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De Waele, M., Pauwels, L., Ponsaers, P., Schils, N., Easton, M. (2013). “De overbodige punitieve reactie tot uitbreiding van de wet op de privémilities”, Orde van de Dag – Dimensies van Punitiviteit, Mechelen: Kluwer, n°61, 20-28.



In juni 2012 deden zich in Molenbeek rellen voor, met als hoogtepunt de arrestatie van de woordvoerder van Sharia4Belgium, Fouad Belkacem. in dit artikel gaan we in op de politieke discussie die hieruit voortvloeide, meer precies op de reactie van de minister van binnenlandse zaken, en een aantal parlementsleden die erin bestond de extremistische groepering Sharia4Belgium te willen verbieden op basis van de wet op de private milities en dus de wens om het lidmaatschap van de vereniging strafbaar te stellen. Dit wetgevend initiatief werd evenwel zonder voorwerp toen de vereniging zichzelf in oktober 2012 ontbond. We stellen het in deze bijdrage nog anders: we maken duidelijk hoe een politieke (louter punitieve) reactie op deze groepering diens bedoelde effect niet heeft bereikt. Meer nog: we poneren de stelling dat aan de problematiek van de aanpak van extremistische organisaties hiermee geen adequaat antwoord werd gegeven. Blijkbaar heeft de overheid weinig andere inspiratie bij het bedenken van maatregelen en komt ze meestal uit bij een louter punitieve reactie
... In maart 2012 heeft het Nederlandse Ministerie van Veiligheid en Justitie (in opvolging van Nuansa) de website Polarisatie en Radicalisering 3 gelanceerd, waarbij de kennis en ervaring van vijf jaar beleid op het terrein van polarisatie en radicalisering kan geraadpleegd worden. Een dusdanig Kennis-en Adviescentrum bestaat, ondanks het aandringen van academici die de thematiek van radicalisering in België reeds onderzochten (Ponsaers et al., 2010; Noppe, Ponsaers, Verhage, De Ruyver & Easton, 2011; De Waele, Pauwels, Ponsaers, Schils & Easton, 2013; Easton, De Waele, Schils, Pauwels & Verhage, 2013 Een reïficatie van de theorie, waarin empirie en beleid verwaarloosd wordt leidt tot een formalistische wetenschapsbeoefening. Indien men echter een pure theorie gestuurde etiologie van gewelddadig extremisme ontdoet van enige empirische grondslag of beleidsrelevantie, loopt men de kans om het beeld van de wetenschapper, opgesloten in een " ivoren toren " op te roepen. ...
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In this article we present a cross-national comparison of framing of the issue of the ‘Syria fighters’ in Flanders and the Netherlands. We examine this topic using inductive and deductive framing analysis and interpret the results in terms of the advocates expressing the frames and the newspapers they were published in. We argue that variation in frame use can be explained by considering the background and social identification of the frame advocates. Furthermore, the subject of the ‘Syria fighters’ is depicted as mostly relating to (Islamic) religious motives and the overall societal construction is relatively one-sided and problematized in a negative sense. This article serves as a preliminary step to a multi-level analysis of societal discourse on integration-related issues in online and offline networks, with an emphasis on Moroccan minorities in Flanders and the Netherlands.
It is important to set out a number of disclaimers at the outset of this paper. The research is based on an online survey of Facebook fans of the English Defence League (EDL). The results, therefore, do not necessarily reflect the official views of the organisation. All references to EDL 'supporters' refer solely to these social media fans. How far our sample represents the whole of the EDL supporter base is something we discuss in detail. This paper is a first attempt to gain a clear understanding of the motivations, concerns and attitudes of online supporters of the EDL. It is based on an innovative new way of collecting data, which brings both strengths and weaknesses to the quality of the results. These are explained fully and should be borne in mind when interpreting and understanding these results. Generating new data sets through social media sources is likely to be an important area of research in the years ahead and we welcome others getting in touch to improve on the methodologies applied here. Demos is an independent think-tank that is committed to undertaking ground-breaking research in areas of public interest. Our results are set out objectively and accurately, without normative judgment.
In-depth interviews with ex-neo-Nazis in Scandinavia reveal a profile of the extreme right that is both strikingly similar to and significantly different from the profile of their counterparts in the United States. Drawn from clients at EXIT, a state-funded organization based in Sweden, these interviews reveal that the extreme right draws adherents from a declining lower middle class background, small towns, and metropolitan suburbs, and from divorced families. Their mean age is in the mid-teens to late-teens, and their commitment to specific ideological tenets is low. Their entry and exit have less political and more developmental and situational origins than the Americans'. Detailed interviews suggest that participation on the extreme right is, for some Scandinavian adolescents, more a masculine right of passage than evidence of a firm commitment to racialized ideologies.
This report presents an overview of a variety of factors that determine processes of radicalisation and terrorism in general, with special emphasis on factors that play a role in The Netherlands. We developed a tentative model capturing the various factors and specifying their role in the above mentioned processes. The model first addresses the role of social and individual antecedents that might foster processes of radicalization. Elements of the social context that might play a role concern socio- economic factors such as income, education and job opportunities. The model also describes the possible role of isolation and discrimination, and emphasizes the role of social comparison processes and the resulting relative deprivation as one of the key antecedents. Social comparison processes might explain that education is positively related to a tendency to opt for radicalization to resolve the experience of relative deprivation. It is argued that factors such as relative deprivation might constitute a threat to both the individual and the group and that this threat can be realistic, symbolic or pertain to the esteem of the group. Realistic threats are based upon competition between groups for relatively scarce resources (career perspective, adequate income). Symbolic threats are related to discrepancies between groups in terms of important values and beliefs. Finally, threats of group esteem are generally seen as caused by actions of others that imply a negative evaluation of the group to which one belongs.
In criminology, measuring recidivism is a well-known method of establishing the preventive effect of penal interventions. There are measurements of this kind dating from as early as the 19th century. Recidivism studies have been conducted in the Netherlands too, but the earliest we know of stem from the 1970s. Due to developments in public sector fund accounting methods, interest in reconviction rates is now again on the increase. The Dutch government is looking for clear indicators to gauge the success of implemented policy measures. In the area of penal law recidivism, or rather the absence thereof, is readily embraced as a valid and efficient outcome indicator. Under what circumstances do recidivism statistics provide proof of the efficacy of policy interventions? And how can this construct best be measured? In the Netherlands there is no tradition of recidivism research. The methods used in past evaluation studies vary widely, the measurements were predominantly small-scale, and most studies were conducted at a time when the penal interventions under investigation were still at a developmental stage. Recidivism research in the Netherlands has lacked a sound methodological basis and there is consequently no comprehensive view on the outcome of penal interventions – until recently, that is, since the WODC has meanwhile developed a ‘Recidivism Monitor’. This is a project in which reconviction rates of virtually all offenders who have come into contact with the Dutch judiciary are routinely computed. The development of this instrument and its applications in evaluation research form the central themes of this dissertation.
Exit Neo-Nazism. Reducing recruitment and promoting disengagement from racist groups. NUPI working paper 627
  • T Bjørgo
Bjørgo, T. (2002). Exit Neo-Nazism. Reducing recruitment and promoting disengagement from racist groups. NUPI working paper 627. Oslo: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs.
Forebygging av terrorisme og annan kriminalitet. Forskningsrapprort: Oslo: Politihøgskolen
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Bjørgo, T. (2011). Forebygging av terrorisme og annan kriminalitet. Forskningsrapprort: Oslo: Politihøgskolen.
Processes of disengagement from different types of extremist and criminal groups. Paper presented at the Exit conference. Leaving extremist and criminal groups: Scandinavian experiences on disengagement and reintegration into society
  • T Bjørgo
Bjørgo, T. (2012). Processes of disengagement from different types of extremist and criminal groups. Paper presented at the Exit conference. Leaving extremist and criminal groups: Scandinavian experiences on disengagement and reintegration into society, Stockholm.
Milquet klaar om Sharia4Belgium te verbieden
  • M Buxant
Buxant, M., 19 juni 2012, "Milquet klaar om Sharia4Belgium te verbieden", De Morgen.
Het labyrint -Private politie en politiewezen doorgelicht met het officiële rapport van de Commissie Wijninckx
  • J Capelle
Capelle, J. (1982). Het labyrint -Private politie en politiewezen doorgelicht met het officiële rapport van de Commissie Wijninckx, Brussel, SEVI, pp. 232.