 The exhibition organizers saw their project
as an attempt to bring the reality of Hebron as they had experienced
it—with all its complex religious and nationalist struggles—to Tel Aviv,
the secular and cosmopolitan heart of the country.
The pictures included in the exhibition were taken by soldiers during
their routine military rounds, and were collected in snowball fashion
from ex-soldiers’ personal albums or boxes where they were kept as mili-
tary souvenirs. This move shifted the status of the photographs mounted
at the exhibition from privately kept personal items to objects of public
interest. In addition to the photographs, the exhibition included materi-
als designed for public display such as video segments from interviews
with the witnesses (keeping their anonymity by shooting them from the
back),5 and related artifacts such as a striking display of car keys that had
been confiscated from Palestinian drivers at the checkpoints (in viola-
tion of military regulations).
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PROOF
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114 Photography Exhibitions in Israel
Despite the fact that it was located in a peripheral venue, the exhibi-
tion attracted considerable media attention, which was further kindled
when it was raided by the military authorities. Three of its organizers
were detained for questioning concerning the self-incriminating evi-
dence included in the display about alleged involvement in human
rights violations. The photographs in the exhibition depicted everyday
scenes that caught the soldiers’ attention as they moved in Hebron’s
alleyways, and these scenes, in turn, became memorable because of the
soldiers’ decision to turn them into visual documentation. The amateur
photographs showed soldiers’ daily interactions with the Palestinian
civilian population: scenes such as an elderly man meekly handing an
identity card to a young, armed soldier; a blindfolded young detainee
slouched on his knees, his head down and hands cuffed behind his
back; and Palestinian children playing Israeli soldiers under the watch-
ful eye of an armed soldier.
Indeed, the images depicted in the exhibition’s photographs brought
difficult scenes of Hebron under occupation into the heart of the largely
oblivious Israeli public sphere. Like similarly motivated photographic
images that occasionally appear in the press, such as those by the noted
photojournalist Miki Kratzman, who acted as curator for the BTS exhibi-
tion and whose photographs often accompany the in-depth journalistic
reports on the situation in the West Bank and Gaza by journalist Gideon
Levy in Ha’aretz, these pictures were viewed in conjunction with nar-
rative accounts. In this case, the soldiers offered oral accounts of the
exhibition, giving guided tours from the perspective of authentic eye-
witnesses grounded in their positioning as perpetrator-observers.
Capturing mundane moments of their military activities and the sights
routinely afforded by them—rarely captured by outside witnesses who
are more attuned to more starkly dramatic occupation images discussed
below—the BTS photographs cumulatively make a strong evidentiary
statement. Yet, given what John Berger has called “the innate ambiguity
of the photograph” (Berger, 2002), it remains for the accompanying nar-
ratives to supply interpretive frames that give the images meaning. The
exhibition as a multi-modal display thus exemplified the kind of com-
plementarity that Berger has identified between photographs and words:
“In the relation between a photograph and words, the photograph begs
for an interpretation, and the words usually supply it. The photograph,
irrefutable as evidence but weak in meaning, is given a meaning by the
words. And the words, which themselves remain at the level of generali-
zation, are given specific authenticity by the irrefutability of the photo-
graph” (Berger, 2002: 55).
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PROOF
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Tamar Katriel 115
Indeed, the exhibition space became a performative arena in which
visual images and verbal interpretations combined to produce a par-
ticular version of “difficult knowledge.” This knowledge was difficult in
different ways for the diverse parties inhabiting the scene of occupation.
By allowing it to surface, the soldiers sought to alleviate their own
struggle with this knowledge, in the hope of eventually contributing to
ending the occupation. By naming this knowledge in the public sphere,
group members presented themselves as uniquely positioned to deliver
it to society at large through face-to-face performances that authenti-
cated their position as witnesses who “were there.” They could speak
authoritatively, informatively, and persuasively about what they had
seen and done, both pledging and calling for epistemic responsibility,
a stance encapsulated in the oft-repeated phrase “Don’t say you didn’t
know.” For the soldiers, knowing entails countering denial, speaking
out. As they explain in introducing their testimonial project:
We got out of the army recently. Hebron was the hardest and most
confusing place that we served in. Up until now we have all dealt
with the shocking things we saw there. Our photo album, a souve-
nir from our service in Hebron, has remained sealed on a shelf in
a room. But as time passed since our discharge, we discovered that
those memories were common to all of us who served together. In
coping daily with the madness of Hebron, we couldn’t remain the
same people beneath our uniforms. We saw our friends and ourselves
slowly changing. Caught in impossible situations . . . We decided to
speak out. We decided to tell. Hebron isn’t in outer space. It’s one
hour from Jerusalem. But Hebron is light years away from Tel Aviv.
Now all you have to do is to come. And see. And understand what’s
happening there.6
Thus, the Breaking the Silence exhibition went beyond a simple visual
repository to represent the world of the occupation from the soldiers’
point of view. It was constructed as a communicative occasion and a
performance site that anchored a range of encounters in which occupa-
tion images and stories were woven into live exchanges between BTS
exhibition guides and viewers, as well as among viewers themselves
as they trailed along the exhibition walls. Some viewers encountered
the vivid, cumulative documentation of myriad acts of violence and
oppression as shocking news; for others they triggered a confronta-
tion with deeply buried memories of a personal past. According to one
of the exhibition organizers, the most important contribution of this
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116 Photography Exhibitions in Israel
exhibition was that it provided a space for soldiers to bring their parents
and to begin to tell them long-suppressed stories about their experience
of military service. Paradoxically, it was only when they were allowed
to play out in the public sphere their traumatic experiences that the
soldiers could speak with their families. Having overcome the taboo
cast upon them by societal denial, the moral dilemmas surrounding
military occupation could be inserted into the private, intergenerational
dialogue of soldiers and their parents.
In mobilizing the exhibition space to perform their multi-modal
soldierly testimonial, the BTS group presented themselves as both
perpetrators and culpable witnesses. They consolidated this unusually
inflected role in repeated tellings and re-tellings of occupation stories,
woven orally around the pictorial display as they spoke. Through their
tales they re-fashioned their role as soldiers of the occupation, turning
themselves into perpetrator-observers, victimized-victimizers who are
trapped in impossible, no-win, morally abhorrent situations of the sort
indicated by the pictures lining the exhibition walls. It was only in per-
forming an act of speaking out, in breaking the societal silence in which
they and the exhibition’s viewers had been enmeshed, that they were
able to regain their sense of agency and begin to generate an audience
for their protest.
In addition to the mostly peripheral venues in which the soldiers’
exhibition was shown around the country, it was also hosted in the
Israeli Parliament, the Knesset, at the initiative of one of the left-leaning
parliamentarians. This combination of marginalization and institu-
tional endorsement signaled the kind of official military policy that was
eventually brought to bear in response to the soldiers’ challenge. They
were commended for their principled stand, and the public was assured
that the army opposed human rights violations and was committed to
handling all untoward behavior on the part of individual soldiers iden-
tified as violators strictly and effectively.
The exhibition received a second, virtual life in the gallery section of
the BTS website, and has been available as a virtual resource to viewers
for a number of years now. A videotape of the exhibition tour was also
edited by the group for public dissemination alongside other materi-
als they produced, notably booklets containing transcribed segments
of soldiers’ testimonials. Over time, an interesting extension of the
group’s activities marked an inverted counterpoint to the attempt to
bring the sights of occupation in Hebron to Tel Aviv. Through regular
organized “alternative” tours of the city of Hebron, Tel Avivians (and
others) have also been brought to Hebron to see the tension-filled
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Tamar Katriel 117
situation there through the eyes of some of the soldiers who had served
there. The checkpoints dotting the landscape, the presence of military
patrols, and particularly the sight of the ghostly core of Hebron, with its
so-called sterile streets where even Palestinians who live in the area are
not allowed to walk, are a striking testimony to the grip of the occupa-
tion regime. Photographs of the once-vibrant market area of the city,
bustling with people and business—shown on-site by the tour guide
to underline the current emptiness of the town’s public spaces—and
stories of harassment told by Palestinian host guides, whose homes are
encircled by local Jewish settlers, provide on-the-ground testimonies
that further authenticate the soldiers’ personal narratives.
The main outcome of the exhibition, and the cultural conversation it
generated, was the establishment of Breaking the Silence as a distinctive
voice among other dissenting groups protesting the Israeli occupation of
the Palestinian territories. The exhibition was a first step in what became
a sustained effort to give voice to Israeli soldiers’ predicament; as soldiers
of the occupation, for these perpetrator-observers the agony and inhu-
manity entailed in its procedures and policies constitute a direct and
vivid personal memory. The group became a recognized voice and fixture
in Israeli civil society, and aligned with other anti-o ccupation groups.
Periodically, the group reasserted its continued work and presence by dis-
seminating new testimonies, offering commentary on published incidents
concerning soldiers’ conduct in the territories, supporting the staging of a
play based on segments of soldiers’ testimonies, and the making of docu-
mentary films in which such testimonies feature centrally.7 Occasionally,
BTS attempted to reach new audiences that they felt were relevant to
their cause—either within Israel, by moving their exhibition to venues
around the country, by running weekly installments of soldiers’ testi-
monies in a popular online newspaper, or by organizing lectures by the
group’s core members for various, especially young, audiences. They even
tried to extend the performative reach of their mission beyond Israel by
organizing a traveling tour of an upgraded version of their photography
exhibition in the US in February 2008, which was mainly targeted to
Jewish and campus communities there.8
Not surprisingly, the group’s activities created a good deal of contro-
versy both in Israel and among Jewish communities in the US. While
they commanded a great deal of respect and support from some quar-
ters, articles about the group in the press, as well as the many “talk-
backs” appended to articles BTS members themselves wrote in online
newspapers, indicate that their activities often met with harsh criti-
cism. They were accused of being soft-hearted and unrealistic, of being
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118 Photography Exhibitions in Israel
traitors who were out to malign the army rather than take responsibility
for their own criminal actions, of caring for the Palestinians rather than
for their own people, and so on. In addition, criticism coming from the
radical left brought out what was considered an inconsistency in their
position—their indictment of the immorality of the Israeli occupation
regime coupled with their refusal to declare that they will not continue
to serve as reservists in the occupied territories as other soldier-critics
have done (Handel, 2008).
Over time, the initial belief, or hope, that the distinctive voice of the
soldier-witness in the role of perpetrator-observer could directly affect cur-
rent policies and serve as a wake-up call to Israeli society seemed increas-
ingly untenable. As the freshness of the BTS challenge waned, its core
members began to modify their activist goals and to speak the language
of collective memory custodians, resigning themselves to the more mod-
est goal of affecting the way the Al Aqsa Intifada and the Israeli occupa-
tion would be inscribed in future public memory. In particular, their
concern was to include in the annals of Israeli history the voices of the
traumatized soldiers who were struggling to reconcile themselves with
the memory of what they had experienced and done. The photography
exhibition, in its new incarnation in the group’s digital archive, provides
an ever- accessible reminder of the unsettling sights and experiences that
triggered the soldiers’ organized protest in the first place. Some of the
images were so widely circulated that they became visual signatures of the
BTS group and its project. As the reality of the occupation remained as
harsh as ever, and the group’s efforts were either marginalized or blocked
by the military (e.g., their guided tours to Hebron were largely curtailed
in the spring of 2008), their project became increasingly archival in its
orientation. The soldiers’ fearless speech did not provide the interven-
tion they sought and they were left to relegate their hopes to the future,
intent on preparing the ground for the change of heart that they hoped
the forces of history would bring.
However, in mid-July 2009, the situation changed rather dramatically
with the publication of a booklet of testimonies collected by Breaking
the Silence group from Israeli soldiers who participated in the Cast Lead
Operation in Gaza some six months earlier. All hell broke loose. BTS
was virulently attacked by the military authorities, politicians, most
media, and a host of public figures (while being more warmly embraced
by the radical left than ever before). If their particular claims about
human rights violations were not engaged in any substantive manner,
their intentions, methods, and loyalty were severely questioned in an
establishment-led attack.
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Tamar Katriel 119
The publication of the booklet at a time when the Israeli government
was refusing to collaborate with Judge Goldstone’s UN commission
of inquiry into human rights violations associated with the Gaza
incursion probably had a lot to do with the vehemence of the official
response.9 The more vehement the attacks on BTS the clearer it became
that even though the public debate the group had wanted to instigate
was crushed before it ever began, the group’s activities around their
Gaza report managed to unsettle officialdom in far-reaching ways.10
It seemed that BTS had restored its original, activist ambition to affect
immediate political change through soldierly voices of dissent, rather
than reconciling itself to the more timid and long-term goal of affecting
future public memory. Notably, however, in attaining this high public
profile—a profile of notoriety—in conjunction with the Gaza invasion,
they fell short of their original goal of alerting the public to the routine
oppression associated with the occupation regime in what are consid-
ered to be normal times. Indeed, the extremity of the Gaza case seemed
to work further to normalize the ongoing situation of military control
in the occupied territories. It is this grinding, relentless reality of the
occupation regime that made up the shared concern of both the BTS
photography exhibition and that organized by the Checkpoint Watch
group, which provides an intriguing case for comparison.
6.2 The “Endless Checkpoints” exhibition
The Checkpoint Watch group coalesced around a humanitarian ideology
condensed in the words “No to Checkpoints, Against the Occupation,
and For Human Rights” that were inscribed on tags the women wore
on their lapels to identify them as members of the group. One way they
sought to promote these goals and values was creating the “Endless
Checkpoints” exhibition in February—March 2006 to mark the fifth
anniversary of CPW. The group is one of a number of feminist women’s
groups that have been active players in the anti-occupation movement
in Israel since the outbreak of the first Intifada in 1987; the most well-
known is Women in Black, whose weekly vigils against the occupation
have become a fixture in Israel’s political landscape. Shortly after the
outbreak of the second Intifada in 2000, ten of these groups including
CPW sought to compound their effectiveness by forming an umbrella
organization named The Coalition of Women for Peace.11
Thus, while the exhibition was part of the anti-occupation campaign
conducted by CPW, it did not serve as an organizational launching
occasion as did the BTS photography exhibition at its time. Rather, it
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120 Photography Exhibitions in Israel
functioned as an interim summary of the group’s on-the-ground activi-
ties, and a visually anchored “happening” through which the iniquities
of the occupation regime—epitomized by the checkpoint system—
could be inserted into the Israeli public sphere. The CPW photography
exhibition focused on images and stories designed to bring the grim
reality of the occupation alive to Israeli audiences who had neither the
occasion nor the will to familiarize themselves with its details. The CPW
women rejected the prevalent “out of sight—out of mind” orientation
that they considered responsible for the normalization of the occupa-
tion in the Israel/Palestine political landscape. The very fact that these
pictures were taken by women activists who voluntarily and deliberately
placed themselves in the zone of occupation in an attempt to monitor and
constrain the army’s activities in it was of particular significance. This usu-
ally unsung witnessing activity pointed to the possibility of non- violent
dissident action. The exhibition and the publicity surrounding it were
designed to demonstrate and legitimize this kind of witnessing as a
concrete activist strategy.
In both BTS and CPW testimonials, “being there” was a condition
for the constitution of the role of witness, but the process of becoming
witnesses in each of these cases was quite a different proposition. The
starting-point for BTS witnesses was total enmeshment and complicity
with the scene of occupation, requiring a movement of self-estrangement
and a reflexive stance. Their authority as narrators of soldiers’ occupation
experiences was not in question, but their claims concerning the repre-
sentativeness of their personal points of view needed to be substantiated
again and again. This was the case not only in establishing the factuality
of their accounts, but also in their self-positioning as helpless victims of
the chaotic situation in which soldiers consistently found themselves.
The Checkpoint Watchers—most of them older, educated, middle-
class Jewish women—initially had no direct familiarity with the scene
of occupation. In fact, some of their narratives echoed the soldiers’ trou-
bled stories of moral shock on their first encounters with the occupation
scene. The women’s explicit point of departure, however, was a gener-
alized identification with a humanitarian ethos that led them to take
the unpopular step of positioning themselves at the checkpoints in full
sight of the Palestinians’ daily scenes of suffering and humiliation. Their
empathy with the plight of the Palestinians under occupation and their
critical attitude toward its outrages clearly placed them in opposition
to the military forces controlling the checkpoints and, not surprisingly,
their attempts to mediate between the Palestinians and the soldiers in
individual cases often triggered the army’s anger and disapproval.
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Tamar Katriel 121
In audaciously inserting themselves into the checkpoint scene, the
Checkpoint Watchers sought to familiarize themselves with what had
previously been to them a socially and emotionally distant reality. They
did not content themselves with displays of emotional solidarity, but
educated themselves about the arrangements and procedures that made
possible the scenes they recorded in word and image. They closely fol-
lowed individual cases and stories of abuse in real time, and, more often
than not, under duress. They thus gradually gained some recognition
by high-level military commanders on the one hand and the Israeli left
on the other, and used it to promote an alternative to the highly mili-
tarized checkpoint narrative; in their version, it was Palestinian civilian
suffering, rather than Palestinians as a potential threat to Jewish secu-
rity, that took center stage. The commentary accompanying the CPW
exhibition indicates that the pictures included in it “document the
unbearably harsh life to which the Palestinian population is subjected”
and expresses the hope that “glancing into this reality may bring this
nightmare closer to its end.”12
The women’s point of view remained external and highly gendered,
yet it was a many-layered one, simultaneously encompassing a recogni-
tion of the Palestinian civilians’ suffering and humiliation, a recognition
of the Israeli soldiers’ exasperation at the tasks assigned to them, and the
ways in which fulfilling those tasks often led to their own brutalization.
The women were keenly aware of the wider society’s concern about
the moral degradation associated with the occupation regime, but also
understood that this concern was coupled with a widespread inability
truly to confront the occupation’s roots or consequences. Traces of this
complex stance could be found in the kinds of visual images included
among the 80 photographs that made up the exhibition, and the com-
mentary attending them. They contained memorable images of anguish
and humiliation—as inscribed, for example, in the postures and faces
of Palestinians crowded at checkpoints, scrambling over a barrier,
crouched under the towering Separation Wall. There was also a picture
of a forlorn soldier facing overwhelming crowds.
A recurrent feature in both the soldiers’ and the women’s pictures
involves the juxtaposition of the soldier figure with Palestinian indi-
viduals or crowds, in postures of domination and instances of direct
contact. Notably, however, in the Breaking the Silence case the soldiers’
documentation of their own and their peers’ presence at the site of occu-
pation cannot help but address the core problematic of their complex
positioning; their credibility rests on their presence and visibility as per-
petrators as well as observers. The Checkpoint Watchers, by contrast, are
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122 Photography Exhibitions in Israel
not visible within the picture frames. They are mere observers, apparent
outsiders to the scene of occupation they meticulously document.
Alongside poignant and disturbing scenes of occupation, the CPW
exhibition also contained information in the form of texts and maps
that shared with visitors the group’s extensive knowledge of the occu-
pation machinery. The information was attractively packaged and dis-
seminated by CPW members on wall panels, as well as in leaflets and
brochures used in other protest meetings. Using both words and images,
the Checkpoint Watchers’ sought metaphorically to bring the check-
points to Tel Aviv as part of their humanitarian campaign.
Bringing the checkpoints to Tel Aviv, however, turned out to be a dif-
ficult venture. Not only did the group find it hard to locate a venue for
the exhibition in the Tel Aviv area, they also had difficulties moving it
to other locations when the Tel Aviv exhibition ended. Most notably,
plans to bring it to the southern city of Beer-Sheva were aborted by the
city’s Mayor, Yaacov Turner, a former Air-Force General who, following
some citizens’ complaints, cancelled a previously granted permit to use
a municipally-operated Teachers’ Center as an exhibition venue. CPW’s
protest against the violation of their freedom of speech was overruled
in the interest of “not hurting public feelings.” As in the case of the BTS
exhibition, the CPW version had a second life on the group’s website as
well as in printed publications disseminated by the group. Also in this
case, the visual experience provided by the exhibition was later comple-
mented by an invitation to take an unmediated look at the reality of the
checkpoints in actual tours organized by the Watchers as part of their
campaign to educate the public about the arrangements and practices
of containment and control the checkpoints epitomize.
The CPW exhibition was more an educational and public relations
effort based on a strongly visual representational strategy, than a self-
constituting, performative organizational tool. By inviting the public
to actual and virtual tours of the lived reality of the checkpoints as
captured by the activist-observer gaze, CPW sought to mobilize public
opinion in the struggle against the normalization and routinization
of the Israeli matrix of control in the occupied territories. They did so
by dramatizing its effect on both the Palestinian population and on a
young generation of Israeli soldiers. Their photographic project, which
was an extension of their provocative witnessing and interventionist
strategies, was grounded in the assumption that seeing is believing,
and that knowledge of visually communicated truths carries with it
epistemic responsibility. It was mainly through their actual, real-time,
practices of physical presence that they performed their dissenting role.
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Tamar Katriel 123
These on-the-ground practices—in which the women were present
within the frames of oppressive occupation activity—remained the
heart and soul of their project, rather than the mediated truths of their
subsequent exhibitions.
6.3 Concluding remarks
The overall goal of the two dissident groups discussed in this chapter
is to help end the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories. Both
see ending the occupation as a first step in alleviating the Palestinian
plight, doing justice to their demands for national sovereignty as well
as ridding young Israeli soldiers of the burden of participating in the
daily control of the Palestinian population. Both groups, too, respond
to what they consider to be the self-imposed silence that prevents
Israelis—as individuals and as a nation—from facing the consequences
of the ongoing occupation regime.
The Breaking the Silence testimonial project—while anchored in the
recognition of the human rights violations associated with the daily
military measures—foregrounds the soldiers’ predicament in their role
as upholders of the occupation regime. The Checkpoint Watch project,
on the other hand, while recognizing this soldierly predicament, pro-
motes its dissident claims mainly by foregrounding the plight of the
Palestinians under occupation. In so doing, they insist on the need for
military policies that can be better reconciled with Israel’s core human-
istic values and its commitments as signatory to international agree-
ments designed to preserve the human dignity of all.
The two groups disseminate their messages through a combined
strategy of showing and telling, constructing their campaigns by weav-
ing together words and images in a range of genres and media. In each
case, and in similar ways, they mobilize the public to become part of the
message’s trajectory of circulation. Viewers are not just invited to act as
audiences to the visual and verbal testimonies produced by the group,
but asked to incorporate these into their everyday lifeworlds through
self-examination and social interaction in family groups and public set-
tings. As indicated earlier, the display strategy and viewing experience
of these exhibitions involve notable performative dimensions; the sense
of participation, though, is more clearly marked in the BTS exhibition,
as it galvanized soldiers and their families and opened new avenues for
long-suppressed intergenerational conversations.
The difference, I suggest, lies in the different relations between the
photographic images and the verbal texts in these two exhibitions.
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124 Photography Exhibitions in Israel
Building on a distinction drawn by Barthes (1977), we could say that in
the BTS exhibition the relation is one of anchorage, that is, the soldiers’
accompanying (oral) verbal texts are mainly used to fixate the meanings
of the highly ambiguous images the photographs present. In the case
of the CPW exhibition, the (mainly written) verbal accounts integrated
into the exhibition text as captions, maps and associated data function
as what Barthes terms relays, positioning the verbal and the visual in
complementary relations, as amplifications of each other rather than as
meaning-making, interpretive tools.
This analysis resonates with Nathanson’s (2007) study of the banali-
zation of photographic representations of the Occupation in the Israeli
press, which he contrasts with photographic images found in private
albums of some BTS soldiers. It may shed some light on the particular
“transgressive” nature of the BTS project of visual testimony as dis-
cussed by Nathanson. He argues that the BTS soldiers’ photographs
are transgressive in that they do not follow the implicit norms that
govern journalists’ published photographic images of the occupation.
Their pictures do not follow the normative photojournalistic code that
mandates that the power relations between occupier and occupied be
visually dramatized in a clear-cut, binary fashion.
The Breaking the Silence pictures include a range of ambiguous images,
inscribing border-zones where power relations are blurred and social
categories unsettled. Rather than unthinkingly reproducing the assump-
tions underlying the occupation scene through the use of familiar tropes,
they entice viewers to realign their visual expectations in ways that lead
toward questioning the social arrangements underpinning them. These
uncoded images, which capture the human face of the occupation in
its small, unexpected moments, are ideologically under-determined.
Unlike the moral shock produced by the dramatic photographs of the
occupation found in the mainstream media and in part of the CPW
exhibition, BTS’s transgressive images seem to contain the performative
seeds for viewers’ interpretations, appropriations, and dissemination of
the group’s call to re-moralize the Israeli public sphere in response to
the invitation extended from the perpetrator-observers’ unsettled and
unsettling position.
The Checkpoint Watch exhibition invites viewers to join the
Watchers as unlikely humanitarian witnesses in the scene of military
occupation. As self-appointed observers, not backed by any institutional
endorsement, their very presence disturbs the gendered military logic
that dominates the checkpoint scene. Exhibition viewers are called
upon to share the women’s sense of shock and dismay triggered by the
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Tamar Katriel 125
stark images that dramatize the power differential between occupier
and occupied as binary categories and thereby make a strong claim on
viewers’ empathy and sense of “truth.”
Along somewhat different lines, the BTS exhibition invites viewers
to share in the soldiers’ self-reflexive move, to relate what they see
to their deeply buried personal experiences, or to re-examine their
position as secondary, background participants in the occupation
scene. Through back-and-forth talk between guides and viewers that
punctuate the guided tour of the exhibition—exchanges that seem to
encourage further spontaneous conversation among groups of viewers
themselves—visitors to the BTS exhibition are enticed into a socially
oriented viewing experience: they can be seen huddled in small groups
in front of images that have caught their attention, exchanging hushed
commentaries, providing additional layers of meaning and affect to the
images through emotional displays and the performance of personal
anecdotes. The exhibition’s ability to provide the impetus for a new
kind of encounter between soldiers and their parents created ripples of
dialogue that penetrated viewers’ intimate circles and innermost lives.
Presence is the condition of possibility for the construction of the wit-
nessing role by the BTS and CPW groups. It is through “being there” that
they can document the scene of occupation that unfolds before their
eyes. Yet their different ways of being there—as post-factum reflective
perpetrator-observers in the BTS case, or as unlikely, yet ultimately trans-
parent intruders in the occupation scene in the CPW case—have yielded
different sorts of truth-telling occasions. In Foucault’s (2001) terms, both
groups—each in their own way—engaged in “fearless speech”: choosing
to speak the truth when silence is the norm. Both placed themselves
squarely outside the consensus, relinquishing their preferential position
as bona fide soldiers in the first case and as respectable, educated middle-
class women in the second. Taking advantage of the freedom of speech
that dissident groups in Israeli society enjoy, they promoted discourses
that counter hegemonic speech and give voice to silenced realities.
It is difficult to assess what impact, if any, the critical voices of these
two groups have had. The vehemence with which their campaigns have
been attacked by detractors suggests they have touched a raw nerve in
Israeli society. The groups themselves seem to vacillate between two
goals—a maximalist, activist desire to effect real change in the world
around them, and a more subdued recognition that all they can cur-
rently do is to expand the nature and reach of public “sayables.” In so
doing, they inscribe the present as the future’s imagined past, ensuring
that the lessons of the occupation become part of the historical record.
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Notes
1. The BTS veterans’ group, which is comprised of some 15 core members,
has collected over 700 testimonies from soldier-witnesses to date. Further
information about it, including a photography archive, can be found on
the group’s website, available at http://www.shovrimshtika.org/index_e.asp
[Accessed September 26, 2010].
2. Further information about the CPW group, which is comprised of some
400 members, can be found in the group’s website, available at http://www.
machsomwatch.org/en [Accessed September 26, 2010].
3. These on-the-ground measures, which are formulated within a discourse of
“security,” can be seen as materializing what Yosefa Loshitzky has called Israel’s
“fantasy of absolute power” that she considers to be a response to the “mem-
ory of powerlessness” associated with Diaspora Jewish experience (Loshitzky,
2006). The centrality of the power/powerlessness theme in the making of
Israeli ethos has been discussed in my earlier work in conjunction with the
emergence of Israeli style of “straight talk,” or dugri speech (Katriel, 1986).
4. The 1994 massacre by the Jewish orthodox settler-physician, Dr. Baruch
Goldstein, of 29 Palestinians who were praying in the Cave of the Patriarchs,
a site holy to both Jews and Muslims, marks the peak of what has become an
ongoing struggle over control of Hebron involving the Palestinians, Jewish
settlers, activist groups, and the military. For Jewish Hebron see Hebron, City
of the Patriarchs, available at http://www.hebron.com/english/ [Accessed
September 26, 2010].
5. Anonymity was needed for fear that the soldiers whose testimonies incrimi-
nated them would be prosecuted by the military police. The detention of
some of the BTS core activists when the exhibition initially opened indicated
that this fear was not unfounded.
6. BTS booklet, Soldiers Speak out about their Service in Hebron, excerpts from
“The Soldiers’ Letter,” Hebron, February 2004. Printed in Jerusalem, March
2004.
7. Notably, BTS are credited in an award-winning documentary made up of tes-
timonies of women-soldiers who had served in the territories. Tamar Yarom
(2007) To See If I’m Smiling. Available at http://2nd-ops.com/editors/?p=5370
[Accessed September 26, 2010].
8. The exhibition was shown in Philadelphia and at the Harvard Hillel House.
My former students, Oren Livio and Keren Tennenboim, conducted inter-
views and ethnographic fieldwork related to the tour in Philadelphia, and
we hope to address these events in a future publication.
9. In a journalistic interview he gave to a local Haifa weekly following the pub-
lication of the report issued by the committee he headed, Judge Goldstone
explicitly mentioned the BTS booklet on the Cast Lead Operation as one of
the sources they consulted (Matan, 2009).
10. The attacks on BTS were so virulent that the Tel Aviv and Jerusalem weeklies,
Ha’Ir and Kol Ha’Ir, jointly devoted an extensive article to the army spokes-
person’s institutionalized effort to delegitimize and silence the group and to
his success with the Israeli media in this endeavor (Grossman and Matan,
2009). Also, a critical report of the media’s treatment of the BTS intervention
in the Gaza case was disseminated by a civic media-monitoring organization
(in Hebrew). Keshev: The Center for the Protection of Democracy in Israel
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Tamar Katriel 127
(2009). Available at http://www.keshev.org.il/site/FullNews.asp?NewsID=182
&CategoryID=9 [Accessed September 26, 2010].
11. Information about the Coalition and its member organizations is available at
http://coalitionofwomen.org/home/english [Accessed September 27, 2010].
12. Endless Checkpoints, “Galleries” section of CPW website, available at http://
www.ziv-p.com/MW/ [Accessed September 26, 2010].
Works cited
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Berger, John (2002). “The Ambiguity of the Photograph.” In Kelly Askew and
Richard R. Wilk (eds). The Anthropology of Media Reader. Oxford: Blackwell.
Foucault, Michel (2001). Fearless Speech. Los Angeles, CA: Semiotext(e).
Ginsburg, Ruthie (2009). “Framing, Misframing, and Reframing: ‘The Fiddler at
Beit-Iba Checkpoint.’” In Elisabeth Marteu (ed.). Civil Organizations and Protest
Movements in Israel. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Givoni, Michal (2008). Edut Bif’ula: Etika Upolitika Be’olam Lelo Gvulot. [Witnessing
in Action: Ethics and Politics in a World without Borders]. PhD. Dissertation,
Tel Aviv University.
Grossman, Lital and Matan, Ofer (2009). “Hatzenzor Harashi.” [The Head
Censor] Ha’Ir, July 24, pp. 38–42.
Handel, Ariel (2008). “Me’ever Latov Velaro’a—Hatismonet: Busha Ve’achrajut
Ba’edujot.” [Beyond Good and Evil: Shame and Responsibility in Soldiers’
Testimonies] Theory & Criticism 32: 45–69.
Jasper, James M. (1997). The Art of Moral Protest: Culture, Biography, and Creativity
in Social Movements. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Katriel, Tamar (1986). Talking Straight: Dugri Speech in Israeli Sabra Culture.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Katriel, Tamar (2009). “Inscribing Narratives of Occupation in Israeli Popular
Memory.” In Michael Keren and Holger H. Herwig (eds). War Memory and
Popular Culture: Essays on Modes of Remembrance and Commemoration. Jefferson,
NC: McFarland Publishers.
Kaufman, Ilana (2008). “Resisting Occupation or Institutionalizing Control?
Israeli Women and Protest in West Bank Checkpoints.” International Journal of
Peace Studies 13(1): 43–62.
Kirstein Keshet, Yehudit (2006). Checkpoint Watch: Testimonies from Occupied
Palestine. London: Zed Books.
Loshitzky, Yosefa (2006). “Pathologizing Memory: From the Holocaust to the
Intifada.” Third Text 20(3/4): 327–35.
Mansbach, Daniela (2007). “Mecha’a al Hagvul: Kocha shel Hadu’alijut Bepraktikot
Hamecha’a shel Tnu’at Machsom Watch.” [The Power of the Duality: The
Protest of the “Checkpoint Watch” Movement] Theory and Criticism (31):
77–99.
Matan, Ofer (2009). “Lema’ase, Kol Hamivtza Be’Aza Jachol Lehechashev
Pesha Neged Ha’enoshut.” [Actually, the Whole Operation in Gaza Can be
Considered a Crime against Humanity] Kolbo, September 25, p. 46.
Nathanson, Regev (2007). “Metzalmim Kibush: Soziologia shel Jiizug Chazuti.”
[Shooting Occupation: Sociology of Visual Representation] Theory & Criticism
(31): 127–54.
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Query Form
Book Title: Lehrer
Chapter No: Chapter 6
Queries and / or remarks
Query
No.
Query / remark Response
No Queries.
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PROOF
