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Transitional Justice Genealogy

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... The concept of transitional justice is chiefly concerned with addressing the fundamental question of how societies attempt to address the legacies of large-scale past human rights violations that occurred either due to prolonged violent conflict or authoritarian repression and also how to guarantee non-repetition (Roht-Arriaza and Mariezcurrena, 2006;Teitel, 2003;. Emerging in the 1980s in the post-Cold War period, the new transitional justice field chiefly focused on prosecution of predecessor officials as a key mechanism of addressing past abuses and punishing impunity. ...
... Therefore, the relatively young field gradually expanded to encompass additional holistic measures to criminal accountability, such as: truth-seeking, reconciliation, reparation, vetting and lustration, and institutional reforms (Roht-Arriaza, 2006). Normally, the original conception of transitional justice is founded on liberal, ‗typical' transition from dictatorship to democracy (Teitel, 2003). But, with its gradual expansion as a global norm, it is increasingly invoked also in the absence of typical ‗from repressive to liberal' transitions (Hansen, 2011;Teitel, 2014). ...
... Moreover, its original focus as espoused by initial theorists such as Teitel (2003) is on the ‗ideal-type' transitions from authoritarian regimes (dictatorship) to liberal democracy. But as an expanding global enterprise conceived in and supported by Global North (Sharp, 2018), it is also increasingly employed in diverse (illiberal or non-regime type of) situations, often without prior knowledge of complex settings (Subotic, 2012cited in Saleh, 2021. ...
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The last decades witnessed the emergence of transitional justice as a global norm which obliges post-conflict transitioning states to address systematic past human rights violations through purposeful judicial and non-judicial mechanisms. While its typical architecture focused on formal transitions, the dynamics of non-regime transitions and compliance is often neglected in transitional justice literature, and the measures also signify manifold challenges. This article attempted to assess the beleaguered transitional justice measures implemented in Ethiopia’s current troubled non-regime transition which came after the authoritarian and Marxist TPLF/EPRDF regime has collapsed in 2018 after violent anti-government protest. Consequently, under the new hybrid elites’ leadership, host of justice measures were implemented but they unfolded in the absence of both typical transition and guiding transition roadmap. Through the lens of compliance and resistance, the article finds that rather than addressing legacies of atrocious past, the flawed and instrumentalist implementation of contested justice processes and the mismanagement of the narrow window of opportunity led to unprecedented societal violence and new political complexities. The Ethiopian case, therefore, reveals that seeking the retributive transitional justice measure in the absence of typical regime change and inter-elites bargain, and in an ethnically polarized political transition exacerbate inter-elite discord, bolster ethnic-supported resistance from predecessor elites, and harbors the risk of resurgence of new violence. Hence, it falls short of achieving the compliance with the transitional justice norm. Keywords: transitional Justice, compliance, challenges, Ethiopia, non-regime transition
... We are particularly interested in transitional justice mechanisms that provide financial compensation for harms done, as in the case of the IAP. All transitional justice mechanisms, including compensatory ones, are generally applied in times of political upheaval or uncertainty and in an effort to address and provide redress for state misconduct (Balint et al. 2014;Matsunga 2016;Nagy 2008;Teitel 2000). The goals of transitional justice include accountability, maintaining peace, establishing rule of law, democratization, liberalization, nation-building, and societal reconciliation (Matsunga 2016;Teitel 2000Teitel , 2003. ...
... All transitional justice mechanisms, including compensatory ones, are generally applied in times of political upheaval or uncertainty and in an effort to address and provide redress for state misconduct (Balint et al. 2014;Matsunga 2016;Nagy 2008;Teitel 2000). The goals of transitional justice include accountability, maintaining peace, establishing rule of law, democratization, liberalization, nation-building, and societal reconciliation (Matsunga 2016;Teitel 2000Teitel , 2003. Of these, compensatory mechanisms seem most aligned with the goals of accountability and societal reconciliation. ...
... All transitional justice mechanisms, including compensatory ones, are generally applied in times of political upheaval or uncertainty and in an effort to address and provide redress for state misconduct (Balint et al. 2014;Matsunga 2016;Nagy 2008;Teitel 2000). The goals of transitional justice include accountability, maintaining peace, establishing rule of law, democratization, liberalization, nation-building, and societal reconciliation (Matsunga 2016;Teitel 2000Teitel , 2003. Of these, compensatory mechanisms seem most aligned with the goals of accountability and societal reconciliation. ...
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This article presents findings from a critical discourse analysis of House of Commons debates about the Independent Assessment Process (IAP), an out-of-court compensatory adjudication process intended to resolve claims of sexual and physical abuse that occurred at Indian Residential Schools and one of five key elements of the Indian Residential School Settlement Agreement. Our analysis is guided by the question: What do elected officials’ discussions about the IAP reveal about the implementation of compensatory transitional justice mechanisms in settler colonial states, and about colonial relations (specifically attempts at reconciliation) more generally? Our study focuses on debates that took place between 2004 and 2019. We explored elected officials’ framing of both Survivors and the Canadian State in their discussions about the IAP. Our analysis reveals the limited reach of dialogue based in a partisan and antagonistic context and supports those scholars who assert that transitional justice is incompatible with reconciliation and decolonization. By way of contributing to the larger interdisciplinary study entitled Reconciling Perspectives and Building Public Memory: Learning from the Independent Assessment Process, of which this article is part, we reflect on what our findings mean not only for public memory but also for studying the IAP moving forward.
... (löfström 2012, 11-13.) Ymmärrys siitä, miten historialliset vääryydet olisi syytä kohdata, on kehittynyt toisen maailmansodan jälkeisessä länsimaisessa ajattelussa kolmen vaiheen kautta (Teitel 2003;Obel Hansen 2014, Clark 2008, Bell 2009 ...
... Nürnbergin ja Tokion väliaikaisten tuomioistuinten myötä vakiintui käsitys siitä, että kansainvälinen yhteisö saattoi asettaa rikoksia ihmisyyttä vastaan tehneitä yksilöitä syytteeseen ja tuomita kansainvälisen oikeuden vastaisesta toiminnasta. (Teitel 2003;Obel Hansen 2014, Clark 2008, Bell 2009 Tämä historiallisten vääryyksien kohtaamisen ensimmäinen vaihe kiinnittyi ajatteluun universaaleista ihmisoikeuksista ja niiden varaan rakentuvasta demokraattisesta oikeusvaltiosta. Ihmisoikeus-ja oikeusvaltioajattelu nähtiin eräänlaisina ylihistoriallisina standardeina, joiden avulla voidaan arvioida tapahtuneita vääryyksiä kaikkina aikoina ja kaikissa paikoissa. ...
... Sittemmin ajatusta ihmisoikeuksien yleismaailmallisuudesta on myös kyseenalaistettu, esimerkiksi vuonna 1993 useiden Aasian maiden antama Bangkokin julistus kyseenalaistaa YK:n ihmisoikeusjulistuksen pohjalla olevan yksilökeskeisyyden painottaen sen sijaan yhteisöjä niinä yksikköinä, joihin ihmisoikeusajattelu pitäisi kiinnittää. (Teitel 2003;Obel Hansen 2014, Clark 2008, Bell 2009, löfström 2012 Rikoksia ihmisyyttä vastaan ja muita niihin rinnastuvia kansainvälisiä rikoksia on käsitelty myöhemmin muun muassa Ruanda-tuomioistuimessa (1994-) ja Jugoslavia-tuomioistuimessa (1993-). Niiden toiminnan kiinnekohtana ei ollut oikeastaan enää ihmisoikeus-ja oikeusvaltioajattelu, vaan sen sijaan vähitellen omaksi ihmisoikeusajattelusta irtaantuneeksi kansainvälisen oikeuden lohkokseen muodostunut kansainvälinen rikosoikeus. ...
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A study of human rights violations against deaf people and the sign language community since 1900 and of launching a truth and reconciliation process between the government and the community was conducted in 2020–2021 in accordance with the government programme of Prime Minister Sanna Marin. The community has been discriminated against throughout the period studied. Because of discrimination in society, many members of the community have internalised a negative image of themselves and their community. Therefore, these instances of discrimination must be addressed at the societal level. Recommendations. 1) The process addressing the historical injustices must be called the truth and reconciliation process. 2) The process must be limited to addressing instances of attempted eradication of deafness, sign language and its culture. 3) The sign language community must be guaranteed appropriate psychosocial support in their own languages. 4) The process must also take into account the perspective of the wrong-doers and the social context of each period. 5) The process should target the whole of Finnish society. 6) Training must be provided to key players in the process before agreeing on the details of the truth and reconciliation process. 7) Stakeholders in the process need to commit to the process by allocating the necessary resources. 8) The establishment of a truth and reconciliation commission is possible when that commission is given the opportunity to act independently and autonomously. This publication has undergone an external scientific review. Available: https://julkaisut.valtioneuvosto.fi/bitstream/handle/10024/163689/VNTEAS_2021_61.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
... Since the Nuremberg war crimes trials (Teitel 2003), transitional justice has emerged as a 'globally recognised response to human rights violations after violent conflicts' (Bentrovato 2017: 396) with many countries employing its mechanisms (Teitel 2003: 70-2, 2015, Hayner 2010: 2, Matsunaga 2016. Examples are amnesties in Spain (Jimeno 2017), mixed courts in Cambodia and Sierra Leone (Stensrud 2009), truth and reconciliation in South Africa (Gibson 2006), among many others (Murphy 2017: 10). ...
... Since the Nuremberg war crimes trials (Teitel 2003), transitional justice has emerged as a 'globally recognised response to human rights violations after violent conflicts' (Bentrovato 2017: 396) with many countries employing its mechanisms (Teitel 2003: 70-2, 2015, Hayner 2010: 2, Matsunaga 2016. Examples are amnesties in Spain (Jimeno 2017), mixed courts in Cambodia and Sierra Leone (Stensrud 2009), truth and reconciliation in South Africa (Gibson 2006), among many others (Murphy 2017: 10). ...
Article
Post-conflict reconstruction has emerged as one the major issues of concern in Africa in the last three decades. Since the end of the Cold War following the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, many African countries embraced multiparty systems that expanded democratic spaces. With this came the claim to justice and consciousness on the need to reconstruct a new vision of the nation, a vision that is based on social cohesion. This led to calls for democratisation in a number of African countries as well as in Latin America, Eastern Europe, and, in particular, former Soviet Union countries. In Africa, the approach taken by different countries varied from elaborate transitional justice processes that involved truth commissions to national dialogue processes that called for political compromise without putting into place any formal transitional justice process. The articles in this supplementary issue on transitional justice discourse in post-conflict societies in Africa draw attention to diverse contextual issues on post-conflict reconstruction in the continent. These articles bring together divergent discourses, experiences, theorisations, and interpretations of transitional processes while calling for a new way of assessing truth-telling processes within the purview of legal frameworks, gender and cultural sensitivities, peace sustainability, and conflict resolution strategies in Africa. The articles open up debate on the extent to which transitional justice processes contribute to peace and sustainability in Africa, and what could be done to improve this important post-conflict reconstruction initiative.
... U Rezoluciji se navodi da su obeštećenja naknade štete za svaku ekonomski procjenjivu štetu, srazmjerno težini povrede i okolnostima svakog slučaja proisteklog iz teških povreda meĎunarodnog prava ljudskih prava i ozbiljnog kršenja meĎunarodnog humanitarnog prava, kao što su: (i) povreda tjelesnog integriteta i duševni bolovi, (ii) izgubljena prilika za zaposlenje, obrazovanje i socijalne povlastice, (iii) materijalna šteta i gubitak zarade, uključujući gubitak radne sposobnosti, (iv) moralna šteta, (v) troškovi pravnog zastupanja, liječenja, psihološkog savjetovanja i socijalnih službi. 29 Ugovorom iz Versaillesa 1919. godine (Savezna) Republika Njemaĉka se obavezala i bila je primorana da otplati odštetu za razaranja i masovne zloĉine izvršene za vrijeme Prvog svjetskog rata (1914)(1915)(1916)(1917)(1918). ...
... Trial. 29 Ujedinjene nacije, Rezolucija Generalne skupštine Ujedinjenih nacija br. 60/147, usvojena 16. decembra 2005. ...
... The idea has existed as early as the classical Athens period (Elster 2004), but the corresponding theory was formulated only in the 20 th century (Lundy and McGovern 2008). According to legal scholar Ruti G. Teitel (2003Teitel ( , 2005, the sources of modern transitional justice were the trial and punishment of war criminals after World War II. Therefore, the United Nations adopted the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide in 1948. ...
... The need for "transitional" justice arises when a specific regime has committed major human rights crimes during its ruling period. After the regime is replaced, citizens hope that the state will rectify and compensate for these crimes, to overcome the past and create an entirely new situation (Teitel 2003). Transitional justice is part of a society's transition from authoritarian to democratic (Arthur 2009). ...
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“Transitional justice” indicates legal and administrative provisions a newly established democratic country adopts to rectify the injustices of the past non-democratic regime, and punish those responsible for them. Taiwan was an authoritarian regime under the Martial Law until 1987, and did not really guarantee freedom of religion or belief, as evidenced by the repression of the New Testament Church and Yiguandao. After 1987, a post-authoritarian regime followed, which proclaimed religious liberty but still persecuted religious movements perceived as hostile to the ruling party. In 1996, a crackdown hit several of the largest religious movements active in Taiwan, including Fo Guang Shan, Chung Tai Shan, Tai Ji Men, the Taiwan Zen Buddhist Association, the Sung Chi-Li Miracle Association, and later Guanyin Famen. Its aftermath particularly affected Tai Ji Men, which continued to be falsely accused of tax evasion, and whose tax case was derived from the criminal case and is still unresolved today. The article reviews attempts by various democratic governments to implement transitional justice in Taiwan, and concludes that more should be done to complete the democratic process in the island
... En particular, no se han localizado investigaciones respecto a la construcción de la agenda de la justicia transicional chilena, si bien existe una variedad de estudios relativos a políticas sectoriales (Lira y Piper, 1996;Hails, 2009;Collins, 2013;Madariaga, 2018;Hourcade et al., 2018;Varela y Villasana, 2019). Por su parte, a nivel internacional, es posible encontrar unos pocos estudios sobre la formación de agendas políticas en escenarios de justicia transicional, entre ellos, un análisis relativo a medidas adoptadas en el continente africano (Kagoro, 2012), otro enfocado en la agenda en materia de memoria, verdad y justicia del Gobierno argentino de Macri (Bertoia, 2016) Guerra Mundial y la ola de procesos judiciales celebrados en Europa durante la década de los setenta (Teitel, 2003;Paige, 2011;Sikkink, 2013), en rigor, el término justicia transicional es empleado por primera vez en la década de los noventa (Paige, 2011). En este trabajo, es este último criterio el que se sigue, dado que se considera que el surgimiento del término se sitúa en un contexto sociopolítico concreto, afectado por una serie de factores que lo dotan de un sentido particular, diferente al que tuvieron las manifestaciones de justicia precedentes. ...
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En el presente trabajo se analizan los giros del proceso por el cual las violaciones de derechos humanos ocurridas en Chile durante la dictadura cívico-militar de 1973-‍1990 se fueron construyendo como un problema social que requería una respuesta del Estado. Para ello, se analizan los discursos presentes en el debate sobre la justicia transicional en la arena pública desarrollado en el país a partir de la transición a la democracia, en base al enfoque construccionista social y al modelo de la historia natural de los problemas sociales. El análisis permite entrever las diversas conceptualizaciones que han ido delineando el debate público en torno a las nociones de verdad y justicia y su articulación en las políticas públicas transicionales. Las conclusiones obtenidas apuntan al rol decisivo del movimiento de derechos humanos en la promoción de respuestas alternativas y contribuyen a visibilizar a las víctimas como actores activos en la arena política.
... No Brasil, a justiça transicional é marcada por uma atenção especialmente voltada para militantes engajados que sofreram "graves violações 1 Doutor em Ciências Sociais pelo CPDA, da Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro (UFRRJ). 2 A Justiça de Transição é formada por um conjunto de medidas por parte do Estado e da sociedade civil na busca pelo esclarecimento de fatos ocorridos em períodos autoritários, reparação para vítimas de violações de direitos humanos, responsabilização de perpetradores e construção de políticas públicas de não repetição dessas práticas (Teitel, 2003). de direitos humanos" durante a ditadura de 1964-1985. ...
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O artigo analisa como as Comissões Estaduais da Verdade abordaram as situações de violações de direitos humanos decorrentes dos conflitos fundiários que envolveram tanto camponeses como povos indígenas no Brasil durante a ditadura empresarial-militar de 1964-1985.
... The modern origins of transitional justice are rooted in 'the post-war tribunals in Nuremberg and Tokyo, and the democratisation of previously authoritarian regimes in Latin America and the former Soviet Union' in the 1980s and 1990s (McEvoy 2007, 411; see also Teitel 2003). These processes generally involved middle-income countries and, after World War II, advanced industrial states. ...
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After violent conflicts, international actors face difficult choices about whether and how to provide assistance. These decisions can have immense consequences. As aid always occurs under conditions of scarcity, theoretical reflection is crucial to reveal the opportunity costs and potential tensions between alternative courses of action. Yet there has been relatively little scholarly reflection on what should constitute priorities for post-conflict assistance and why. This paper advances this debate by comparing two very different areas of assistance that both embody compelling values and goals: public health and transitional justice. It argues that aid for public health deserves greater attention based on powerful normative considerations and its impressive empirical record. It also suggests the need to examine not only clearly underperforming areas, but also tough cases. Transitional justice, despite its strong normative foundations, faces challenges and limitations that justify reform and a reconsideration of the emphasis commonly placed on it. Our intention is not to suggest that long-standing commitments ought to be abandoned or that all aid should be allocated to health. Rather, by scrutinising the priorities of international assistance, we hope to start a general discussion about how the international community can best help societies heal after conflict.
... The legal-judicial dimension (boxes 1a and 1b, p. 14) encompasses TJ measures from the socalled 'first generation' of TJ, which focused on criminal punishment and individual accountability (Teitel 2003)namely, retribution and legal rehabilitation. Instruments in the perpetrator dimension consist of investigations and legal prosecutions. ...
... Transitional justice may be perceived as a means for dealing with political change arising from repressive and violent periods, and is defined as the legal response to this moments or regimes (Teitel, 2003). It has expanded itself beyond international conflicts to the domestic regulation (Mallinder, 2016), being adequate to address the gross violations of human rights happened throughout Latin-American dictatorial regimes. ...
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Transitional justice may be perceived as a means for dealing with political change arising from repressive and violent periods, and is defined as the legal response to this moments or regimes (Teitel, 2003). It has expanded itself beyond international conflicts to the domestic regulation (Mallinder, 2016), being adequate to address the gross violations of human rights happened throughout Latin-American dictatorial regimes. Besides the usually cited amnesties, truth commissions and trials, other mechanisms were implemented in Latin-American countries. This study sought to analyze diverse mechanisms used in Latin-American countries for dealing with their dictatorial past, using local examples to illustrate the implementation of such in- struments for fulfilling democracy, reconciliation and reparation. Methodological procedures were developed through a qualitative approach, based on current bibliographic research. Not every Latin-American country that underwent a dictatorial regime was cited, since countries were only used when they could provide a better look at the mechanism addressed.
... No existen fórmulas únicas que permitan a las sociedades superar los flagelos de un pasado de graves violaciones, sin embargo, es común identificar medidas restaurativas en la mayor parte de los procesos de justicia transicional . Ruti Teitel (2003), por ejemplo, identifica como procesos de justicia transicional de la posguerra fría aquellos procesos nacionales que incorporan y privilegian mecanismos restaurativos tendientes a lograr la verdad, la compensación y medidas sociales, mediante instrumentos no estatales como las comisiones de la verdad. La reparación en los contextos de ...
... While some earlier approaches to transitional justice pointed to "legal responses to confront the wrongdoings of repressive predecessor regimes," the field has since expanded outside periods of political transition and beyond democratization. 10 The emphasis on memory practices and struggles, and on memorialization as a form of reparation, broadens the scenario of transitional justice outside legal and judicial spaces. The focus on memory helps us to understand what new frameworks can bring to our attention. ...
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This essay reviews the following works: The El Mozote Massacre: Human Rights and Global Implications. By Leigh Binford. Revised and expanded ed. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2016. Pp. 400. $34.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780816532162. Stories of Civil War in El Salvador: A Battle over Memory. By Erik Ching. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016. Pp. 362. $34.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781469628660. The Politics of Transitional Justice in Latin America: Power, Norms, and Capacity Building. By Ezequiel A. González-Ocantos. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. $18.00 paperback. ISBN: 9781108799089. The Feathers of Condor: Transnational State Terrorism, Exiles and Civilian Anticommunism in South America. By Fernando López. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2016. Pp. 375. £57.99 hardcover. ISBN: 9781443897099. Eruptions of Memory: The Critique of Memory in Chile, 1990–2015. By Nelly Richard. Translated by Andrew Ascherl. Pp. xxvi + 189. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2018. Pp. 224. $22.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781509532285. Exile, Diaspora, and Return: Changing Cultural Landscapes in Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay. By Luis Roniger, Leonardo Senkman, Saúl Sosnowski, and Mario Sznajder. Pp. 304. $82.00 hardcover. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. ISBN: 9780190693961. Surviving State Terror: Women’s Testimonies of Repression and Resistance in Argentina. By Barbara Sutton. New York: New York University Press, 2018. Pp. v + 325. $35.00 paperback. ISBN: 9781479829927. Memory, Truth, and Justice in Contemporary Latin America. Edited by Roberta Villalón. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2017. Pp. vi + 274. $41.00 paperback. ISBN: 9781442267251.
... Social transformation within TJ works through memory by externalising trauma as a form of witness, truth-telling and means of creating symbolic repair. The aim is to support democratic transitions by offering an adaptive set of mechanisms that can shape institutions to ignite social healing (Teitel 2003). Officially-recognised pillars of TJ include lustration, judicial initiatives, truth-telling, institutional reform, traditional justice, reparations and, crucially, memorialisation. ...
Thesis
This thesis consists of a collection of seven essays that address issues of representation, memorialisation and symbolic reparations. Employing a primarily ethnographic approach, it reveals different forms and functions of memory in the aftermath of mass violence. Together, these essays argue for a more nuanced way of understanding how governments, survivors, heritage practitioners, humanitarians, artists and development actors utilise conflict memories, sometimes revealing narrative gaps entrenched in silence. These insights are useful for a better conceptualisation of symbolic repair within the fields of transitional justice, critical heritage and memory studies. Each essay, addresses different geographical and material aspects of conflict memory to create a mosaic of perspectives with a primary focus on Uganda. The Ugandan case studies explore three regions of the country: the Luwero Triangle, Northern Uganda and the Rwenzori Mountain region. Each case shows the need to approach memory work with different types of evidence, including museum displays, monuments, material culture remains from humanitarian assistance, oral literature, sites of trauma, artworks and popular culture. Such evidence both informs the analysis and extends the kinds of data suitable for critical heritage research. Taken together, the essays in this thesis argue that in nations recovering from multiple violent conflicts, whose recovery is absent of holistic statedriven processes for memorialisation, it is critical to understand the everyday negotiations of memory as well as the artistic approaches to repair. Furthermore, the collection highlights the significant role that globalised systems of representation, assistance and peacebuilding have on memory projects within and outside the Ugandan context. Overall, this thesis constitutes a critique of the expectations placed on memory work to repair societies, given the contextual and political barriers to implementing conventional memory projects. By its end, it advocates for a less didactic and more dialogical approach to memorialisation, making space for meaningful work that does not mimic Euro-American models of remembrance.
... The mutual link between transitional justice and rule of law is also widely accepted, and transitional justice is regarded as a precondition for the re-establishment of the rule of law (Andersen 2015, 309;McAuliffe, 2010, 127-128;Teitel, 2000). The legal foundation of transitional justice is one of the most addressed issues by scholars in the field (Teitel 2003;Arthur 2009). However, the narrow legalistic approaches to transitional justice and advocacy of particular justice methods have been repeatedly criticized (Snyder and Vinjamuri 2003;Roman 2017). ...
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Transitional justice is universal and systematic tool of the international community in post-conflict or post-dictatorial contexts with a strong link to the human rights norms. Thus, post-conflict states from diverse regions of the globe—from Europe and Central and Latin America to Africa and Asia—apply transitional justice mechanisms hoping it would positively contribute to a peaceful transition to a democratic state based on the rule of law. This article explores the cases of two small states: Bosnia-Herzegovina and Tunisia, that put transitional justice mechanisms in place to tackle the human rights violations and to further a full democratic transition. It will illustrate the challenges faced by these two states with different political, sociocultural and legal context in applying transitional justice mechanisms.
... Según la genealogía de la justicia transicional realizada por Ruti Teitel (2003), de ser una excepción a la norma en su primera fase -con los juicios de Núremberg durante la posguerra-, esta se ha convertido desde finales del siglo xx en un paradigma del Estado de derecho. En este proceso, las comprensiones propuestas sobre justicia y paz han sido variadas como consecuencia de los diferentes contextos sociales, políticos y culturales de los países en donde se han establecido mecanismos como tribunales o comisiones de la verdad para afrontar la violencia (Gómez, 2014). ...
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Este capítulo introductorio, en particular, propone dos rutas de potencialización de la justicia transicional que tienen que ver con: (1) cuestionar la intención de las comisiones de la verdad de reificar el modelo de civilización occidental, identificar la relación de este modelo con el conflicto armado y la violencia sociopolítica, y abrir espacio desde su quehacer al pluriverso4; (2) potenciar una política radical que cuestione la política moderna y avance hacia su trans- formación, fomentando así la expresión de las mujeres y los sujetos históricamente discriminados como entes políticos legítimos. Para este fin, el capítulo parte de visiones feministas y decoloniales sobre la justicia transicional y la paz, desde las cuales se interrogan los límites de ambos aparatos discursivos globales y los caminos de fuga que una experiencia transicional como la que estamos viviendo en Colombia puede andar y proyectar para los próximos años, y para otras expe- riencias de aplicación de la justicia transicional y la construcción de paz en el país y en otras latitudes
... It has been seen as responding to historical mechanisms and practices of dealing with transitions from atrocious past. The introduction of transitional justice provided that, as part of a framework towards societal reconstruction, such crimes should be addressed through some form of a judicial process including truth-seeking as a way of securing justice to victims [6,7,1]. However, the issue of applicability of the international principles of transitional justice in diverse social, cultural, and political settings remains contested and forms a critical part of the wider scholarship of transitional justice. ...
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This article examines the challenges States face while trying to comply with the international transitional justice requirements in the face of international pressures and conflicting local interests. The article therefore applies a critical analysis to the theory of transitional justice compliance in the context of transitional justice adoption and how local political conditions compel local actors to embrace international norms and institutions in different ways with varied social and political effects. I argue that the paradox of transitional justice compliance founded on coercion or pressure is that the international powers compel States to adopt mechanisms and approaches they often have neither the capacity nor the interest to implement leading to conflicting outcomes.
... Asimismo, se ha hecho referencia a este enfoque explicando que la justicia transicional debe adoptar un enfoque participativo para lograr sostenibilidad a largo plazo, alejándose del enfoque de modelo único para permitir, en su reemplazo, que las voces "de los de abajo" sean escuchadas y atendidas (Lundy & Mcgovern, 2008). Muchas de las comisiones por la verdad posteriores a la sudafricana han seguido esta perspectiva abandonando los procesos de recopilación de la verdad dirigidos por expertos y forenses para enfatizar el testimonio de los sobrevivientes, la participación de la sociedad civil y los proyectos de base (Teitel, 2003). En resumen, el DIDH y el DIH nos ofrecen un plafón de acuerdos universales deseables e introducen a las víctimas como actores clave. ...
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América Latina en sus últimos años asiste a un ciclo de revueltas sociales que se configuran a partir de un conjunto heterogéneo de demandas, enfrentamientos, formas de organización y violencias. Estas distintas experiencias se han caracterizado, entre otras cosas, por una fuerte circulación de elementos artísticos, simbólicos y performativos que se han constituido en repertorios de lucha para los colectivos y grupos movilizados en los diferentes contextos. En muchos casos, estos se constituyen en reapropiaciones y/o reinterpretaciones de elementos empleados en el pasado, vinculando las nuevas luchas con las memorias del pasado reciente en la región.
... En suma, las respuestas legales a los abusos cometidos en el pasado se han agrupado en torno a cuatro pilares principales: la reparación a las víctimas de las violaciones de derechos, el enjuiciamiento a los perpetradores y responsables de los daños, la divulgación de la verdad y lo ocurrido y, finalmente, la implantación y el fortalecimiento de instituciones democráticas. A su vez, dentro de las medidas que se pueden adoptar en un proceso de Justicia Transicional, podemos clasificar éstas en dos grupos según el objetivo de la medida, medidas retributivas y medidas restaurativas 4 . 1 Teitel, R (2003). Transitional Justice Genealogy. ...
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La segunda mitad del siglo XX se ha caracterizado por el nacimiento de muchas nuevas democracias, como resultado del fin de regímenes dictatoriales y de conflictos armados, tanto en Latinoamérica y Europa del Este, como en el continente africano y Asia. Si bien las experiencias en cada uno de los casos fueron dispares, en todos ellos tuvieron lugar procesos de transición política y se implementaron medidas para hacer frente a las violaciones de derechos humanos cometidas, lo que se conoce con el nombre de justicia transicional. El propósito de la Justicia Transicional se puede observar desde dos perspectivas: una visión desde el pasado, consistente en la rendición de cuentas y reparación de las víctimas; y una perspectiva desde el futuro, el cual tiene como objetivo determinar y definir un orden político y social venidero con el fin de evitar que se repita la situación pasada. Una de las definiciones de Justicia Transicional con mayor autoridad es la de Ruti Teitel, quien la definía “como la concepción de justicia asociada con períodos de cambio político caracterizados por respuestas legales que tienen el objetivo de enfrentar los crímenes cometidos por regímenes represores anteriores”. Esas respuestas legales a las que hace referencia se han agrupado en torno a cuatro pilares principales: el resarcimiento de daños a las víctimas de los sistemas previos, el enjuiciamiento a los perpetradores y responsables de los daños, la divulgación de la verdad y lo ocurrido y, finalmente, la implantación y el fortalecimiento de instituciones democráticas. La explicación del fenómeno de la Justicia Transicional, en un contexto tan específico como el que se pretende abordar en este estudio, debe ir acompañado tanto de una explicación politológica, que nos explique y nos integre en la realidad social y política del sistema, como de un profundo análisis jurídico, con el cual seamos capaces de determinar las características, las condiciones previas y posteriores consecuencias de la Justicia Transicional en los diferentes Estados de nuestro estudio. Si bien todos parecen tener un similar punto de salida, la desintegración de la URSS, son evidentes las diferencias posteriores tras los procesos de transición. Este trabajo busca ahondar en estos puntos, en tratar de explicar cómo se produjo la Justicia Transicional en los diferentes Repúblicas Exsoviétivas y el por qué de las diferencias entre éstas. El modo particular en que se desarrolla la justicia de transición en estos Estados, tiene sus raíces en el contexto de la URSS a finales de la década de los ochenta y principios de los noventa, que interviene en cada Estado de forma distinta, así como de las relaciones de los Estados del Este con el resto de Europa y Estados Unidos. La situación política, el clima de la sociedad, el apoyo o desafección hacia el régimen son, sin duda, variables a tener en cuenta para explicar por qué las transiciones han diferido y por qué han tenido rasgos comunes. Como ejemplo de algunas de las diferencias entre las antiguas repúblicas soviéticas, el trabajo de Kora Andrieu, intenta responder por qué el proceso de transición en Rusia fue de baja calidad, llegando a inexistente. Para ello analiza los diferentes mecanismos de la justicia transicional que se implementaron, por qué fallaron y el papel de las organizaciones civiles y su laxitud a la hora de condenar los crímenes durante el régimen soviético. Otra de las causas es la legitimidad de la que gozaba el Estado comunista en algunos de estos países, como relata Monica Ciobanu, sirviéndose del ejemplo de Bulgaria, Hungría, Polonia y Rumanía, donde del hundimiento del sistema, se debió, principalmente, a la retirada de apoyo ideológico por parte de las élites al sistema. Por otro lado, los procesos de justicia transicional suscitan cuestiones jurídicas de índole internacional. Los Estados en transición siguen siendo sujetos de Derecho internacional, sobre los que recaen obligaciones jurídicas, entre las cuales nos interesan principalmente las obligaciones en materia de derechos humanos, que condicionan las medidas de justicia transicional. En las transiciones del Este europeo, el cumplimiento de las obligaciones internacionales está intrínsecamente ligado a las relaciones internacionales, pues la adhesión al Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos y el cumplimiento de sus disposiciones es un aspecto de gran relevancia en el proceso de acercamiento a la Unión Europea, que conformaba el objetivo de alguno de esos Estados (mientras que otros primaban el manteimiento de los vínculos con Rusia). El estudio de los procesos de transición en Europa del Este nos remiten a los “primeros pasos” del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos y, por tanto, a cuestiones jurídicas de gran calado para el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos. Estos procesos de transición estuvieron significativamente marcados por las corrientes políticas que dirigían el mundo en aquella época, principalmente el liberalismo y las democracias liberales. El liberalismo de aquella época estaba muy enfocado a la lucha y diferenciación con el comunismo. Esta idea de liberalismo y “paz liberal” marcaba muchas de las políticas a seguir tanto a nivel interno como internacional, especialmente en Europa, así como el modelo político a seguir tras los conflictos. Mark Duffield definía la paz liberal como una paz obtenida mediante la reconstrucción de un Estado a imagen y semejanza de las democracias liberales de los países occidentales, con una economía de mercado. La Unión Europea también tuvo un rol importante en los procesos en estos países. La existencia y posible adhesión a la UE por parte de estos Estados dictaminaba en muchas ocasiones el camino que debía tomar el proceso de transición. Aquello conformaba una especie de requisito democratizador para una futura adhesión. El estudio de la Justicia Transicional está altamente marcado por los acontecimientos de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, si bien, son múltiples los estudios realizados sobre otras áreas como es el caso de los estados Latinoamericanos, con el régimen de Junta Militar instaurado en Argentina hasta 1983 y las transiciones en la propia península Ibérica de los años 70, con la transición portuguesa que comenzó en 1974 con la Revolución de los Claveles y la Transición española entre 1975-1978. A diferencia de las transiciones de los países de América Latina y algunos del continente africano, como la República Sudafricana, que son siempre objeto de referencia en los estudios sobre la justicia transicional, las transiciones en los años 90 en los Estados de Europa del Este, parecen más olvidadas. Esto se debe a múltiples razones, pero una de las más destacables es el hermetismo de las semidemocracias posteriores, algo vivido (y sentido) en propias carnes debido a mi origen armenio. Con este Trabajo de Fin de Grado buscamos responder una serie de cuestiones, ¿Cómo se desarrollaron los procesos de justicia transicional en los países que habían pertenecido a la URSS? ¿Qué características propias fueron comunes a todos y en qué difirieron? ¿A qué se debe la adopción de medidas distintas en cada Estado? ¿Cuáles fueron las principales cuestiones jurídicas que suscitaron y cómo las resolvió el TEDH? ¿Cuál fue el grado de influencia externa, tanto de Estados como de organizaciones y tribunales internacionales en los diferentes procesos de transición? Para dar respuesta a estas cuestiones en este Trabajo de Fin de Grado, ahondaremos en la experiencia de transición de los países del bloque soviético y su interacción con el ordenamiento internacional, sin perder de vista las motivaciones y consecuencias de carácter político que han impactado en su desarrollo.
... Transitional justice as a strategy to overcome times of "civil war or mass atrocity" can be traced back to the beginning of democracy's recovery after ancient Greek internal conflicts (Lanni 2011, p. 552). In the same way, some authors consider the end of the First World War as the origin of a proto-type of transitional justice (Teitel 2003, p. 70 According to Teitel (2003), at the end of the 20th century, around 1989, transitional justice took a protagonist role during a range of democratic transition and states' modernization that took place in the following years. These transitions often required the hastening of conflict resolution policies-as is the case of many South American democracies, including Peru. ...
Thesis
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Armed conflicts continue to affect the population around the world, with children and the civic society as the most vulnerable targets for the violence. Peace, Security and Strong Institutions comprise goal number 16 in the 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda. However, pacification is still a complex challenge to achieve; especially in developing countries. From 1980 to 2000, Peru in South America went through an internal armed conflict which was the result of the confrontation between the terrorist groups Partido Comunista Sendero Luminoso (PCSL), Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru (MRTA) and the Peruvian Army (EP). Officially 23,969 people were reported dead or missing, however, estimations made by the Commission for Truth and Reconciliation (CVR) determined approximately 69,280 possible deaths as a result of the violence. The most affected population were the rural communities settled in the highlands of Peru. (CVR, 2003) More than 5 000 communities across the national territory had been affected and since 2006, the High-Level Multisectoral Commission for Peace and National Reconciliation (CMAN) has been conducting various programs to give reparations to the victims at an individual and collective level. Specifically, the program of Collective Reparations of the CMAN, aims to repair the damage caused by the conflict in the recognized communities through development projects with a value of 100 000 PEN (27 200 EUR). These projects are chosen by the communities following the procedures of the CMAN. (CVR, 2003) The community of Manyacc in Huancavelica, as one of the affected communities, received one of these development projects, a new road to connect them with the nearby city of Acobamba. Through this case study, this work aims to evaluate the impact of the program in terms of its effectiveness as a collective reparation. The findings of this research will provide information for the future implementation of development projects in the rural communities affected by the Internal Conflict of Peru.
... In her influential genealogy of TJ, Teitel (2003) distinguishes three phases. The first phase includes international law applied against Germany and German officials after World Wars I and II; in particular the Nuremberg trials , which laid the basis for establishing individual responsibility for war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity-and marked the beginning of modern human rights law. 3 The second phase is associated with the political changes brought about by the end of the Cold War (Siegel, 1998). ...
Technical Report
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This report deals with the conditions and challenges for transitional justice in Somalia. It is based on a thorough lietrature research and the collection of primary (interview) data in Mogadishu, Kismayo, Baidoa, Galkayo, and Garowe. The analysis provides insights into the parameters and scope for TJ programming in Somalia and highlights the contradictions and challenges that any process will have to engage in.
... La caracterización como delito permanente tiene una importancia fundamental en relación con el plazo de prescripción del delito, considerándose que éste solo comienza a contarse a partir del momento en que cesa la desaparición, es decir, cuando la 27 Tribunal Constitucional (República Checa), decisión sobre la Ley de Ilegalidad del Régimen Comunista (21 de diciembre de 1993); Tribunal Constitucional (Hungría), decisión sobre prescripción, Nº 2086/A/1991 (5 de marzo de 1992), citados en Posner y Vermeule 2003, p. 796. 28 Stogner v. California, 123 S. Ct. 2446, 2453(2003, citado en Posner y Vermeule 2003, p. 796. 29 Artículo 17 de la Declaración sobre la protección de todas las personas contra la desaparición forzada de personas, Asamblea General de Naciones unidas, Resolución 47/133, 18 de diciembre de 1992; Artículo 8b de la Convención Internacional para la Protección de Todas las Personas contra las Desapariciones Forzadas de 2006. ...
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La tensión dialéctica entre los principios de justicia y legalidad es un componente innato del derecho penal. Cuando los sistemas jurídicos internos se enfrentan al enjuiciamiento de graves violaciones de derechos humanos cometidos por un régimen autoritario anterior esta tensión se hace aún más evidente. En el marco de un Estado democrático de derecho esta cuestión, inherente a la justicia transicional, puede encontrar diversas soluciones que llevarán a resultados radicalmente distintos: desde la impunidad hasta enjuiciamientos sin las debidas garantías. En este trabajo se analiza el conflicto entre estos principios y se exploran técnicas legales e interpretaciones flexibles orientadas a reconciliar las demandas enfrentadas de justicia y legalidad en contextos de justicia transicional.
... A marketplace of ideas, lacking in some emerging democracies with regard to their bitter past, can be promoted by utilizing non-governmental organizations: The Arab Spring provided a tantalizing example of the widespread use of social media, mostly Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter (Tweeter), in non-democratic countries (Ghannam, 2011;Howard et al., 2011;Khamis & Vaughn, 2011). The work of non-governmental organizations, aimed at promoting the right to know, may be able to generate a significant social impact while promoting transitional justice aims (Backer, 2003;Crocker, 1998;Lundy & McGovern, 2008;Teitel, 2003). The use of the Internet not only can offer effective alternatives to official mechanisms but also allows for a vibrant interaction with the public, gradually expanding current perceptions regarding shameful aspects of the past while countering tendencies of self-censorship by offering an authentic, grassroots community, allowing many new voices to emerge. ...
Book
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Self-censorship in contexts of conflict: Theory and research
Article
La justicia transicional es la herramienta jurídico-política que implementa un Estado, en virtud de su soberanía y en cumplimiento de sus obligaciones internacionales, destinado a investigar, judicializar y sancionar penalmente, si fuere el caso, a los presuntos máximos responsables de violaciones graves a los Derechos Humanos o graves infracciones al Derecho Internacional Humanitario, de forma excepcional y bajo garantías procesales reales. Su literatura relacionada es amplia, en cuanto a la conceptualización, y existen definiciones que van desde lo jurídico hasta lo sociológico y antropológico, pasando también por los diferentes escenarios políticos y académicos, a la par de su aplicación práctica, en prioridad de la justicia restaurativa y reparadora sobre la retributiva, con el propósito de superar la violencia generada en los territorios con casos de violaciones graves a los DD. HH. e infracciones al DIH. El presente documento es una revisión de dichos conceptos, su aplicación y perspectivas.
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The article examines how reconciliation is perceived at the individual level. This particular case study analyses what types of reconciliation practices exist in Musha village and whether or not the inhabitants see it as effective ones. In an attempt to investigate the reconciliation definition from the local people’s perspective and to observe their community-level experiences, ethnographic fieldwork in Rwanda has been conducted. This study reveals that locals understand reconciliation in the same way as the government authorities proclaim. Data gathered during this field trip indicate the significance of reconciliation as controlled by the national government. As a consequence, the people are not able, and at the same time, are not really concerned about rethinking reconciliation in other possible ways. Furthermore, this concludes the fact that the central authorities have become able to peacefully construct the narrative of forced reconciliation, while social exclusion in the country still robustly prevails.
Article
Existing research on history education’s role in agendas of transitional justice is focused on societies undertaking regime change or rebuilding after extensive conflict and often centres disciplinary competencies as part of educational reform objectives to support political transition. However, the orientation towards transitional justice in settler colonial democracies such as Australia has prompted debate about the role of history curriculum in transitional contexts where constructivist, discipline-based approaches are already prescribed. While “historical thinking” in Australia has been a pragmatic middle way between polarised single-narrative and deconstructivist paradigms, this article argues that questions of transitional justice return the subjective, contemporary, and political to history education in ways that challenge the scope of disciplinary meaning-making and complicate the civic promises of disciplinary thinking. By discussing examples of how time is presently imagined and engaged using second-order historical thinking concepts, this article engages some key limitations of disciplinary history curriculum vis-à-vis transitional justice. It suggests alternate approaches that stretch the disciplinary paradigm in new directions that carry important implications for other societies engaged in questions of transitional justice.
Article
En este artículo se analiza la situación actual existente en España respecto de la justicia y la reparación de las víctimas del franquismo, cuarenta y tres años después de la muerte de Francisco Franco. La represión del Estado autoritario propició más de 30.000 desaparecidos que todavía hoy, pese a una Ley de Amnistía que data de 1977 y de una Ley de Memoria Histórica creada en 2007, no han sido ni juzgados ni reparada su memoria. Es este un análisis de la impunidad existente en España donde se constata que no sólo no se ha atendido a las víctimas de crímenes de derecho internacional cometidos durante la Guerra Civil y el franquismo en territorio peninsular, sino que incluso, en muchas oportunidades, se ha impedido el acceso a la justicia a las familias de las víctimas. Se concluye la investigación advirtiendo que sin justicia ni reparación no es posible la reconciliación nacional.
Article
This article addresses the historical justice dilemma: although critical memory is indispensable for accountability, efforts to use it are often hampered by the unjust relations and systems that caused the wrongs to which historical justice is compelled to respond in the first place. Contemporary authors tackle this problem by focusing on collective responsibility for structural injustice. This article takes a different tack. Studying closely the 2009–2015 Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) report, it argues that the structural turn may come at the expense of a focus on agency and may thus provide unwitting anonymity for wrongdoers while crimping our thinking about leadership and responsibility. Although this article strongly criticizes the TRC report, it tries to work constructively with it, developing an analysis that compensates for the report's unwitting invisibilization of perpetrators. Distilling portraits and analyses of wrongdoer agency that are latent in the TRC's postwar history volume, this article shows how we can develop the report as a resource of what I call retributive social accountability.
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Cherchant à comprendre les violences commises par la « jeunesse de banlieue » dont les émeutes urbaines de 2005 ont constitué un tournant majeur, Didier Lapeyronnie fut l’un des premiers sociologues français à avoir mis en perspective l’importance de saisir la violence au regard de ses dimensions conflictuelles, subjectives et collectives. Sans dénier le poids des inégalités économiques et sociales et les rapports de pouvoir qui les sous-tendent, son approche de la violence a permis de l’appréhender non plus comme une catégorie négative de la vie sociale relevant de l’anomie ou de l’irrationnel, mais comme une for...
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L’objectif de cet article est d’analyser les enjeux liés à l’introduction de la société civile dans la diffusion des pratiques de justice restaurative au sein du système pénal français. À partir d’une enquête menée auprès d’acteurs de la justice pénale et de données de suivi des mesures mises en œuvre, nous analysons les différentes postures de tiers qui y sont convoquées. Nous montrons qu’en promouvant la participation de la société civile sous la figure d’un tiers-facilitateur, cette adaptation contribue à inscrire les pratiques restauratives en complémentarité du traitement judiciaire classique permettant ainsi de répondre aux freins générés par l’intervention de ce « nouvel acteur » dans la justice pénale.
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Examines the Theory and Practice of Transitional Justice and Argues that TJ Needs to be Better Integrated in All Places Around the World
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This article aims to explain and review the theoretical and normative contexts of Transitional Justice (TJ). This is done as empirical studies or specific settings particularly in the Arab region need to be rooted much more in TJ theory. The article argues that data and statistics need to be used and evaluated and that there needs to be greater use of methodological processes including empirical studies. It is argued that at present, this is not always the case. Similarly, when models are presented or critiqued by practitioners, little regard is given to TJ theory, or the context within which those models operated. Therefore, it is difficult to see what lessons can be learnt for other places even where the context or circumstances are very similar.
Chapter
This chapter goes back to the expression justice in times of transition, common in early reflections on the subject of the accountability of regimes that violate human rights, in order to criticize the chronocentric and chronormative attitude of current transitional justice. We say it is chronocentric because it usually operates with a view to linear chronological time, which is marked by a presentist hegemonic contemporaneity and whose boundaries as to past, future, and other alternative presents are rigidly built. It is chronormative because, by highlighting majoritarian life projects in democracy and rendering subaltern identities and experiences impossible, it strengthens the control over bodies initiated by the regime that violate human rights—and which transitional justice should overcome. As an alternative, a proposal is made for a transition to inclusion, which does not replace the goal of transition to democracy, but which renders it sensitive to constitutionalism, the right to difference, and non-linear and non-normative temporalities. To this end, we suggest a strategy of conjugating the ethics of justice and the ethics of care, which enables the integration of rules, rights, abstract procedures, and sets of principles with intersubjectivity, responsibility, specificity, and the accumulation of local experiences.
Article
The essay aims to exam corporate complicity with authoritarian regimes of the past and contemporary practices for the purposes of developing the body of corporate criminology. The opening of Brazilian criminological research to the role of companies during the military regime shines new lights on corporate accountability and may, when investigating the corporate complicity with authoritarian dynamics, also open new avenues for the transitional justice studies. Especially with regard to the idea of Corporate Transitional Justice, it assumes the need for broader debates about the historical continuum and different forms of business contributions and aspects of harming and victimizing in the corporate field.
Chapter
This chapter presents a comprehensive review of the literature on transitional justice, concentrating on its genealogy and how participation has evolved over time. The transitional justice literature has seen three distinct waves, with the most recent increasingly focused on national ownership and reconciliation, merging local peacebuilding, and local transitional justice research agendas. The importance of the participation of diaspora populations in transitional justice features prominently in this regard.
Chapter
Throughout history, justice in its various forms has played an important role in defining the collective identity and founding myths of a community. In particular, the criminal process has often played an essential part in transition periods in dealing with the past in a post-conflict context. We propose here two case studies which, through comparative researches between Italy and France, highlight the importance of post-war justice in the redefinition and redeployment of national identities from different points of view. The first case study addresses the analysis of the trials held against women who had collaborated with the Republic of Salò and the Vichy regime. The second case concerns the trials of partisans who actively took part in the Resistance in the aftermath of World War II.
Chapter
The connection between ecology and conflict has been the object of extensive study by political scientists and economists. From the contribution of natural resource 'scarcity' to violent unrest and armed conflict; to resource 'abundance' as an incentive for initiating and prolonging armed struggles; to dysfunctional resource management and environmental degradation as obstacles to peacebuilding, this literature has exerted a huge influence upon academic discussions and policy developments. While international law is often invoked as the solution to the socio-environmental challenges faced by conflict-affected countries, its relationship with the ecology of war and peace remains undertheorised. Drawing upon environmental justice perspectives and other theoretical traditions, the book unpacks and problematizes some of the assumptions that underlie the legal field. Through an analysis of the practice of international courts, the UN Security Council, and Truth Commissions, it shows how international law silences and even normalizes forms of structural and slow environmental violence.
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Transitional justice is conventionally theorized as how a society deals with past injustices after regime change and alongside democratization. Nonetheless, scholars have not reached a consensus on what is to be included or excluded. Recent ideas of transformative justice seek to expand the understanding of transitional justice to include systemic restructuring and socioeconomic considerations. In the context of Nicaragua— where two transitions occurred within an 11-year span— very little transitional justice took place, in terms of the conventional concept of top-down legalistic mechanisms; however, distinct structural changes and socioeconomic policies can be found with each regime change. By analyzing the transformative justice elements of Nicaragua’s dual transition, this chapter seeks to expand the understanding of transitional justice to include how these factors influence goals of transitions such as sustainable peace and reconciliation for past injustices. The results argue for increased attention to transformative justice theories and a more nuanced conception of justice.
Article
This article explores the tension between the theoretical conceptualisations of liberal peace, transitional justice and reconciliation by focusing on power sharing as a liberal peace institution-building mechanism. Power sharing is based on the premise that identities in conflict in deeply divided societies are difficult, if not impossible, to change. The article outlines the limitations of liberal peace by demonstrating how the implementation of power-sharing arrangements creates a political reality in which conflict patterns are further entrenched, thus hindering the prospects of conflict transformation. In order to address the limitations of liberal peace, the article draws on models of transformative justice to highlight the growing need for a new conceptualisation of reconciliation as a political and transformative concept, in which both justice and reconciliation are recognised as intrinsic goals for post-conflict societies. Thus, the re-establishment of political structures and institutional reforms is envisaged not only as a tool to promote political stability, but as a means of facilitating transformation in conflict patterns in the political and social spheres.
Chapter
As the prosecution of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is vested with discretion with respect to the investigation and indictment on serious international crimes, its practice has often been challenged even by member states to the ICC Statute that are directly concerned with the case in question. In particular, African states have expressly demonstrated their critical attitudes toward the recent judicial activities of the ICC. Although such criticism has partially been grounded on the arguable assumption regarding the concept of immunity of senior state officials, it may be recognized as more or less reflecting the unstable legal structure on which the ICC and international community itself is grounded. Meanwhile, with respect to indirect enforcement of international criminal law, the significance of the prosecution itself has occasionally been questioned in some aspects. Although a direction toward formulating a general obligation to prosecute crimes under international law in the strict sense, or core crimes, may be observed, such a direction apparently confronts other types of state practices and accompanying discussions on transitional justice, which have often been evaluated by the United Nations. International rulemaking in the aspect of indirect enforcement seems to have encountered the problem of sorting out these different views and practices.
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Универзитетски учебник за предметот Транзициска правда Text-book on Transitional Justice (in Macedonian)
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Bruno Tesch fue juzgado y ejecutado porque su empresa vendía el gas Zyklon B utilizado en los campos de concentración de la Alemania Nazi. Este libro examina este juicio y más de 300 actores económicos que enfrentaron juicios por crímenes de lesa humanidad cometidos durante el Holocausto. A la vez, recopila y analiza diferentes mecanismos de justicia transicional que propiciaron la rendición de cuentas de actores económicos por su participación en violaciones de los derechos humanos durante dictaduras y conflictos armados en todo el mundo. Analiza juicios internacionales, extranjeros y domésticos, así como comisiones de la verdad desde los años setenta hasta el presente en todas las regiones del mundo. El libro indaga sobre los esfuerzos de rendición de cuentas, por qué ocurren, cuándo, dónde y cómo se desarrollan. El análisis se sustenta en una base de datos original de las autoras que les permite concluir que “la rendición de cuentas desde abajo” está en camino, particularmente en Latinoamérica. El texto usa la analogía de la palanca de Arquímedes que ilustra cómo las herramientas correctas en manos de actores débiles pueden levantar el peso de la impunidad y lograr la rendición de cuentas por la complicidad empresarial, aun cuando, por un lado, no existe una presión internacional que allane ese camino y, por el otro, algunos actores económicos despliegan su poder de veto para bloquear los intentos de terminar con la impunidad.
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Indigenous Women’s Writing and the Cultural Study of Law explores Indigenous women’s writing in the post-civil rights period through close-reading analysis of major texts by Leslie Marmon Silko, Beatrice Culleton Mosionier, Louise Erdrich, and Winona LaDuke. Working within a transnational framework that compares multiple tribal national contexts and U.S.-Canadian settler colonialism, IWW discusses how these Indigenous writers use storytelling to engage in social justice activism by contesting discriminatory tribal membership codes, critiquing the dispossession of Indigenous women from their children, challenging dehumanizing blood quantum codes, and protesting colonial forms of land dispossession. Situated at the intersections of critical race, Indigenous feminist, and social justice theories, the book crafts an Indigenous-feminist literary model in order to demonstrate how Indigenous women respond to the narrow vision of law by recuperating other relationships–to themselves, the land, the community, and the settler-nation.
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The aim of this paper is to provide an insight into how knowledge about dr. Franjo Tuđman was internationally created, namely the international context in which scientists and experts have produced factual truths about Croatia’s First President’s leadership, his role and accountability in the events that have marked the violent disintegration of former Yugoslavia, Croatia’s war of defense, and democratic transition. Developed discourse of the international scholarship about Yugoslav wars of disintegration and Croatia’s painful democratic transition is analyzed to determine how and in what way Dr. Franjo Tuđman is represented in selected publications available to the author of this paper. International scholarly production under the review is rather multidisciplinary with a variety of approaches, methodologies and theories providing rich data which in this case is stud�ied juxtaposed to dominant transitional justice discourse framework. Such qualitative sociological research tries to deconstruct international scholar�ly context in which factual truths about dr. Franjo Tuđman were socially constructed by scholars and experts. Even though not always framed un�der the umbrella of transitional justice scholarship, developed discourse is nonetheless analyzed through critical lenses of social constructivism and approached in post-modernist sociological manner.
Chapter
The notion of human rights has rapidly evolved in the last century to become an important tool of protection in the face of oppression. But what happens if human rights are violated? How can a society address this and move forward? Transitional justice processes seek to address the human rights abuses of the past while simultaneously creating a culture of respect for human rights in the future. This chapter will provide a brief discussion of the theoretical foundations of the concepts of human rights and transitional justice, and the connections between them. It outlines the essential characteristics of human rights, and then the five key elements that form the core of the concept of transitional justice: truth, justice, reparations, memory, and guarantees of non-repetition.
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