With the passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), trade between the three signatory countries (i.e., Canada, Mexico, and the United States) has dramatically increased, significantly shifting traditional patterns of production, distribution, and transport. Trade traffic across all modes of transport, including highway, rail, and air, has increased, often overwhelming the
... [Show full abstract] capacity of existing infrastructure, particularly along the border where 60–80 percent of goods are transported by truck. The value of "just-in-time" delivery and the cost of delay have risen sharply and in tandem, prompting analyses and assessments of the capacity of the current transportation infrastructure to absorb increased trade flows and to ensure future mobility. The capacity of the transportation infrastructure to respond and absorb these growing trade flows has emerged as the "linchpin" of liberalized trade—with the concept of the "NAFTA trade corridor" gaining traction. Broadly defined, the corridors comprise the transportation infrastructure and systems that facilitate the flow of traffic both within and across North American borders, particularly those traffic flows prompted by the trade liberalization of NAFTA. In the absence of a uniform definition or objective indicators that coherently distinguish a NAFTA trade corridor from another segment of interstate highway, discussions of specific routes and their proposed designation as a NAFTA corridor are inherently dynamic, inextricably political, and typically, highway-centered. Various "corridors" have been put forth, with competition among routes, both extant and proposed, increasingly fierce.