Tanzania in transition: From Nyerere to Mkapa



This book is the first comprehensive contribution to understanding the character of important societal transitions in Tanzania during Benjamin Mkapa's presidency (1995- 2005). The analyses of the trajectory of these transitions are conducted against the background of the development model of Tanzanian's first president, Julius Nyerere (1961-1985), a model with lasting influence on the country. This approach enables an understanding of continuities and discontinuities in Tanzania over time in areas such as development strategy an ideology, agrarian-land, gender and forestry issues, economic liberalization, development assistance, corruption and political change. The period of Mkapa's presidency is particularly important because it represents the first phase of Tanzania's multi- party political system. Mkapa's government initially faced a gloomy economic situation. Although Mkapa's crusade against corruption lost direction, his presidency was characterised by relatively high growth rates and a stable macro-economy. Rural and agrarian transitions were dominated by diversification rather than productivity growth and transformation. Rural attitudes in favour of land markets emerged only slowly but formal land disputes showed more respect for women's rights. Some space emerged for widening local participation in forest management, but rural dynamics was mainly found in trading settlements feeding on economic liberalization and artisanal mining. The transitions documented and analysed of Mkapa's presidency, however, indicate only limited transformational change. Rural poverty is therefore likely to remain deep and the sustainability of economic development to be at risk in the future. Mkapa was, however, able to protect the legacy of peace and political stability of Nyerere, but there were nevertheless important challenges to the first multiparty elections and governance, and particularly in Zanzibar. The post- script (covering 2005 2010), indicates that the incumbent president, Jakaya Kikwete, has yet to prove that he can change this legacy of Mkapa. Co-published with the Nordic Africa Institute and the Sokoine University of Agriculture, the contributions to the eleven chapters of this book are evenly shared between Tanzanian, Nordic and other European researchers with a long-term commitment to Tanzanian development research. he book is dedicated to the youth of Tanzania.
... The nationalist ideology was implemented through the modernization of economy. The state took itself as an actor and agent for the modernization process with the aim to promote socio economic growth and the provision of basic needs [20] while the local government was used as a vehicle for improving the provision of basic services. To that effect, it was necessary to establish an overall local government system [28] . ...
... Despite the introduction of a local government system, the gap between the government and the people widened and the vision of social equality and justice which were embedded in the nationalist movement was threatened [20] . Following that, from 1964 centralization was strengthened and the channels for citizens" participation were closed [20] . ...
... Despite the introduction of a local government system, the gap between the government and the people widened and the vision of social equality and justice which were embedded in the nationalist movement was threatened [20] . Following that, from 1964 centralization was strengthened and the channels for citizens" participation were closed [20] . Authoritarian government gained foot and the economic activities were also centralized [20] . ...
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Counter factual reasoning is a concept that involves constructive representation in which the researchers imagine the alternative to existing theoretical assumption, constructs and models. In this article, the concept is applied to develop an alternative thinking concerning the performance of decentralized system of public administration in Tanzania. Overall, a theory of public administration predicts four main objectives to be realized by the decentralized system. This includes improved local democracy, allocative efficiency, cost efficiency and tailor made services. On the contrary, in developing countries and Tanzania in particular, these objectives have not been fully attained. Although a theory and empirical literature suggest some factors explaining its short fall, overall it does not paint a full picture on the factors which are responsible for its failure. Instead, the mainstream literature focus on formal design of the system and the availability of resources and it neglects the informal institutions which guide the behavior of the actors involved in service delivery. In order to shed light on this puzzle, this article uses problematization method of counterfactual reasoning to develop an alternative model. The model is grounded on social logical institutionalism which suggests that goals and interests of actors are not given by nature, but result from the expectations created by the formal and informal institutions. This suggest that to understand why the performance of the decentralized system falls short, it is necessary to take into account: the formal institutions, the informal institutions and the availability of resources as a condition for service delivery. Therefore, unlike the default model which suggest two variables: the design of the system and the availability of resources, the alternative model suggest three variables: the formal design of the system, informal institutions and the availability of resources as explanatory factors to the performance of decentralized system of public administration in Tanzania.
... Many structural barriers to birth registration are associated with the austerity measures placed on public services in many developing countries as a result of structural adjustment policies (Ferguson 2006;Tripp 1997;Gupta 2012). In Tanzania, structural adjustment programs have resulted in funding and staffing cuts impacting most services; charging user fees for basic public services (including birth registration) at rates that are beyond the means of most people; and privatization of many health and education services rendering them unaffordable for lower income families (Lugalla 1995, Turshen 1999Vavrus 2005;Havnevik and Isinika 2010). Additional structural factors specific to birth registration include the lack publicly available user-friendly information about how the birth registration process should work, and the confusing and time-consuming bureaucracy associated with the multi-step registration process. ...
Birth registration is a basic human right. It is also considered a ‘gateway right’ which aids in the realization of many other civil, political, economic and social rights. After decades as an ‘orphan’ policy issue, birth registration is gaining prominence among experts and policy actors in the fields of international development and global health. This article examines the challenges of improving birth registration policy and implementation in Tanzania, which has one of the lowest rates of birth registration in the world. Ethnographic interviews with families and government workers in Dar es Salaam reveal that policies intended to discipline families into registering children’s births promptly instead serve to create numerous barriers to birth registration. This case study contributes to a greater understanding of the unintended consequences of policy implementation in developing country contexts, demonstrating the importance of ethnographic studies that examine the perspectives of both the targets and the implementers of policies.
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Over the past decade, agricultural investment has been presented as a catchall solution to a converging set of global crises, often with poor rural communities as the proclaimed beneficiaries. Yet the promises of such investment, such as poverty alleviation and improved food access, are routinely at odds with realities on the ground. This article offers frameworks for analysis of agricultural investment that are grounded in the realities of small-scale food providers, drawing from two studies. The first study employs a right to food framework to identify the main channels through which food for consumption is procured by small-scale food providers and the factors impacting these channels. It draws on empirical data from within the Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania (SAGCOT), an investment model promised to lift rural communities out of poverty, which reflects a regional trend. Based on the shortcomings of the large-scale investments examined, the second study employs a food sovereignty framework to explore alternative forms of investment envisioned and/or already being put into practice by small-scale food providers in the SAGCOT area and elsewhere in Tanzania. While two different frameworks formed the basis of two different studies, both the studies and their frameworks are interrelated. The final section of this article makes the case for why both the right to food and food sovereignty are essential lenses for understanding agricultural investment vis-à-vis small-scale food providers and the ways in which they can serve as complementary tools for effective analysis.
The October Russian Revolution of 1917 inaugurated the era of social transformation challenging the dominance of global capitalism.¹ It set in motion two lineages, one tracing its ancestry directly to October and its Marxist leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Among these must be included the Chinese revolution of 1949, the Vietnamese revolution of 1945, and the Cuban revolution of 1959. The second lineage is that of national liberation movements in the former colonized countries of Africa and Asia. Tanzania’s independence movement Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) under the leadership of Julius Nyerere was one such national-popular movement that questioned both capitalism and imperialism with its blueprint called the Arusha Declaration: policy of socialism and self-reliance proclaimed in 1967. This essay focuses on Nyerere’s philosophical and political outlook and his contentious relationship with Marxism. It also documents the intellectual history of Marxist ideas in Tanzania.
This paper revisits the World Bank's land law reform agenda in Africa by focusing on two central issues: (1) land law reform as a tool for resolving land conflicts, and (2) the role of land law reform in addressing gender inequalities. While the Bank's recent land report provides insights for improving land governance in Africa, it fails to acknowledge the exploitative and contentious politics that often characterize customary land tenure systems, and the local power dynamics that undermine the ability of marginalized groups to secure land rights. Using insights from recent fieldwork, the paper analyses the links between land law reform and conflict in Ghana, and the gendered dynamics of reforming land governance in Tanzania. These “crucial cases” illustrate how land law reform can provoke conflicts over land and threaten the rights of vulnerable populations (e.g. migrants and women) when customary practices are uncritically endorsed as a means of improving land governance. As such, the paper concludes with a series of recommendations on how to navigate the promise and perils of customary practices in the governance of land.
In this chapter Elbra provides an overview of the gold mining industry in Ghana, South Africa and Tanzania. The chapter begins with an overview of African gold mining, its relative importance to the global economy and developing African countries and concludes with an in-depth discussion of each country. It is demonstrated that all three countries share a history of poor natural resource governance, resulting in the negative outcomes associated with the resource curse. While in all three cases GDP per capita has increased in tandem with government revenues from mining, entrenched poverty, inequality and social malaise, such as a failure to improve health and educational outcomes, have remained. Overall, it is shown that these countries remain resource cursed.
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