No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Dynamics of Socialist Nation-Building: The Short Lived Programme of Promoting a Yugoslav National Identity and Some Comparative Perspectives
Abstract
Adopting a historical perspective, the article discusses the politics of nation building in Socialist Yugoslavia and the dialectics between Yugoslav national identity and national identities developed in the Federation's constitutive republics.
... See Bossuyt,[469][470][471][472][473][474][475][476][477][478][493][494][495][496][497][498][499] These questions will be examined on the basis of the different dimensions concerning effective participation of minorities contained in the Lund Recommendations. 5 Interpretations of relevant treaty bodies, in this case judgments of the European Court of Human Rights and recommendations of the Advisory Committee on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities 6 are reviewed within the dimensions of effective participation contained in the LR. It is recognized that judgments of the European Court of Human Rights (hereinafter: the ECtHR) and recommendations of the Advisory Committee (hereinafter: the AC) have very different legal impacts on States, 7 but that both are nonetheless to be understood as authoritative interpretations of their respective conventions (and from time to time, they make reference to each other's praxis). ...
... Conditionality in general terms is usually defined as "a basic strategy through which international institutions promote compliance by national governments" and "a mutual arrangement by which a government takes, or promises to take, certain policy actions." 5 The CoE and NATO formulated political conditionality within their membership policy. These political requirements, however, remained strictly consistent with their organizational goals: human rights protection, 3 , 1999). ...
... Soon after international recognition, on 4 May 1992 Croatia obtained the status of a "special guest" with the CoE. On 11 September 1992, Croatia submitted an application to the CoE and was admitted on 6 November 1996. 4 In the early 2000s, soon after the death of the authoritarian leader Franjo Tuđman, Croatia was engaged in the process of democratic transition, 5 as well as in the negotiation process to join the EU. Indeed, Croatia officially applied to the EU on 21 February 2003 and was recognized as an applicant country in June 2004. ...
... Several federal historiographic projects started around that time, including the EJ, with the majority of historians supporting the new, integrative concept of Yugoslavism. However, by the early 1960s the communist leadership had abandoned the idea of a Yugoslav nation (Grandits 2008). Indeed, most Yugoslav historians of the time, if they had not already begun to do so, turned to work lying within the spheres of their ethnonational cultures (Brunnbauer 2012). ...
The Encyclopedia of Yugoslavia (Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, EJ) was the flagship project of socialist Yugoslav nation-building in the fields of culture and academic knowledge. The first edition of the EJ was published in one Serbo-Croatian version (1955–1971), but the unfinished second edition of the EJ (1980–90) appeared in Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian in Latin and in Cyrillic script, Macedonian, Hungarian, and Albanian versions. The EJ was transformed from a staunchly federalist Yugoslav cultural platform of the 1950s, which supported Yugoslav unitarism, to one that strongly affirmed the nation-building(s) of the republics and autonomous provinces, thereby reflecting the decentralist remodeling of Yugoslavia from the late 1960s onwards. Using the examples of the two articles on “Albanians” and “Albanian-Yugoslav relations” in the EJ in their 1955, 1980, and 1983 versions, the authors elaborate on the political struggles within the Yugoslav ruling elite and within academia.
... zwischen von allen ernst zu nehmenden Instanzen als Unsinn verworfen. Tatsächlich waren während des Sozialismus in Jugoslawien weder die nationalen Zugehörigkeiten per se noch ihre offene Äußerung verboten oder unterdrückt. Vielmehr wurde eine Art sozialistischer Nationsbildung gefördert und brachte manche der heutigen Völker erst überhaupt hervor.(Grandits 2008; Brunnbauer / Grandits 2013) ...
The focus of the study is the Serbian diaspora in Germany. It includes approximately 230.000 Serbian nationals (as of 2015) of which the majority has an own migration experience, which in turn is to be dated primarily to the periods of massive migration from (the former) Yugoslavia in the late 1960s and since the early 1990s respectively. Objectives of the whole project, whose main result is the present study, were (1) the systematic research of the historical and current situation of the Serbian diaspora in Germany; (2) the summary of the diaspora policy of the Republic of Serbia; (3) the creation of a mapping of Serbian (diaspora) organizations in Germany; and (4) the formulation of recommendations for the development-oriented integration of the diaspora (organisations, associations and individuals) as agents in the fields of action of the Programme Migration for Development (PME).
The profile of the Serbian diaspora in Germany presented here is the result of the examination carried out in the period between April and July 2016 and is based upon both a quantitative and a qualitative analysis. Firstly, for this purpose, German and Serbian statistical material was evaluated. Secondly, the relevant scientific literature focusing on the topics of diaspora and migration was evaluated: This included current political science, sociological and economic studies as well as a large number of historical, ethnological and linguistic and cultural scientific works. Thirdly, new sources used for analysis were generated by several expert interviews, informal discussions and an online survey conducted specifically for the purposes of the study. Fourthly, as part of the overall project, an extensive list of Serbian (diaspora) associations was created and evaluated, which represents a good overview of contacts to Germany-based Serbian migrant organizations, clubs and associations as well as networks.
The paper is focused on Slovene and Serbian state socialist experts and their role in the scientific field of researching the Yugoslav national question in the first half of the 1960s, with emphasis on their research and debates regarding the concept of national Yugoslavism. The institutes being examined are the Institute for Ethnic Studies (Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja, INV) in Ljubljana and the Institute of Social Sciences (Institut društvenih nauka, IDN) in Belgrade. In the early 1960s, Yugoslav soft nation-building reached its peak with the famous Ćosić–Pirjevec debate. The latter coincided with the end of the ‘transitional period’ at INV and its new leadership under Drago Druškovič. Some Serbian lawyers shifted the fight for the establishment of a socialist Yugoslav nation from political debates to the Yugoslav Association for International Law, where the dispute reached a climax in late 1964. With the abandonment of the Yugoslav national idea, IDN prepared an ambitious programme of researching Yugoslav interethnic relations, which would include several institutions from all Yugoslav republics. The League of Communists of Yugoslavia financed research on interethnic relations in Yugoslavia to create ‘correct’ policies with regard to the national question. Huge amounts of data were collected (public opinion polls, newspaper clippings) and analysed by the research institutions mentioned earlier, which often gave expert opinions to leading Communists. In the late 1960s, amateur research and opinion polling conducted by Yugoslav newspapers challenged the monopoly of the Party on the scientific research field of interethnic relations. Thus, in the early 1970s, the Party struggled to retake control.
The article analyses how the first edition of the Encyclopedia of Yugoslavia (1955–1971) treated the Ottoman history and Islamo-Ottoman cultural legacy. The article is based on encyclopedic articles, documents related to the editing and writing of the encyclopedia and marginalia written by the editor-in-chief of the project. The first edition of the EJ was affected – albeit inconsistently – by the officially sanctioned anti-Ottoman discourse that presented this era as the time of oppression and backwardness. The Ottoman history in Bosnia was seen as an important topic and it was given a large space. In contrast to the articles on ideologically important topics, a large portion of articles on Ottoman history was written in a neutral manner. The Islamo-Ottoman contributions to Bosnian cultural legacy were marginalized as part of the deliberate editorial policy. This policy changed only in the last, 8th, volume reflecting political changes in the country.
This article analyses the relationship between socialist Yugoslavism and national minorities in a crucial phase of Yugoslavia's post-World War II evolution. It focuses on the contested multicultural Upper Adriatic borderland, specifically on the city of Rijeka–Fiume, the main Italian minority centre in the Federation. Considering both local and broader federal dynamics, as well as Yugoslavia's nascent non-aligned foreign policy, this urban-centred analysis suggests that the insistence on Yugoslavism produced significant contradictions in political relations towards minorities, contributing to the evolution of socialist Yugoslavia's ideological and political system in the early 1960s.
Following Stalin’s interpretations of the Lenin’s thesis on the merging of the nations, the Yugoslav communists first needed to “push” all nations to the same level of development. After the Tito-Stalin split in 1948, the soft Yugoslav nation-building project was accelerated. During the 1950s, national Yugoslavism was stimulated in a latent way through language, culture, censuses, and changes in the constitutional and socialist system. By the end of the 1950s, the Yugoslav socialist national idea reached its peak with the 1958 Party Congress. Nevertheless, with the economic crisis in the early 1960s, and the famous Ćosić-Pirjevec debate on Yugoslavism, the Yugoslav national idea declined. This was evident on the level of the personal, national identifications of the Party members, but also in the ideological shift of the Party’s chief ideologue Edvard Kardelj. Yet, the concept of Yugoslavism was redefined in the second half of the 1960s without ethnic or national connotations. Two Yugoslavisms were created: a socialist one propagated by the Party and a national one that lived among the population in small proportions. Although the Yugoslavs were never recognized as a nation, that did not stop them from publicly advocating for their national rights.
During the 1960s, the Yugoslav Socialist authorities gradually recognised Bosnia and Herzegovina's Muslims as a nation. Interestingly, in the 1940s, the Yugoslav Communist leaders refused to consider Muslims even as an ethnic group and saw them only as a religious community whose members had to designate themselves as Serbs or Croats. Why did the regime decide to recognise Muslims as a nation in the 1960s, whereas 20 years earlier they supported the opposite position? To understand the shift, this nation-building process must be understood as the result of a dual dynamic on the federal and the republican level, where important changes occurred. At the federal one, the Communist authorities initiated a decentralisation process within the context of Yugoslav self-management in the 1950s, which significantly reinforced the republic elites. This coincided with the resurgence of the national question in the whole of Yugoslavia. Simultaneously, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a new elite progressively rose to power in the 1960s and put the ‘Muslim question’ on the political agenda. This led to the gradual increase in status of the Muslims from a religious community to an ethnic group at the beginning of the 1960s and then to a nation at the end of the decade.
In post-1991 Macedonia, Barok furniture came to represent affluence and success during a period of transition to a new market economy. This furniture marked the beginning of a larger Baroque style that influenced not only interior decorations in people's homes but also architecture and public spaces. By tracing the signifier Baroque, the book examines the reconfiguration of hierarchical relations among (ethnic) groups, genders, and countries in a transnational context. Investigating how Baroque has come to signify larger social processes and transformations in the current rebranding of the country, the book reveals the close link between aesthetics and politics, and how ethno-national conflicts are reflected in visually appealing ornamentation.
This paper identifies art festivals and heritage venues as central pillars in contemporary politics in the Republic of Macedonia. While focusing on the venues used during the Ohrid Summer Festival, my analysis expands on the wider performative aspect of politics shaped by the 2001 conflict with the Albanian insurgents and the conflict with Greece around the name Macedonia that has additionally added performative elements of pronounced emphasis on Christianity and antiquity. These political performative practices reveal the critical role that the country's pending accession to the EU has had on the ideological struggles within and outside the country, and the centrality of high culture in the conduct of ethno-national and international politics.
The 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina instituted ethnic quotas between Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats: the three “constituent peoples.” This institutionalization of ethnicity, criticized by some contemporary authors, is often seen as a creation of the peace agreement. Interestingly, several scholars deem such proportional representation a legacy from socialist times. But the existing literature lacks a historical perspective on the question of ethnic quotas. In addressing this issue, this paper reminds one of the existence of ethnic quotas, called the “national key,” during socialist times. A deeper analysis of the “national key” in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and of the ethnic quotas in the last two decades shows, interestingly, more differences than continuity. The article concludes that few similarities and more differences can be observed between the two periods, especially regarding the legal aspects of the “national key,” in ideological justification and in the conceptions based on parity or proportional representation.
This volume is a collection of essays focusing on performance and public rituals in four South-Eastern European countries: Macedonia, Montenegro, Moldova, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The “ambiguous” nation-building of the four nation-states is a process of imagining the political community of the nations that “always necessitates—even presupposes—the imagining of an international community, a ‘Family of Nations’” (Malkki, Liisa. 1994. “Citizens of Humanity: Internationalism and the Imagined Community of Nations.” Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 3: 41–68, 62). Thus, we offer an approach to nation-building that is revealing of how performance, rituals and politics are at the heart of the new and ambiguous nation-building in the region of South-Eastern Europe. The articles address the intersection between nation-building, the state and public performance/rituals in (post)socialist timeframes and show how sovereignty of a nation-state is constructed, performed, and disseminated through public rituals, festivals, and practices.
This article explores why the Arabs chose to keep a common language, while the Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks and Montenegrins chose not to. The study argues that the main reason for this can be found in the ideological constrains resulting out of the salience and interaction between different religious and ethnic group building projects in former Yugoslavia and the Arab states. Political elites in both regions favored the ethnic and religious category to different extents. Language planning reflected and implemented the respective ideological imperatives resulting out of these processes. This led to different approaches in defining the common language and its subsequent standardization.
The All-Union Congress of Soviets ratified the Constitution of the USSR on 31 January 1924 and, according to traditional narratives, brought the formation of the Soviet Union to a close. The very same day, a group of leading ethnographers met at the Academy of Sciences in Petrograd to discuss a directive they had received from the Soviet of Nationalities: define nationality, determine “rational criteria” for classifying the population in the first All-Union Census, and notify the Central Statistical Administration as soon as possible. The legal formation of the Soviet Union had been completed, but the state-building process, which involved “re-imagining” the former Russian empire as a socialist federation of nationalities, was just getting under way. This essay argues that the classification of Soviet citizens by nationality in the All-Union Censuses of 1926, 1937, and 1939 was a fundamental component of the creation of the multinational state. The very establishment of the census category nationality marked a critical break with the tsarist regime, which had categorized its subjects on the basis of religion and native language. Ethnographers, statisticians, and linguists from Minsk to Vladivostok who formulated questionnaires and drew up lists of nationalities for all three censuses used their expertise to divine order out of chaos and create a new definitional grid. Not only did they have to decide which tribes, clans, and peoples belonged to which nationality, they also had to figure out what “nationality” meant.
Le nationalisme est un sentiment directement lie a l'ideologie sovietique, qui contrairement a l'unite apparente, pronait les droits nationaux et la creation des nations toujours oppressees. La liberation nationale ne concernait pas seulement la Russie, mais bien toutes les communautes qui partageaient histoire, territoire, langue et culture. L'effort de l'A. se concentre sur la vehemence des efforts bolsheviks au nom du particularisme ethnique, qui hostiles et sans concession pour les droits individuels ont favorise les droits de groupes, qui ne coincidaient pas forcement avec les attentes du proletariat. Curieusement, le premier Etat des travailleurs et des paysans, fut aussi le premier Etat a institutionnaliser le federalisme ethnoterritorial, a classifier tous les citoyens en fonction de leurs nationalites biologiques et a prescrire officiellement des traitements preferentiels a certaines populations definies ethniquement x
A surprising look at the causes of the dissolution of Czechoslovakia. How is it that Czechoslovakia's separation into two countries in 1993 was accomplished so peacefullyââ¬âespecially when compared with the experiences of its neighbors Russia and Yugoslavia? This book provides a sociological answer to this questionââ¬âand an empirical explanation for the breakup of Czechoslovakiaââ¬âby tracing the political processes begun in the Prague Spring of 1968. Gil Eyal's main argument is that Czechoslovakia's breakup was caused by a struggle between two factions of what sociologists call "the new class," which consisted primarily of intellectuals and technocrats. Focusing on the process of polarization that created these two factionsââ¬âand two distinct political elitesââ¬âEyal shows how in response to the events of the ill-fated Prague Spring Czech and Slovak members of the new class embarked on divergent paths and developed radically different, even opposed, identities, worldviews, and interests. Unlike most accounts of postcommunist nationalist conflict, this book suggests that what bound together each of these factions-and what differentiated each from the otherââ¬âwere not national identities and nationalist sentiments per se, but their distinctive visions of the social role of intellectuals. Gil Eyal is associate professor of sociology at Columbia University.
Dissertation (Ph.D.)--University of Michigan.
Das Projekt jugoslawischer Identitätsbildung nach 1945: Perspektiven auf den Alltag
- Hannes Grandits
Grandits, Hannes (2000). Das Projekt jugoslawischer Identitätsbildung nach 1945: Perspektiven auf den Alltag. Tagungsband des 4. Österreichischen Zeitgeschichtetags.
Graz, 145-155.
Sozialismus und Pluralismus in Jugoslawien. Entwicklung und Demokratiepotential des selbstverwaltungssystems
- Wolfgang Höpken
Höpken, Wolfgang (1984). Sozialismus und Pluralismus in Jugoslawien. Entwicklung und
Demokratiepotential des selbstverwaltungssystems. München: Oldenbourg.
Jugoslavija -država koja je odumrla. Uspon, kriza i pad Četvrte Jugoslavije
- Dejan Jović
Jović, Dejan (2003). Jugoslavija -država koja je odumrla. Uspon, kriza i pad Četvrte
Jugoslavije. Zagreb, Beograd: Prometej, Samizdat B92.
Razvoj slovenačkog nacionalnog pitanja. Sa slovenačkog preveo
- Edvard Kardelj
Kardelj, Edvard (1958). Razvoj slovenačkog nacionalnog pitanja. Sa slovenačkog preveo
Z. Tkalec. Beograd: Kultura.
Der Marxismus und die nationale Frage
- Josef Stalin
Stalin, Josef (1950). Der Marxismus und die nationale Frage [1913].