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... In the prison literature, as summarized by Norman (2017), sport is examined from two perspectives. On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). ...
... On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). Norman argues that sport can further be used by the management 'to control both the prisoners' behaviour and to impose a particular moral or ideological order upon prisoners' (2017, p. 600). ...
... While the literature points out that sports provide prisoners with resources to perform masculinity and create a hierarchical and violent inmate culture (see, e.g. Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001;Sabo et al., 2001), these elements did not emerge during my fieldwork. I assume that this is in part because such dynamics are more common among younger prisoners. ...
... In the prison literature, as summarized by Norman (2017), sport is examined from two perspectives. On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). ...
... On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). Norman argues that sport can further be used by the management 'to control both the prisoners' behaviour and to impose a particular moral or ideological order upon prisoners' (2017, p. 600). ...
... While the literature points out that sports provide prisoners with resources to perform masculinity and create a hierarchical and violent inmate culture (see, e.g. Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001;Sabo et al., 2001), these elements did not emerge during my fieldwork. I assume that this is in part because such dynamics are more common among younger prisoners. ...
This chapter presents the theoretical framework of the study. In this book, the prison and the experience of imprisonment are analysed using space, time and embodiment as key concepts. The study adopts a phenomenological and pragmatist perspective, drawing on the notion of inhabiting . The chapter argues that this analytical approach provides a unique and fruitful perspective on the prison and the subjective experience of incarceration. First, it allows us to understand the prison not as a space in the sense of a (pre-defined) container, but as a formally established set of arrangements of space and time that are lived . Second, the concept of inhabiting enables us to refocus the lens of prison studies away from the often-applied framework of power and resistance and, instead, to explore prisoners’ embodied, agentic and practical engagement with imprisonment.
... In the prison literature, as summarized by Norman (2017), sport is examined from two perspectives. On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). ...
... On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). Norman argues that sport can further be used by the management 'to control both the prisoners' behaviour and to impose a particular moral or ideological order upon prisoners' (2017, p. 600). ...
... While the literature points out that sports provide prisoners with resources to perform masculinity and create a hierarchical and violent inmate culture (see, e.g. Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001;Sabo et al., 2001), these elements did not emerge during my fieldwork. I assume that this is in part because such dynamics are more common among younger prisoners. ...
The conclusion reviews the main insights of this book, emphasizing both the importance of viewing incarceration as a lived experience and the necessity of taking seriously the institutional constraints and challenges of prison policy today. Without amalgamating prisoners’ perspectives into an ‘average’ viewpoint, it provides a summary of the main findings around four over-arching issues faced by prisoners who are doing indefinite time: the continual shifting between hope and resignation; the need to maintain a sense of self and personal integrity; the continued need for social belonging and recognition; and the constant ambivalence caused by the fact that experiences of relative freedom available through leisure activities are also poignant reminders of the realities of captivity.
... In the prison literature, as summarized by Norman (2017), sport is examined from two perspectives. On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). ...
... On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). Norman argues that sport can further be used by the management 'to control both the prisoners' behaviour and to impose a particular moral or ideological order upon prisoners' (2017, p. 600). ...
... While the literature points out that sports provide prisoners with resources to perform masculinity and create a hierarchical and violent inmate culture (see, e.g. Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001;Sabo et al., 2001), these elements did not emerge during my fieldwork. I assume that this is in part because such dynamics are more common among younger prisoners. ...
This chapter focuses on the prisoners’ spatial, temporal and embodied experience of and during the particular part of the day that is labelled and organized by the prison as ‘leisure time’, taking place in a wide range of contexts. After a brief description of the legal and institutional norms and rules regarding leisure time in Swiss prisons, it presents the prisoners’ multiple approaches to doing leisure time, during which they have various opportunities to encounter the outside world. It is argued that these moments generally intensify their lives and allow them to feel free, or less imprisoned, but at the same time cause them to become intensely aware of their imprisonment, of what they have lost, miss and will probably never experience again.
... In the prison literature, as summarized by Norman (2017), sport is examined from two perspectives. On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). ...
... On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). Norman argues that sport can further be used by the management 'to control both the prisoners' behaviour and to impose a particular moral or ideological order upon prisoners' (2017, p. 600). ...
... While the literature points out that sports provide prisoners with resources to perform masculinity and create a hierarchical and violent inmate culture (see, e.g. Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001;Sabo et al., 2001), these elements did not emerge during my fieldwork. I assume that this is in part because such dynamics are more common among younger prisoners. ...
This chapter deals with prisoners’ experience of and in the prison cell. It argues that the cell is the crucial context for the foundation and maintenance of prisoners’ sense of self and personal integrity. The chapter starts with a description of the legal and institutional norms regarding the design, materiality and furnishing of the cell. It then explores the various meanings prisoners attribute to their cells, their individual experiences of being inside and their ways of arranging their cells and doing time in this place where they spend most of their time alone, depending on their mode of being with time —that is, their personal attitude towards their indeterminate confinement.
... In the prison literature, as summarized by Norman (2017), sport is examined from two perspectives. On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). ...
... On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). Norman argues that sport can further be used by the management 'to control both the prisoners' behaviour and to impose a particular moral or ideological order upon prisoners' (2017, p. 600). ...
... While the literature points out that sports provide prisoners with resources to perform masculinity and create a hierarchical and violent inmate culture (see, e.g. Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001;Sabo et al., 2001), these elements did not emerge during my fieldwork. I assume that this is in part because such dynamics are more common among younger prisoners. ...
This chapter is dedicated to prisoners’ experiences at work. It begins with a description of the legal and institutional framework of work in Swiss prisons. It then explores prisoners’ experiences of various working contexts and how work affects their corporal and spatial experience of imprisonment. After that, the chapter sheds light on prisoners’ various temporal experiences at work and the ways they rearrange institutionally established work rhythms according to their individual needs. Finally, it presents the experience of being a worker and how this affects prisoners’ sense of self. It argues that work signifies a potential and important social space where prisoners search for recognition, which they may experience through the valorization of their individual skills and competences and the attribution of trustworthiness.
... In the prison literature, as summarized by Norman (2017), sport is examined from two perspectives. On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). ...
... On the one hand, it is considered to have positive effects, for example on prisoners' mental health and their ability to cope with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2015;Sabo, 2001), or on their rehabilitation, due to the acquisition of 'post-release skills' (Gallant et al., 2015;Meek, 2014). On the other hand, it has also been claimed that sport, especially weightlifting and competitive sports, can contribute to the development of a hierarchical and violent 'inmate culture' (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). Norman argues that sport can further be used by the management 'to control both the prisoners' behaviour and to impose a particular moral or ideological order upon prisoners' (2017, p. 600). ...
... While the literature points out that sports provide prisoners with resources to perform masculinity and create a hierarchical and violent inmate culture (see, e.g. Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001;Sabo et al., 2001), these elements did not emerge during my fieldwork. I assume that this is in part because such dynamics are more common among younger prisoners. ...
This chapter presents the fundamentals of indefinite incarceration in Switzerland. It starts with a description of the legal definition of indefinite confinement—that is, indefinite incarceration and the in-patient therapeutic treatment of mental disorders—and then provides insight into the Swiss penal policy. It further explores the perspectives of the three groups of actors who most directly organize and shape prisoners’ everyday lives: penal enforcement authorities, prison management and prison staff. Finally, the two main features of life in indefinite confinement, namely indeterminacy (and thus an uncertain future) and an institutionally established ever-same present, are described from the perspective of those directly concerned: the prisoners.
... Within this rough and violent context, various forms of bodywork and muscle training become popular. Sociological accounts on prison life note that a large number of inmates engage in sports and exercise, particularly in various forms of weight training while being incarcerated (Dirga, Lochmannová, and Juříček 2015;Harvey 2012;Maycock 2018;Norman 2017;Norman, Ricciardelli, and Gillet 2021;Sabo 2001). Some studies concluded that the main reason for strength training among inmates is displaying dominant masculine identities and to become more intimidating to guards and other prisoners (Martos-García, Devís-Devís, and Sparkes 2009;Norman 2017). ...
... 'to mask selfperceived weakness or vulnerability' (De Viggiani 2012, 271). The (re)production of dominanceoriented masculinities often takes place within the context of sport (Sabo 2001). The strong body, showcased in sporting practices, signifies a dominant masculinity. ...
... However, these studies address sports activities organised by the institution, but not selforganised exercises or, more specifically, self-organised weight training. Only few studies to date have looked at strength training in the context of prison (Norman 2017;Sabo 2001). A Canadian study by Norman (2017) describes particularly the problematic sides of weight training: The study illustrates the development of a social hierarchy that determines access to barbells, machines, and the weight room and reports assaults on prisoners with weightlifting bars in the weight pit. ...
Prior studies emphasise that prisons are violent places and strong social hierarchies exist between inmates. Against the background that a large number of inmates engage in strength training, this paper explores the significance of self-organised weight training and muscle building by reconstructing the meanings and relevance of these activities particularly with regard to power relations and social hierarchy formation. Using an ethnographic approach, the study is based on 80 field visits over 27 months in a German prison and 19 problem-centred interviews with male prisoners. The material shows that social hierarchies among inmates are largely based on physical strength and often manifest in acts of violence. In addition, inmates frequently face minor provocations, verbally or physically, that establish relations of dominance and submission. Interviewees interpret a stable, muscular body in combination with a self-confident, sometimes deliberately grim appearance as a signal that one is determined to defend oneself and does not serve as an easy victim. Accordingly, inmates see it as a necessity to build up muscle strength, which is why all forms of strength training are extremely popular within the prison. However, since the prison studied here actually forbids weight training with barbells, prisoners have to find informal ways and sometimes trick guards when carrying out muscle building exercises. It is concluded that weight training can best be understood as a functional adaptation to the prison context with its widespread aggression and (fear of) violence.
... Hierarchical relationships are linked to masculinities and shape penal environments that in a recursive way reproduce hegemonic ideals by allocating status to prisoners based on qualities tied to hegemonic constructions (e.g. Denborough, 1995;Sabo, 2001;Stanko, 2001;Gear, 2007). ...
... Despite being influenced by the deprived penal environment as well as lived experiences in the free world (e.g. Denborough, 1995;Sabo, 2001;Stanko, 2001;Bandyopadhyay, 2006;Hannah-Moffat & O'Malley, 2007), gendered identities are formed through the performance of masculinities for "emotional, psychological and social survival. . . [that] mask self-perceived weakness or vulnerability and to attain status and legitimacy" (de Viggiani, 2012, p. 271). ...
... This analysis of normative masculinity is further augmented by drawing on understandings of prison as well as hegemonic masculinities, as constructed within the confines of prison, and allows for the acknowledgement of particular constructions and policing of appropriate masculine behaviours and identities in prisoner settings (e.g. Denborough, 1995;Bosworth, & Carrabine, 2001;Sabo, 2001;Stanko, 2001; see Gill, Henwood et al., 2005;Jewkes, 2005;Gear, 2007). We use the concept of petty sovereigns to understand the ways in which corrections staff, aware that there are ramifications to 'outing' sex offenders, choose to divulge a sex offenders' conviction to the general prisoner population. ...
Sex offenders remain the most hated group of offenders, subject to a myriad of regulations and punishments beyond imprisonment, including sex offender registries, chemical and surgical castration, and global positioning electronic monitoring systems. While aspects of their experiences of imprisonment are documented, less is known about how sex offenders experience prison and community corrections spaces - and the implications of their status on their treatment and safety in such environments. Violence, Sex Offenders, and Corrections critically assesses what is meant by the term 'sex offender', and acknowledges that such meanings are socially constructed, situated, and contingent. The book explores the person, crime, penal space, sexual orientation, legislation, and the community experiences of labelled sex offenders as well as the experiences of correctional officers working with said custodial populations. Ricciardelli and Spencer use conceptions of gender and embodiment to analyze how sex offenders are constituted as objects of fear and disgust and as deserving subjects of abjection and violence. © 2018 Rose Ricciardelli and Dale C. Spencer. All rights reserved.
... Such findings, however, must be considered in light of the many structural barriers facing released prisoners (Yuen et al., 2012). Studies also suggest that physical activity can be an important resource for improving mental health and coping with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Meek andLewis, 2014a, 2014b;Norman, 2015;Ronel et al., 2013;Sabo, 2001). This can occur because various activities may allow positive social interaction with outside volunteers or staff (Meek and Lewis, 2014a;Ronel et al., 2013), the construction of alternative social spaces in the prison (Norman, 2015;Ronel et al., 2013), meaningful physical and mental challenges (Ronel et al., 2013), or simply opportunities to reduce stress through physical exertion (Martos-Garcia et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Meek and Lewis, 2014a;Sabo, 2001). ...
... Studies also suggest that physical activity can be an important resource for improving mental health and coping with incarceration (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Meek andLewis, 2014a, 2014b;Norman, 2015;Ronel et al., 2013;Sabo, 2001). This can occur because various activities may allow positive social interaction with outside volunteers or staff (Meek and Lewis, 2014a;Ronel et al., 2013), the construction of alternative social spaces in the prison (Norman, 2015;Ronel et al., 2013), meaningful physical and mental challenges (Ronel et al., 2013), or simply opportunities to reduce stress through physical exertion (Martos-Garcia et al., 2009;Meek, 2014;Meek and Lewis, 2014a;Sabo, 2001). ...
... While some literature paints a generally positive view of sport and physical activity in prison settings, research has also highlighted problematic aspects of these social practices. For example, in male correctional settings some physical activities, such as weightlifting and competitive sport, can contribute to a hierarchical and violent inmate culture (Abrams et al., 2008;Ricciardelli, 2014;Sabo, 2001). Furthermore, sport and physical activities can be used by prison administrators to exercise social control over the inmate population. ...
While it is clear from a small body of scholarly literature that sport and physical activity play important roles in the daily lives of many inmates in diverse prison contexts around the world, there remains relatively little research that sociologically explores the significance of these physical practices in correctional environments. This paper helps to address this gap by examining one of the key tensions in prison sport: its deployment by corrections policymakers and administrators as a form of social control and its simultaneous use by prisoners as a vehicle for resistance and subversion. Situating the research in Goffman’s concept of the total institution, the paper explores how prisoners, though stripped of many resources for self presentation and collective subversion, refashion sport activities, materials, and spaces to their own purposes – and, in doing so, how they resist, in a limited fashion, the prison’s social control aims. More broadly, these findings point to the potential social significance of sport and physical activity as vehicles for the limited expression of agency in situations of extreme deprivation or imposing disciplinary regimes.
... Whereas SfD is a burgeoning realm of research (Schulenkorf et al., 2016), socio-cultural research on sport in prisons remains relatively limited. Among the major sociological themes in the existing literature are the contributions of sport to: constructions of hegemonic masculinity in male prisons (Andrews & Andrews, 2003;Sabo, 2001), the control and management of prison populations (Martos-García et al., 2009;Norman, 2017) and prisoners' micro-resistances to these regimes of social control (Martinez-Merino, Martos-García, Lozano-Sufrategui, Martín-González, & Usabiaga, 2019;Norman, 2017;Norman & Andrews, 2019), and the likelihood of prisoners desisting from crime after being released into the community (Meek, 2014;Meek & Lewis, 2014). A new vein of recent research (Gacek, 2017;Norman, 2019;Norman & Andrews, 2019), which this article builds upon, explicitly engages with theoretical developments in carceral geography to consider the spatial significance of sport in prisons. ...
... (Gill et al., 2018, p. 190) Some prison sport literature has engaged with questions of time, space, and carcerality in ways that may be translatable to SfD research. Notably, some research on prison sport has identified its impact on the perceived passage of time as one of the most significant outcomes for prisoner participants (Gallant et al., 2015;Martos-García et al., 2009;Norman & Andrews, 2019;Sabo, 2001). At an instrumental level, Gallant et al. (2015, p. 53) suggested that prison sport programs "may distract in-mates… [and] positively impact individual mood as well as the overall mood of the facility." ...
Despite a rapid expansion in research on Sport for Development (SfD), there remain numerous untapped veins of exploration. This article makes a novel argument for increasing the theoretical and substantive depth of SfD research by linking it to the relatively small, yet developing, body of literature on sport and incarceration. Drawing from the emergent field of carceral geography and the literature on prison sport, this article provides critical theoretical considerations for SfD programs that occur in ‘compact’ sites of confinement, such as prisons or refugee camps, or are enmeshed in ‘diffuse’ manifestations of carcerality. Given the structures of inequality that have led to the confinement of more than 13 million people in prisons, refugee camps, and migrant detention centres across the globe, as well as the multitude of ways that groups and individuals are criminalized and stigmatized in community settings, there are compelling reasons for SfD research to more deeply engage with concerns of space and carcerality as they relate to sport. As such, this article provides an important foundation for future analyses of SfD and carcerality, and signposts some potential ways forward for a deepening of theoretical perspectives in SfD research.
... The informal rules, not challenged by the administration, prohibited touching the belongings of or shaking hands with outcasts, as in Ukrainian society, traditionally only men shake hands. In the argot language, outcasts were degraded to the status of women and gay people, that is, symbolically emasculated (Sabo 2001;Reed 2003;Symkovych 2017). Gendered labor division of patriarchy was reflected by sanctioning outcasts to engage in "feminine" tasks: cleaning or providing sex services-although unlike in other prison cultures, in Ukraine, outcasts charged for their services and could refuse them (cf. ...
... Contrary to prisons in the United States or United Kingdom, the body was not an important resource for the construction of masculine identity, although some prisoners exercised, albeit without a "macho exhibitionis[m]" (de Viggiani 2012, 278), played football, or told me about their desire to preserve physical fitness and intellectual strength (cf. Carrabine and Longhurst 1998;Sabo 2001;Hsu 2005;Jewkes 2005). Nonetheless, the everpresent possibility of force as punishment constituted a masculine and embodied enterprise. ...
The article sets out to show how power and identity intertwine. Its close look at Ukrainian prison culture complements a recent string of studies in the “West” by demonstrating the nuanced role of violence and masculinity in men’s prisons. Whereas much of the extant literature links prison violence to a hypermasculine culture, this article, based on a semiethnographic study in Ukraine, details how a masculine-centered, hierarchical prisoner structure curtails violence. Even so, prisoners are forced to exercise masculine agility, as their provisional manliness determines their place in the hierarchy and thus, by extension, their quality of life. I explore how prisoners and officers construct, prove, and maintain their masculine identities in a milieu of rigid structures and limited resources. I demonstrate how masculine models and discourses are diverse, dynamic, and contested and argue that men as agents tap into them to frame flexible identities to suit their needs.
... Size, muscularity and the 'hard' prison body A range of prison research has focused on the importance of muscularity and 'hardness' of embodied masculinities within prison, which signify masculine power in these (and other) contexts (cf. Nandi, 2002;J. Phillips, 2001;Ricciardelli et al., 2015;D. Sabo, 2001). Size, strength and muscularity are consistent themes within prison research that has considered bodies. ...
Prison masculinities are evolving in a plurality of ways that have profound implications
for embodied masculinities within prison. However, previous literature has tended to
overlook the importance of prison gyms as cites of particular kinds of bodywork within
prison, something this paper seeks to address. Using interview data collected from two
high security men’s prisons in Britain, this paper examines accounts of the sorts of
bodies that prisoners aspire to achieve. This paper considers the ways in which the
prison context shapes both the ‘looking’ and the ‘doing’ of male prisoners’ bodies. It
also considers the ways in which specific manifestations of bodywork and associated
performances of certain embodied masculinities constitute agency and potential
resistance to the prison regime. Finally, this paper examines the ways in which context
specific constructs of ‘looking good’ constitutes an expression of agency and
potentially a form of resistance and/or compliance with prison regimes. Ultimately,
there emerges diverse sites of tension in the ways in which masculinities and bodies
interact within the prisons and prison gyms in particular that are the focus of this study.
... Secondly, this strategy, like staying positive, is more of mental exercise than physical. Unlike men's prisons were much of their free time is spent lifting weights or playing basketball (Sabo 2001), women's preferred method of staying busy was to focus on mental occupation. Due to women's social status outside of prison, perhaps the focus on mental improvement is to help increase their social positioning upon release in order to reduce chances of recidivating. ...
http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/63938/1/halpern_rebecca_2009.pdf
... Barland 2016, Pedersen 2010 (Havnes et al. 2020b). I mannsfengsler kan det virke som muskler er «the sign of masculinity» (Glassner 1998: 192, Johnsen 2001, Sabo 2001. ...
This article presents a study of Norwegian prisoners’ experiences with anabolic-androgenic steroids (AAS) and other drugs. An intervention »Ren trening« was conducted by Antidoping Norge2 in the fall of 2019. Fieldwork was carried out at two drug treatment units with a total of 25 prisoners, 11 of which were interviewed. A bottom-up approach to the analyses of the data resulted in rich narratives that give a unique insight into prisoner experiences with AAS. Further analyses showed extensive use of AAS in combination with other narcotics, especially ampheta-mine. According to a typology developed by Christiansen et al. (2017), the uncritical use of AAS, without any consideration for its potential-ly serious side effects, can be understood as »YOLO – You Only Live Once«. Ambivalence surrounding the use of AAS, even if respect for clean exercise without the use of AAS is high, can be linked to pleasant experiences with these drugs. The body remembers these experiences and prisoners recall them with nostalgic undertones. The seriousness of the problems associated with the use of AAS, including criminal activity, indicates the importance of addressing these issues in prison.
... In this pedagogy, sport's function is to manage students and maintain the desired "calm" while, for the students themselves, participating in sport helps make institutional life more manageable. Sport practice thus had a double meaning of reinforcing but also liberating from social control aims of the institutions (see Norman 2015;Sabo 2001). Beyond filling the time, doing sport in this way "doesn't do anything" for the boys-perhaps, at least in part, because it is artificial, decontextualized, or otherwise lacking connections with the students' lifeworlds (on the outside). ...
This article examines pedagogies of sport in youth detention, drawing on ethnography (primarily participatory observations and interviews) at two all-male youth detention homes in Sweden. Focusing on youths’ experiences situated in discourse and practice, three pedagogies of doing sport in youth detention are described: withholding sport, busying with sport, and sport as developmental community. The young men in this study experienced mixed messages through sport, revealing how rehabilitation through sport was obscured by predominant pedagogies of withholding sport (i.e., punishment or correction) and busying with sport (i.e., containment or filling the time). Yet there were glimpses of another pedagogy, sport as developmental community, and the experiences and pedagogical work underpinning this endeavor are highlighted. This study illustrates how competing functions of youth justice—punishment, containment, and development—are accomplished, and experienced, through (sport) pedagogical practice.
... La idoneidad de la práctica de AFD en prisión viene avalada por multitud de investigaciones, también en el plano internacional. Así, recientes trabajos recalcan los beneficios que aportan las AFD, por ejemplo, en la mejora de la salud en su plano físico, la disminución del estrés, el combate contra el aburrimiento o el alejamiento de las drogas (Gallant, Sherry y Nicholson, 2015;Meek, 2014;Norman, 2017;Sabo, 2001). En este sentido, hemos de constatar cómo este aumento en el número de investigaciones preocupadas por la relación entre la práctica de AFD y los beneficios que ello reporta, ha conllevado cierta atención a la población reclusa femenina. ...
Resumen La literatura científica ha relacionado en los últimos años la práctica de actividades físicas y deportivas con varios beneficios a nivel físico, psicológico o social y emocional entre los presos, pero existen menos evidencias en cuanto a las presas. Además, esta relación no detalla el tipo de prácticas físicas, lo que evidencia una laguna obvia para nuestra área de conocimiento. El objetivo de este artículo es ofrecer datos en este sentido a tenor de las interpretaciones de una presa, madre, drogadicta y deportista a la cual hemos entrevistado en tres ocasio-nes a lo largo de casi 5 años. Los datos aluden a su relación con la droga, el papel del ejercicio en esta relación y las posibilidades de reinserción en función del tipo de práctica realizada. Según los datos, las actividades psicomotoras se asocian a un significado terapéutico, pues parecen combatir la adicción a la droga al suplir sus efectos placenteros, mientras que las actividades sociomotrices crean lazos de amistad y redes de 'iguales' que facilitan su interpretación como una estrategia de reinserción social. Palabras clave: Prisión, actividades físicas y deportivas, mujer, reinserción, droga. Abstract In the last few years, scientific literature has linked the practice of physical and sporting activities with various benefits such as physical, psychological or social and emotional among prisoners, but there is less evidence when we come to female prisoners. In addition to this, we have not got a range of evidences about the type of physical practices they were carrying out thus, there is an obvious gap in this area of knowledge. In order to fill that gap, the objective of this article is to provide data based on the interpretations of an inmate, mother, drug addict and sportswoman whom we have interviewed on three occasions over almost 5 years. The data refer to her drug dependence, the effect of the exercise in this relationship and the possibilities of reintegration depending on the type of physical activity they carry out. According to the data, psychomotor activities combat drug addiction and may replace the peak moments, while sociomotor activities create bonds of friendship between 'equals', networks that make easier the social reintegration.
... The prison must be viewed as an extreme example of a gendered organisation in which gender is not exclusively imported with staff or prisoners, but is already omnipresent and an integral part of organisational structures and cultures therein (Britton, 2003;Martin and Jurik, 1996;Tait, 2008). Masculinities, 'hegemonic' (Connell, 1995) or other forms are infused with emotionality that shaped the lives of prisoners and staff (Evans and Wallace, 2008;Messerschmidt, 2001;Sabo, 2001;Sim, 1994;Tracy, 2004Tracy, , 2005. ...
The emotionality of prison research has received much justified attention in recent years. However, this aspect of undertaking qualitative research is often not considered by early career researchers until they are confronted with the impact of both researching emotionally laden subjects and employing their emotional agency as the researcher. Emerging from this, the authors argue for the development of a methodology that conceives researchers as emotional agents. This methodology incorporates harnessing emotional experiences as a tool for data collection. In this way, researchers are encouraged and trained to shift from passive to active emotional agents. Thus, far from inhibiting the research, the inherent emotionality of conducting research enhances its rigour, integrity and validity. Emotionality is intrinsic to conducting research in the prison milieu. As such, it warrants constructive employment and integration into existing research methodologies. This article draws on the authors’ respective experiences conducting mixed methods research in prison settings. The authors’ research methodologies incorporated emotional reflexivity as a core constituent throughout their data collection, analysis and the writing of their doctoral studies. The argument will be illustrated by detailing experiences of emotional charge during the fieldwork. To reflect this, the authors advocate for the emergence of an integrative methodology. The development of such a methodology would be of value to prison researchers but particularly to novice and/or doctoral researchers. Furthermore, it would be similarly applicable to researchers throughout the field of criminal justice and beyond.
... 2. The physical benefits are general health gains, weight loss, etc. (Hagan, 1990) and improvements in habits, such as diet and reducing or giving up smoking (Garnier, Minotti & Labridy, 1996). Doing sport also helps build a healthy body in an unhealthy environment (Sabo, 2001), enhancing general physical fitness and mental health (Ionescu, Parisot & Irode 2010). ...
Published research on the effects of sport among the prison population in Spain has come to conflicting conclusions, creating a confusing picture: is it rehabilitation , mere fun, or a form of social control? What lies behind this disparity of findings? Can a prison sports programme have positive effects on inmates, contributing to their reintegration into society? If so, what specific features should the programme have in order to achieve this outcome? To shed some light on the area, answering these questions, is the objective of this article. Firstly, we carried out a review of the Spanish and international literature on the subject, which led us to conclude that a sports programme could in fact have positive effects on inmates' reintegration, provided that it complied with a certain set of requisites. However, the studies we reviewed made no mention of these requirements , despite their importance. Thus, the second step in our research was to select a sports programme in a Spanish prison which complied with the requisites and to investigate its effects on the inmates taking part. Through participant observation and interviews we found that the programme did indeed have positive effects among prisoners. This represents an important advance in our knowledge, since we were then able to set out the guidelines which the design and implementation of prison sports programmes should follow if they are to aid the social reintegration of inmates. This is the foremost contribution and value of the present study. Resumen Las investigaciones publicadas sobre los efectos del deporte entre la población reclusa en España muestran conclusiones contradictorias, creando una situación confusa: ¿es rehabilitación, simple diversión, o una forma de control social? ¿Qué se esconde detrás de esta disparidad de resultados? ¿Puede un programa de deportes de la cárcel tener efectos positivos sobre los internos, contribuyendo a su reinserción en la sociedad? Si es así, ¿qué características específicas debería tener un programa que busca alcanzar este objetivo? Para arrojar algo de luz sobre este tema, el objetivo de este artículo es responder a estas preguntas. En primer lugar, se llevó a cabo una revisión de la literatura española e internacional sobre este tema, lo que llevó a la conclusión de que un programa de deportes podría, de hecho, tener efectos positivos sobre la reinserción de los internos, siempre que se cumpla con un conjunto claro de requisitos. Sin embargo, en los estudios revisados no se hace mención de estos requisitos, a pesar de su importancia. De esta forma, el segundo paso en nuestro estudio fue seleccionar un programa de deportes en una cárcel española que cumple con estos requisitos e investigar sus efectos sobre los internos que participaron. A través de la observación participante y las entrevistas encontramos que el programa tuvo efectos positivos entre los presos. Esto representa un avance significativo en nuestro conocimiento, ya que permite establecer las directrices y el diseño para implementar programas deportivos en centros penitenciarios con el fin de ayudar a la reinserción social de los internos. Esta es la principal contribución y el valor del presente estudio.
... 2. The physical benefits are general health gains, weight loss, etc. (Hagan, 1990) and improvements in habits, such as diet and reducing or giving up smoking (Garnier, Minotti & Labridy, 1996). Doing sport also helps build a healthy body in an unhealthy environment (Sabo, 2001), enhancing general physical fitness and mental health (Ionescu, Parisot & Irode 2010). ...
Published research on the effects of sport among the prison population in Spain has come to conflicting conclusions, creating a confusing picture: is it rehabilitation, mere fun, or a form of social control? What lies behind this disparity of findings? Can a prison sports programme have positive effects on inmates, contributing to their reintegration into society? If so, what specific features should the programme have in order to achieve this outcome? To shed some light on the area, answering these questions, is the objective of this article. Firstly, we carried out a review of the Spanish and international literature on the subject, which led us to conclude that a sports programme could in fact have positive effects on inmates’ reintegration, provided that it complied with a certain set of requisites. However, the studies we reviewed made no mention of these requirements, despite their importance. Thus, the second step in our research was to select a sports programme in a Spanish prison which complied with the requisites and to investigate its effects on the inmates taking part. Through participant observation and interviews we found that the programme did indeed have positive effects among prisoners. This represents an important advance in our knowledge, since we were then able to set out the guidelines which the design and implementation of prison sports programmes should follow if they are to aid the social reintegration of inmates. This is the foremost contribution and value of the present study. Key words: sport, physical activity, prisons, inmates, Spain.
... According to Sim (1994), masking feelings is necessary in men's prisons to survive socially as a man. Masculinity, it is argued, is achieved in prison through rampant displays of physicality and dominance (Cowburn, 2007;Scraton, Sim and Skidmore, 1999), and a complete repugnance for 'soft' emotions such as kindness, fear, love and care-which all signal 'weakness' (Karp, 2010;Sabo, 2001;Toch, 1992). A crystallized form of this process, and an extreme caricature of masculinity, has been termed 'hypermasculinity' (see Toch, 1998), where the only acceptable displays of emotion are those expressed through anger or 'retaliatory rage ' (173). ...
Prisons research is familiar with the idea that prisoners ‘mask’ their feelings. But this behaviour is often characterised as a social defence mechanism, or a product of prison masculinity, rather than a deeply embedded psychosocial strategy forged over time. The term ‘emotional suppression’ is introduced as a way of better exploring the ‘biographical depth' of this behaviour. This article aims to outline why both male (n = 25) and female prisoners (n = 25) engage in suppression, by uniting their traumatic life histories with their current lives in prison. One of the most salient findings is the connection between ‘bottling-up’ emotions and an explosive ‘boomerang’ effect—suppressed emotions return through violence towards others and the self. This implies that emotion suppression cannot easily be separated from subsequent discharge. This article suggests the need for ‘integration work’ and a crucial re-orientation of our current understanding of suppression, violence and aggression in prison environments which are often treated as separate entities. Importantly, withholding emotions has been associated with a range of negative health outcomes, and may be especially damaging in the long-term. Prison regimes could do more to encourage therapeutic talk and psychological attunement to reverse the process of emotional numbing.
... En relación a su incidencia a un nivel psíquico, destaca el estudio realizado por Sabo (2001) sobre la forma como el deporte se convierte en un importante recurso para los presos, a la hora de ocupar su tiempo de reclusión en los centros penitenciarios. En efecto, el encierro implica una serie de consecuencias negativas para el preso debido al aislamiento, que pueden ser compensadas mediante la práctica deportiva, puesto que hacer deporte, según algunos de estos estudios (Courtenay y Sabo, 2001, Manzanos, 1992Valverde, 1991), supone un modo de liberación para aquél, pudiendo así experimentar sensación de libertad. ...
... Men described adjusting to this perceived loss of "masculine capital" by prioritizing their well-being, changing their thinking patterns, and seeking to embody new identities. Notably, it has been argued that one of the few acceptable (and available) venues to demonstrate dominant masculinity in prison is via the body, for example, through sport (Sabo, 2001) or bodybuilding (Nandi, 2002). Indeed, some men described managing their mental health and mood through exercise and physical activity. ...
More than 11 million people are currently imprisoned worldwide, with the vast majority of incarcerated individuals being male. Hypermasculine environments in prison are often tied to men’s health risks, and gathering information about mental health is fundamental to improving prison as well as community services. The purpose of the current study was to describe the connections between masculinities and men’s mental health among prisoners transitioning into and out of a Canadian federal correctional facility. Two focus groups were conducted with a total of 18 men who had recently been released from a federal correctional facility. The focus group interviews were analyzed to inductively derive patterns pertaining to men’s mental health challenges and resiliencies “on the inside” and “on the outside.” Participant’s challenges in prison related to heightened stresses associated with being incarcerated and the negative impact on preexisting mental illness including imposed changes to treatment regimens. Men’s resiliencies included relinquishing aggression and connecting to learn from other men “on the inside.” Mental health challenges “on the outside” included a lack of work skills and finances which increased the barriers that many men experienced when trying to access community-based mental health services. Mental health resiliencies employed by participants “on the outside” included self-monitoring and management to reduce negative thoughts, avoiding substance use and attaining adequate exercise and sleep. The current study findings offer practice and policy guidance to advance the well-being of this vulnerable subgroup of men in as well as out of prison.
... The construction of a big and muscular body, the exposure of it, and the way it occupies and is held in space (Caputo-Levine, 2013;Moran, 2015), affect us and make us worry about that strength and power, which we read into this body, and which may be used for violence and domination (Johnsen, 2000). Studies of assemblages of masculinity and power in prison, have given insight into some of the dynamics in the hierarchy among prisoners (Johnsen, 2001;Martos-García et.al., 2009;Sabo, 1994Sabo, , 2001. To avoid an exaggerated focus on the big and muscular body, there are limitations on how heavy the available weights are, and it is not possible to buy protein supplements in order to increase muscle mass. ...
... ( Britton 2002) Men's prisons represent a hypermasculine space 2. ( Phillips 2012) Masculinity is evident at every turn as a universal imperative, it is demonstrated in the social hierarchy of gangs ( Phillips 2012), in social interactions between inmates, in sexual behaviour ( Struckman-Johnson et al. 1996) or in how inmates spend their leisure time or what sporting activities they do. ( Sabo 2001) At the same time, masculinity determines the preferred ways of everyday routine activities such as a way of walking or body posture. ( Crewe 2009) Masculinity thus determines the so-called prison code, which represents standards regulating the inmates' actions and interactions. ...
The text focuses on the relationship inmates have to their bodies during imprisonment. The data presented in this study are based on ethnographic research carried out in Czech men's high security prisons. The data set consists of interviews with partakers from the “world of prisoners”, observations from prisons and analysis of documents relating to Czech prison service. The analysis shows there is a strong relationship between the physical body and the process of constructing manhood/masculinity in the population of inmates. The physical body is one of crucial components of the masculine/macho prison code/culture. The attitude inmates have to their bodies seems to be altering, depending on the stage of imprisonment in which they currently are. For the description of this alteration I use the concept of the body as a project, which may serve as one of the possible ways of understanding the importance of the physical body to inmates during their imprisonment and changing motivations to its further development.
... 2009). En este sentido, destaca el estudio realizado por Sabo (2001) sobre la forma en cómo el deporte se convierte en un importante recurso para los presos a la hora de ocupar su tiempo de reclusión en los centros penitenciarios. En efecto, debido al aislamiento, el encierro implica una serie de consecuencias negativas para el preso que pueden ser compensadas mediante la práctica deportiva, puesto que hacer deporte puede resultar un modo de liberación, una oportunidad para experimentar cierta sensación de libertad. ...
En este trabajo se analiza la inclusión del deporte dentro del tratamiento habitual de los presos en las cárceles españolas, así como su posible efecto resocializador de la población reclusa. En primer lugar, se revisa la evolución de la legislación penitenciaria y se muestra cómo se termina concibiendo la práctica deportiva como una actividad más de las cárceles, dirigida a la consecución de la reeducación y reinserción social de los penados. Posteriormente, se consideran los posibles efectos del deporte en relación a la salud de los reclusos, a la rehabilitación de drogodependencias y como momento o medio de evasión dentro del encierro carcelario. Se reflexiona también sobre su potencial función resocializadora a la vista de las investigaciones llevadas a cabo en diversos centros penitenciarios españoles. Para finalizar, se indican algunas limitaciones derivadas, fundamentalmente, del carácter multifactorial de la rehabilitación social.
... Regarding the psychological benefits, sport plays an important role in the use of free time in the prison population (Sabo, 2001), enabling inmates to enjoy a sensation of freedom during the sport activity (Courtenay and Sabo, 2001;Strandberg, 2004). Grayzel's research (1978) has shown that boredom may be one of the worst punishments for inmates and a source of problems of coexistence in prisons. ...
In our society there is a version of sports that is “invisible”. It is not competitive, it generates no new records and provides no victories. It consists of the unrecognized sporting experiences of certain social minorities. One of these minorities is the prison population. Some research has examined the effects that the practice of sports can have in prisons. This article analyzes these effects based on the results of a qualitative study carried out in Andalusia in Spain. It focuses on the role of sports in the social rehabilitation of the prison population, emphasizing its potential in generating positive attitudes and behaviors that are helpful in re-integration. It also reveals that the role sports has in social rehabilitation is only effective if sports programs in prisons have sound pedagogical practices behind them.
... Exercise provides a means for prisoner distraction, relaxation, relief from boredom, and energy release (Condon, Hek, & Harris, 2008;Digennaro, 2010;Frey & Delaney, 1996;Martos-García et al., 2009). Taking part in prison sport activities is viewed as pass time for getting through the day (Martos-García et al., 2009;Sabo, 2001). For some prisoners, it offers an alternative to substance abuse (Martos-García et al., 2009) or the opportunity to form social bonds with other inmates (Condon et al., 2008). ...
This study investigates the barriers and the predictors of these barriers that impede prisoners’ participation in sport activities. Data are derived from a project in a remand prison in Belgium (N = 486). Findings indicate that prisoners have strong preferences for other activities (e.g., work, visiting), as well as experiencing institutional barriers to sport activity. Findings show that age and time served, in particular, have an influence on the experience of the different types of barriers. Based on the research findings, the article concludes by discussing paths for further research and implications for policy and practice.
... Some might argue that efforts to be a "man" may be linked to the incarceration of Black men; robbing to be a provider, becoming a gang membership or engaging in acts of violence to be thought of as tough and worthy of respect; promiscuous behavior and or rape to show dominance over women (Sabo, 2001). These behaviors assume that masculinity is a fixed set of traits that play out across a wide range of situations based upon a sense of agency or upon man's ability to perform or to do things (Caster, 2008;Nandi, 2002). ...
A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Social Welfare in partial fulfillment of the
requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York
... Second, given that "prison is an ultra-masculine world where nobody talks about masculinity" (Sabo 2001:3), our findings regarding the role of gender ideology in both women and men's accounts suggest that gender studies may enhance the therapeutic psychosocial education of prisoners. Such education should target discrepancies between self-concept and social norms regarding gender and the heavy toll inflicted on both genders by rigid gender role adherence. ...
Most of the research on gender differences in crime has been based on quantitative methods and focused on either women or men, but not both. In this qualitative study, we explored the association between gender and perceived pathways to crime. We employed a thematic analysis of 20 interviews with inmates, focusing on how they negotiated notions about femininity and masculinity while constructing their own pathways to crime. Men and women presented different pathways, but both oscillated between pathways guided by victimization and by power seeking. The findings suggest possible new directions regarding the use of gender binaries in criminology research and indicate the heavy toll of gender essentialism on both genders.
... Indeed, it may be crucial to understand that control of emotion in prison may largely be a product of constructions and representations of manliness. Masculinity, it is argued, is achieved in prison through rampant displays of physicality and dominance (Scraton, 1991;Cowburn, 2007) and a complete repugnance for 'soft' emotions such as kindness, fear, love and care, which all signal unmanly weakness (Karp, 2010;Toch, 1992;Sabo, 2001). A crystallized form of this process and an extreme caricature of masculinity has been termed 'hypermasculinity' (see Toch, 1998), where the only acceptable displays of emotion are those expressed through anger or 'retaliatory rage' (173). ...
... En relación a su incidencia a un nivel psíquico, destaca el estudio realizado por Sabo (2001) sobre la forma como el deporte se convierte en un importante recurso para los presos, a la hora de ocupar su tiempo de reclusión en los centros penitenciarios. En efecto, el encierro implica una serie de consecuencias negativas para el preso debido al aislamiento, que pueden ser compensadas mediante la práctica deportiva, puesto que hacer deporte, según algunos de estos estudios (Courtenay y Sabo, 2001, Manzanos, 1992Valverde, 1991), supone un modo de liberación para aquél, pudiendo así experimentar sensación de libertad. ...
This paper is an analysis of the influence
of sports on the social integration of
inmates in Andalusian prisons, focusing
on results obtained from a study carried
on by the University Pablo de Olavide,
through a grant awarded by the Consejo
Superior de Deportes (High Council of
Sports). It was made through a series
of in-depth individual interviews with
qualified informants and microstories
of inmates in such prisons. The results
confirm the importance of sports in
socialization and social rehabilitation of
inmates, as well as its influence on the
physical health, psychic and emotional
changes in attitudes and values for the
social integration of this population.
... Kylie collected the free writes and used them to discuss ''doing gender'' (West and Zimmerman 1987) and how men are held accountable in the prison system for their masculine presentations (Messerschmidt 2001;Sabo 2001). It was an opportunity to discuss power relations, hierarchies, and social control in a way students could connect to their daily lives. ...
The authors use sociology of the college classroom to analyze their experiences as feminists teaching sociology courses in the "unconventional setting" of prison. Reflective writing was used to chronicle experiences in the classes. They apply the concepts of doing gender, interaction order, and emotion work to the prison classroom. Based on their analysis, the authors examine the challenges and opportunities for critical education in prison. They aimed to use their teaching efforts to reach out to marginalized students and develop students' sociological imaginations to assist them through the challenges of confinement and reentry. The authors' analysis has implications for both prison education and higher education more broadly. They conclude that the success of prison education is dependent on establishing democratic classrooms that can enable students to see themselves as something more than inmates.
... Ricciardelli (2015: 186) confirms that, all else constant, 'the stronger and tougher of two offenders with "equal" convictions would have higher status in prison'. 8 Sports represent yet another relevant realm wherein one could demonstrate physical prowess or competence (Sabo 2001). For example, von der Lippe (2014) depicts the importance of football for the young Palestinian men imprisoned in the Shati Prison Camp of the Gaza strip. ...
The current paper examines the extent to which the pursuit of status, the social construction of masculinity and violence
are linked. The main argument suggests that in a world where inmates have only the most limited forms of economic and political
power, social status as a resource assumes far greater significance. The acquisition of status, though, depends upon the ability
to navigate successfully the competition linked to securing one’s reputation as a ‘real man’. Milner’s (1994; 2004) theory of status relations within a resource structuralism framework offers an innovative explanatory strategy for understanding
prison violence in the context of hegemonic masculinity. The paper offers exemplars from the comparative literature on prison
violence to help illustrate the logic of the approach. The final section identifies a series of theoretical propositions derived
from the general theory that purport to explain prison violence cross-culturally.
This chapter considers the spatial differentiation of emotions in prison. This account develops previous work on the emotional geography of prison life (Crewe et al., 2014), arguing that prison spaces can be grouped into three categories: living spaces, hostile zones and free spaces. Throughout, the chapter attempts to explain the spatial dynamics and forces that facilitated the display of particular emotions in these spaces. For example, the ‘hostile zones’ described in both prisons (where anger and fear was common) appeared to have a number of shared physical and social features. To steer this discussion, the chapter combines and extends theoretical approaches to ‘liminality’.
In this chapter the discussion turns from motivation towards the impacts of segregation on prisoners’ bodies. A salient feature of segregation units is disembodiment. The body can be viewed as a particularly important site of analysis in solitary confinement. Given the sedentary nature of the body, inherent material deprivations, and absence of social connection in these spaces, focusing on embodiment helps to increase understanding about how prisoners experience this form of isolation.
Slurs: The Semantics, Pragmatics, and Cognition of Derogation and Appropriation (Ph.D. thesis, 2020)
Depuis 2009, les détenus français peuvent bénéficier de la pratique régulière d’activités physiques et sportives. Toutefois, les travaux examinant l’influence de ces pratiques en milieu carcéral restent peu nombreux. Nous suggérons que pour des détenus condamnés pour violence grave, la pratique d’une activité physique adaptée (APA) ait un impact positif sur leur niveau de compassion. Treize détenus condamnés ont participé à deux séances d’APA ( i.e. , cécifoot et handibasket). Le questionnaire de compassion Pommier, [Pommier, E.A. (2010). The compassion scale. Dissertation for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Austin: University of Texas] avec 6 sous-échelles était utilisé avant puis après ces séances. Les dimensions bienveillance et humanité commune ont augmenté de manière significative alors que la dimension indifférence a diminué significativement. Les résultats de cette recherche interventionnelle permettent d’examiner le rôle de l’APA en milieu carcéral et son impact sur le niveau de compassion des détenus. Cette première étude exploratoire ouvre de nouvelles perspectives pour les travaux avec cette population spécifique.
This book offers a sustained study of one feature of the prison officer's job: the threat and use of force, which the author calls 'doing' coercion. Adopting an interactionist, micro-sociological perspective, the author presents new research based on almost two years of participant observation within an Italian custodial complex hosting both a prison and a forensic psychiatric hospital. Based on observation of emergency squad interventions during so-called 'critical events', together with visual methods and interviews with staff, 'Doing' Coercion in Male Custodial Settings constitutes an ethnographic exploration of both the organisation and the implicit and explicit practices of threatening and/or 'doing' coercion. With a focus on the lawful yet problematic and discretionary threatening and 'doing' of coercion performed daily on the landing, the author contributes to the growing scholarly literature on power in prison settings, and the developing field of the micro-sociology of violence and of radical interactionism. As such, it will appeal to scholars of sociology, anthropology and criminology with interests in prisons, power and violence in institutions, and visual methods.
Prison masculinities are manifest themselves in a plurality of ways (Maycock et al., Manuscript under review) that include hegemonic (Connell 1995; Connell and Messerschmidt 2005) as well as inclusive (Anderson 2008, 2009; Anderson and McGuire 2010) masculinities. Such presentations have implications for embodied masculinities within prison. Following Gill et al. (2005), I consider a range of bodily modifications, reflecting Shilling’s (2003) insight that the more we know about bodies, the more it is possible to change them. These embodied efforts by the men in this study make significant contributions to the performance of ‘emergent masculinities’ (Inhorn and Wentzell 2011) within prison. The importance of bodies for constructs of masculinity strengthens the view that ‘looking’ masculine is critical, in addition to ‘doing’ masculinity (Connell 1983; Drummond 2011). This chapter considers the ways in which the prison context shapes both the ‘looking’ and the ‘doing’ of male prisoners’ bodies, using data collected from two high-security men’s prisons in Britain. I initially examine accounts of the sorts of bodies that prisoners desire and aspire to achieve. I then consider the ways in which specific manifestations of ‘bodywork’ (Dworkin 1974) and associated performances of certain embodied masculinities constitute resistance to the prison regime.
Sport plays a key role within discourses of masculinity in Western contemporary culture. Throughout mainstream prison research, the male offender is recognised (or perhaps unrecognised) as the non-gendered offender. However, contemporary researchers are beginning to acknowledge the omission of their predecessors to treat the gender of male subjects as problematic (Morgan, 1986; Newton, 1994). Nonetheless, this explicit recognition remains relatively unusual in academia, as within the prison walls there still exists an apparent silence around gender and masculinity (Sabo, 2000). Johnsen’s ethnographic study of sport, masculinities and power relations in a Norwegian prison revealed that few male prisoners view themselves as gendered men or have a “conscious relationship to the concept of masculinity” (Johnsen 2001, p. 108), instead appearing more at ease discussing femininity and their gender in relation to women (Johnsen 2001). So, although research is now serving to objectify male prisoners as gendered subjects, for the most part male prisoners seem to be subjectively unaware of their gender, except perhaps, in the context of sport. When referring to young offenders (aged 15–21 years old), it is also important to consider that adolescent boys may experience masculinity in a somewhat different manner to adults, particularly in British society where masculinities of young men are often presented as being problematic (Frosh, 2001). The criminality of young offenders suggests that their experience of masculinities has been more negative than most, leading them to construct a masculinity which conflicts with social norms and laws. Although there is limited research which focuses on the role of sport in debates of masculinity in prison, this chapter will consider literature on sporting masculinities across the community and the prison estate where possible, in the context of both adult prisoners and young offenders, making inferences where research does not exist.
For decades, dating back to the medium’s origins as a commercially viable form of mass communication in the postwar years, US television programs have contributed to the many paradoxes of masculinity, revealing but also obscuring the normativizing function of cultural representations through the use of generic encoding and the compositional “logic” of male (visual) dominance. One visual motif in particular—the shot of two men sitting at a table, their hands temporarily locked as part of an arm wrestling contest—is noteworthy, given the frequency of its recurrence in a variety of fictional programming (All in the Family, The Odd Couple, The Mary Tyler Moore Show, Taxi, etc.) as well as for its literal staging of masculinity as spectacle, as an object of spectatorial contemplation vis-à-vis the televisual construction of “toughness” as an inherently male attribute. If television and toughness can be said to go “hand in hand,” then the actual sight of two men joined together in a physical contest hints at the idea that intimacy is at much a part of such ritualized representations as intimidation is. Indeed, what several of the episodes discussed in this article (selected from representative television programs of the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s) reveal is that a man is sometimes at his most unguarded—his most forthcoming and honest—when seated opposite another man during an arm wrestling match, a moment that is deserving of consideration as a symptomatic illustration of masculinity’s paradoxes. Inspired by the early writings of Roland Barthes, in particular the French philosopher’s essay “The World of Wrestling” (published as part of his 1957 book Mythologies), I ultimately hope to reveal how seemingly innocuous images are “invested with ideological meanings,” unwittingly revealing what they often seek to conceal.
Men’s prisons have a very distinctive smell. The number of male bodies, doing male things, presenting male identities—corporeal masculinities—results in a very unique scent. The concept of gendered identity being an action, a presentation, a ‘process’ (Jenkins 2008), is particularly useful when placing the prison individual into an academic framework which argues that masculinity is also a selection of actions and processes undertaken for the benefit of both the self and others who are watching. What should be recognised from the start, however, is that this process of watching and being watched—the notion of gaze and spectacle—is highly gendered in itself. In modern Western culture, women are posited in the realm of the watched, the spectacle, the observed—men are the watchers, the spectators, the powerful gaze (see Cohan 1993; Neale 1993; Healey 1994; Boscagli 1996; White 2007: 33). Those who watch have power over the watched—the power to judge, the power to assign cultural importance through recognition, the power to grant masculinity (Kimmel 1994). With this in mind, the performance of identity is gendered before the action even begins, and the audience can be vital in shaping the process.
Informed by Galtung (1969), Anderson (2012) and Wacquant (2001), this paper argues that a lifetime of spiralling and everyday state structural violence and overtly racist criminal profiling principally targeted at young Black men living in the Toronto Community Housing Corporation prepares them for prison. Moreover, it contends that interpersonal violence, transmitted from generation to generation and producing a vicious cycle, is a manifestation of institutionalized and systemic inequity. In the context of a hypermasculine culture, young Black men are both victims and participants in a dialectic of interpersonal-structural violence. Routinely precipitated by powerful state actors and agencies of criminal justice, public policy and assorted moral entrepreneurs, young Black men have their masculinity weaponized and prisonized by the states low-intensity declaration of war against them, and, among others, the poor, LGBTQ, immigrants, and First Nations and other people of colour.
Sport is increasingly being promoted as a positive diversion, intervention and rehabilitation tool for use with young offenders. A plethora of Western research has highlighted the positive impact that community sports-based interventions can have on young people at risk of or involved in crime, yet limited attention has been paid to how sport can be utilised with custodial populations to address offending behaviour and ultimately reduce reoffending. In this paper we present a discursive overview of some of the points we explore in more detail in a forthcoming monograph on this topic, and outline the rationale and limited accumulated evidence supporting the use of sport as a rehabilitative tool in prison settings. In particular, we explore the ways in which sport can be effectively used to promote desistance form crime as well as produce benefits within the immediate custodial context. It is proposed that while sport alone will not necessarily prevent reoffending, sport can offer an effective way in which to embed numeracy and literacy, or motivate offenders who may be difficult to engage in other resettlement, educational or psychological interventions.
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