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Curbing Corruption in Singapore: The Importance of Political Will, Expertise, Enforcement, and Context
Abstract
Corruption was a serious problem in Singapore during the British colonial period and especially after the Japanese Occupation (February 1942-August 1945) mainly because of the lack of political will to curb it by the incumbent governments. In contrast, the People's Action Party (PAP) government, which assumed office in June 1959 after winning the May 1959 general election, demonstrated its political will with the enactment of the Prevention of Corruption Act (POCA) in June 1960, which strengthened the capacity of the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) to combat corruption effectively. Indeed, Singapore's success in curbing corruption is reflected in its consistently high scores on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) from 1995 to 2012 as the least corrupt country in Asia. Singapore was ranked first with Denmark and New Zealand in the 2010 CPI with a score of 9.30. Similarly, Singapore has been ranked first in the Political and Economic Risk Consultancy (PERC) annual surveys on corruption from 1995 to 2013. Why has Singapore succeeded in minimizing the problem of corruption when many other Asian countries have failed to do so? What lessons can these countries learn from Singapore's experience in combating corruption? This chapter addresses these two questions by first describing Singapore's favorable policy context, followed by an identification of the major causes of corruption during the British colonial period and Japanese Occupation, and an evaluation of the PAP government's anti-corruption strategy.
... Yet at the same time, such political dominance has not given rise to the sort of 'crony capitalism' that has characterized many other East Asian developmental states (Pang 2000;Stubbs 2009). Rather, Singapore has established for itself a strong reputation for administrative transparency, driven by a zerotolerance approach to corruption (Quah 2001(Quah , 2013. ...
... There are strong linkages between administrative transparency with the developmentalism and state-centricism that were discussed in the prior section. For instance, it has often been noted that Singapore's success in minimizing corruption is due in no small part to the political will and dominance of the PAP, as well as the central role of the CPIB (Quah 2013;Yu 2015). At the same time, Singapore's low tolerance for corruption derives from its strong emphasis on efficiency, with corruption and other rent-seeking activities often seen as a cause of waste and inefficiency in the government (Quah 2001(Quah , 2010(Quah , 2013. ...
... For instance, it has often been noted that Singapore's success in minimizing corruption is due in no small part to the political will and dominance of the PAP, as well as the central role of the CPIB (Quah 2013;Yu 2015). At the same time, Singapore's low tolerance for corruption derives from its strong emphasis on efficiency, with corruption and other rent-seeking activities often seen as a cause of waste and inefficiency in the government (Quah 2001(Quah , 2010(Quah , 2013. ...
... 116 Aussi, l'accompagnement et la veille de la société civile sont-ils indispensables pour toute politique durable de lutte contre la corruption, pour peu que cette dernière se fasse sans discrimination, ni faveur, ni peur, mais fermement et dans la justice. 117 Ainsi, là où la volonté politique faiblirait, une société civile vibrante prendrait le relai pour donner le coup d'accélérateur nécessaire. ...
... Erecting public institutions becomes a futile exercise if they are not trusted and accepted by the indigenous communities in a nation state. The work of Quah (2013) regarding Singapore clearly indicates that establishing institutions does not work effectively without the political will of the leadership. A similar argument has been advanced in the review work of Dellepiane-Avellaneda, (2010). ...
Purpose
– The purpose of this paper is to discuss the importance of mission and vision in the process of state development. Using the case of Pakistan, it will be argued that state organizations do not develop and find the right direction without outlining a clear mission and vision which will be beneficial to all citizens, who are the real stakeholders.
Design/methodology/approach
– Yin (2003) and Baxter and Jack (2008) argue that case study is an enriched method to explore a complex relationship. The complex relationship may be understood better by qualitative methods than quantitative. Following their suggestion, case study method will be adopted to understand the relationship between the mission and vision and state development. In this study, Pakistan will be used as a case. Moreover, the technique of historical analysis will be employed to understand this relationship. Historical analysis is important because the repercussions of current actions can only be evaluated in the future.
Findings
– The paper shows the importance of “mission and vision” for state development. Using Pakistan as the case, it is argued that a state can lose its direction without having a clear mission and vision. It is further contended that it is not erection of institutions or verbal/written pronouncements and slogans, but a strong commitment to the mission and the vision brings the required change, which helps to develop a state. In the future research, the researcher can further examine the role of mission and vision in relation to state development.
Research limitations/implications
– The limitation of this study is that it has only focussed on the leadership and politics of Pakistan. In the future, a comparative study investigation may be useful.
Practical implications
– The research is useful for political leaders, political scientists and public management researchers.
Originality/value
– The research is unique and original that it evaluates the role of leadership and the development of the state from the perspective of mission and vision, which has not been done in the earlier research. Moreover, the paper elaborates the concept of state development.
This paper departs from the discourse of the paradigm of social development in third world countries. The first discourse reviews the critics of the broad state in social development. It supports the non-state actors to take a part in development through corporate social responsibility (CSR). The second discourse departs from economic development which weakens the capability of the individual in achieving development itself. The concept of the capability approach in human development emerged as a solution to create inclusive welfare. This paper itself raises these two things in one discussion related to the role of CSR in relation to the development of human capabilities. Taking an analysis of the Program Desa Mandiri Energi by PJB UP Paiton, the study examines the role of CSR activities in supporting community capabilities. This paper argues that the existence of CSR provides a strong contribution to strengthening the capabilities of the community that has developed from the past. However, in the subsequent findings, there are several aspects of CSR programs that still several actions to be developed and improved human capabilities.
Corruption persists in developing countries despite the proliferation of legal, institutional, and other measures that have been put in place to fight said corruption. The cancer of corruption has therefore spread exponentially in most developing countries with devastating socioeconomic and governance consequences. This practitioner perspective draws on the author's field experience and backed up by the research literature. It identifies, outlines, and discusses some aspects of policy in 3 areas—institution strengthening, the development and implementation of national anticorruption plans/strategies, and political will and leadership—and the conclusions that can be drawn from them for policy development and implementation in the ongoing quest to fight corruption in developing countries.
This study was performed to investigate the role of state auditing in the anticorruption campaign throughout the Chinese Central Government Succession substantiated in 2012. A data set of 269 state audit reports disclosed by China’s National Audit Office (CNAO) has been manually collected from the CNAO’s open access and coded into the research sample. This study reveals that the anticorruption campaign launched by the new Central Government of China is concentrating on the political path for the country’s healthy and steady socioeconomic development instead of the political purge stereotypes imposed upon it. This study shows that CNAO, which performs the state audit, follows the political directions of the renewed anticorruption campaign. These conclusions contribute to the existing audit and corruption research literature by clarifying the true motivation of the anticorruption campaign in China and the strategic role played by CNAO in governmental governance and the national anticorruption campaign during the Central Government succession.
Purpose
This paper aims to answer the following two research questions: Do corruption cases present different features before and since the new administration in China? How are criminal penalties affected by these corruption features?
Design/methodology/approach
The investigation is based on the online disclosure of 269 state corruption audits and their consequences, which have been made public by China’s National Audit Office since 2011. By manual coding, these official reports were analyzed, and an appropriate-sized sample of corruption cases was chosen. The authors then adopted Welch’s t-test and regression model methods to test the research hypotheses relevant to the two research questions.
Findings
The authors find that larger embezzlement or bribery amounts and more organizational corruption cases have been detected and punished since the anti-corruption campaign was launched by the new administration. They also conclude that significantly tougher criminal penalties were given to corruption cases involving large monetary amounts, that bribery cases were more harshly punished compared to other occupational crimes and that individual perpetrators received tougher criminal penalties than organizational criminals. In addition, the authors observe a trend that criminal penalties for corruption have been increasingly harsher in recent years.
Research limitations/implications
The limitations of this study are quite clear as the Chinese corruption cases in this sample only include state corruption audit cases and does not refer to high-profile corruption cases investigated by the Central Commission of Discipline Inspection. However, this study suggests that state corruption audit results are a good research sample, which can be used to extend empirical tests to archival data acquired from state audit practices and can encourage more studies on public sector auditing and occupational financial crime.
Practical implications
State corruption audits can be an effective approach to successful anti-corruption campaigns, and the conclusions can be useful to policy makers and legislators in China and other developing countries.
Originality/value
This paper bridges some gaps in the existing financial crime literature. First, this study on corruption features is located within the context of a political administrative change; second, the state audit is highlighted as a supervising agency in the anti-corruption campaign; and third, the authors’ contribution adds to the empirical testing of data sets of state corruption audits within the existing financial crime literature.
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to explain Singapore’s success in combating corruption and to identify the lessons for policy makers concerned with enhancing the anti-corruption measures in their countries.
Design/methodology/approach
The paper provides a brief literature review and analysis of Singapore’s policy context before explaining Singapore’s success in combating corruption and identifying the lessons for policy makers to enhance the effectiveness of the anti-corruption measures in their countries.
Findings
Singapore’s success in combating corruption can be attributed to the political will of the People’s Action Party government and the effectiveness of the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau in investigating all corruption cases and enforcing the anti-corruption laws impartially, without fear or favour. Extrapolating from Singapore’s success, policy makers in other countries can learn these lessons: the critical importance of political will; addressing the causes of corruption and learning from past mistakes; establishing and supporting an independent anti-corruption agency with adequate resources; enforcing the anti-corruption laws impartially but not selectively against the government’s political opponents; and combating corruption is a marathon requiring perseverance and sustained effort.
Originality/value
Scholars, policy makers and anti-corruption practitioners will be interested in learning how Singapore has succeeded in combating corruption as well as the relevant lessons for policy makers.
This paper is the first to compare China’s current anti-corruption approach with those of both post-communist and other Sinic states/regions. Its principal purpose is to compare anti-corruption in China with the situation in countries that constitute appropriate comparators—either systemically (post-communist transition states) or culturally(predominantly Sinic states/regions)—and suggest ways in which China could usefully learn from these comparators.A comparative public policy evaluative approach forms the core of the analysis. The study uses publicly available surveydata, both perceptual and experiential, for drawing inferences about the corruption levels in China and the other statesanalyzed. A neo-Weberian approach to system legitimacy and delegitimation is employed in analyzing the potential dangersof a radical anti-corruption approach, while Giddensian structuration theory is used to emphasize the interplay between structure and agency in anti-corruption. The findings and value of this research are primarily practical, in that it highlights potential lessons China could learn from Singapore and the Hong Kong SAR while also identifying the principal obstacles to the adoption of such measures. In particular, the establishment of a single and independent anti-corruption agency would almost certainly have a positive impact on the reduction of corruption levels. But this is politically difficult, since such a body could be perceived as constituting a threat to the Communist Party. Moreover, all comparisons between states are limited, since some features are unique to a given country.
As discussed in the preface to this edition, there are three cases in the developing world which stand out in regard to corruption: Singapore, Hong Kong, and Chile. While all have had differing rates of economic growth and their own particular struggles with governance, they are the only consistently high performers over long periods of time. To better understand the roots of their success, this article compares the three cases with two other cases with perennial issues of corruption, Nigeria and Paraguay.
Purpose
– The purpose of this paper is to make recommendations to address the four limitations of Singapore’s Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB).
Design/methodology/approach
– The paper begins by attributing Singapore’s reputation as the least corrupt Asian country to the CPIB’s four strengths: its independence from the police; its adequate staffing and funding; its adoption of the total approach to enforcement; and its impartial enforcement of the anti-corruption laws. It then proceeds to identify the CPIB’s limitations and provides four suggestions to address these limitations.
Findings
– The sentencing of Edwin Yeo, a senior CPIB officer, to ten years’ imprisonment on 20 February 2014 for misappropriating US$1.76 million for nearly four years reveals that there were weaknesses in the CPIB’s internal controls and procurement procedures in spite of its effectiveness in curbing corruption. This paper recommends that the CPIB addresses its four limitations by strengthening its internal controls and procurement procedures; enhancing public trust and confidence by further improving its outreach to the population; improving the external oversight of its activities; and developing its in-house research capabilities.
Originality/value
– This paper will be useful for those scholars, policy-makers, and anti-corruption practitioners who are interested in how the CPIB can further enhance its effectiveness even though Singapore is perceived as the least corrupt Asian country.
Anti-corruption agencies (ACAs) have been established in many Asian countries to tackle the problem of corruption. However, with the exceptions of the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau in Singapore and the Independent Commission Against Corruption in Hong Kong, many Asian ACAs have been ineffective. What criteria should be used to evaluate their effectiveness? After analyzing the functions of the ACAs in India, Hong Kong, Macao, Philippines, Singapore, South Korea and Thailand, this article recommends that their performance should be benchmarked according to 22 indicators. It concludes that benchmarking provides an ACA with an objective method for evaluating its performance by comparing it with the performance of more effective ACAs. Benchmarking also enables an ACA to improve its performance by introducing reforms to remove the weaknesses exposed by comparison with more effective ACAs in other countries.
Bureaucratic corruption is one of the most serious and embarrassing obstacles to national development in the developing countries, which include among others the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) viz., Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. According to an official of the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific:
Donor countries and the United Nations bodies working in developing countries are well aware that one of the most serious problems hampering development is corruption; so are the recipient countries. But no one seems prepared to discuss it publicly.
Singapore is perceived to be the least corrupt country in Asia according to Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) from 1995 to 2010. In 2010, Singapore was ranked joint first with Denmark and New Zealand among 178 countries on the CPI with a score of 9.3. However, this does not mean that corruption does not exist in Singapore, which has its share of corruption scandals too. Indeed, the scandal involving Teh Cheang Wan attracted a great deal of attention because he was the Minister for National Development in Singapore from 1979 to 1986.
There is general agreement that the world would be a better place without corruption, but there is less general understanding of precisely what constitutes corruption. In this book Ian Senior carefully defines corruption and finds that it is all too prevalent, not just in developing countries, but also within the institutions of governments within the EU. The book analyses the causes and consequences of corruption. There are many social and moral problems created by corruption, but from an economic perspective it has to be regarded as a serious impediment to the proper functioning of a market economy. It also has the effect of redistributing wealth away from the poor towards the better-off and towards employees of government. Ian Senior proposes a zero tolerance approach to rooting out corruption. In particular, we should not give aid to the governments of under-developed countries or use corrupt agencies for the distribution of aid. This monograph reminds us just how widespread corruption is and of the serious damage it can cause to the development of a market economy and a free society.
This comparative study of anti-corruption strategies in Singapore and Hong Kong has four sections. The first two sections focus on the anti-corruption strategies adopted by both city-states with emphasis on the legislative and institutional measures. The third section discusses the similarities and differences in the anti-corruption strategies and evaluates their effectiveness. The final section identifies the six lessons which other countries can learn from the experiences of Singapore and Hong Kong in curbing corruption.