No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
An ethnographic assessment of the policing of domestic violence in rural eastern Kentucky
... This geographic or physical isolation often creates situations where violence occurs without others knowing, and can contribute to the inability of a victim to access shelters and assistance (Few 2005). Because of the remote locations of rural communities, victims have limited access to victim services (Websdale 1995;Van Hightower, Gorton, and DeMoss 2000), and most communities do not provide victim education (Few 2005). Geographics and the low populations of rural communities can consequently affect law enforcement response as smaller communities typically have fewer law enforcement personnel, which can impact availability, while distance lengthens response time to emergency calls (Gallup-Black 2005). ...
... Rural victims lack the usual anonymity and confidentiality of services available in urban areas. This public exposure can make it more difficult for victims to have the courage to obtain assistance (Websdale 1995). In small communities nearly everyone is acquainted and many are related. ...
... The closeness of the rural community can affect the motivation and effectiveness of law enforcement officers as they may have a close relationship with the offender. This situation makes officers less likely to become involved in domestic disputes (Websdale 1995). ...
Rural communities present environments and situations specific to their location that may hinder victims of intimate partner violence from seeking or receiving assistance in escaping abusive relationships. Rural areas are often underserved in the prevention of and resources for intimate partner violence. Compared to urban and mixed environments, rural contexts possess unique structural challenges and may require specific divergent policy interventions.
... Research has shown that it is important to consider place when studying both intimate partner violence (IPV) and intimate partner homicide (IPH;DeKeseredy & Schwartz, 2009;Pruitt, 2008;Websdale, 1995aWebsdale, , 1995bWebsdale, , 1998Weisheit, Falcone, & Wells, 2006). In regard to place, this body of literature links more severe IPV and higher rates of IPH to more rural locales (Edwards, 2015;Gallup-Black, 2005;Peek-Asa et al., 2011). ...
... Supporting these patterns, research highlights geographical, community, and crime control differences across place (Gallup-Black, 2005). Likewise, feminist scholars, rooting violence against women in a patriarchal social structure, suggest patriarchy may manifest differently in urban and rural locales (Websdale, 1995a(Websdale, , 1995b(Websdale, , 1998. Although patriarchal oppression of women is similar in urban and rural areas, Websdale argues that rural abuse occurs within a larger rural social context. ...
... To understand IPV more fully, scholars have highlighted the importance of examining the larger social context in which IPV occurs. In their ethnography of women battering, Websdale (1995aWebsdale ( , 1995bWebsdale ( , 1998 notes that rural women face unique obstacles when subjected to IPV compared with their urban counterparts. For example, geographic isolation in rural areas often hinders victims from seeking help and support from both family members and services (Bledsoe, Yankeelov, Barbee, & Antle, 2004;Gagne, 1992;Goeckermann, Hamberger, & Barber, greater the chance that the perpetrator is a family member or intimate partner (Gallup-Black, 2005). ...
Research demonstrates place matters in the study of intimate partner violence (IPV) and intimate partner homicide (IPH) with rural women experiencing more severe IPV and a higher risk of IPH. In addition, research points to variations in injury patterns with intimates characterized by more wounds and facial injuries. Little is known whether injury for female IPH victims differs across place; however, research suggests that abuse is a product of a larger social context. Using data from the National Violent Death Reporting System, results indicate that some variations exist based on degree of urbanicity of the county in which the IPH occurred.
... Researchers have disagreed on whether the physical abuse of women in rural areas is higher (Bell, 1986;Wallace, 2002), lower (Epprecht, 2001), or the same (e.g., Bachman, 1994) in comparison to urban areas. Regardless of the estimates, the rural setting inhibits reporting of the physical abuse of women and exacerbates the process of leaving an abusive relationship (e.g., Websdale, 1995) for several reasons. First, because of the more restricted availability of health care services and the length of time it takes for emergency teams to get to the scene of a violent encounter, women in rural areas may not report battering to authorities and may not get the medical attention they need after being battered (Websdale, 1995;Weisheit, Falcone, & Wells, 1999). ...
... Regardless of the estimates, the rural setting inhibits reporting of the physical abuse of women and exacerbates the process of leaving an abusive relationship (e.g., Websdale, 1995) for several reasons. First, because of the more restricted availability of health care services and the length of time it takes for emergency teams to get to the scene of a violent encounter, women in rural areas may not report battering to authorities and may not get the medical attention they need after being battered (Websdale, 1995;Weisheit, Falcone, & Wells, 1999). In addition, rural areas have fewer social services than urban areas, making it more difficult for battered women in rural areas to get the assistance they need, whether it be mental health or shelter services (Feyen, 1989;Krishman, Hilbert, & VanLeeuwen, 2001;Logan, Stevenson, Evans, & Leukefeld, 2004). ...
... Second, rural residents often have to contend with greater distances to travel to a shelter or to emergency services, and public transportation is rarely available (Hornesty & Doherty, 2001;Krishman et al., 2001;Lewis, 2003;Logan et al., 2004). Rural residents are also less likely to have access to a telephone, so the rural setting may present additional obstacles for intervention in this type of violence (Logan et al., 2004;Websdale, 1995Websdale, , 1998. Some studies document a longer response time to violence against women for rural law enforcement because of wider geographic ranges of patrol and the higher likelihood that officers and offenders know each other (Gagne, 1992;Lewis, 2003;Websdale, 1995). ...
This study illuminates the conflicts that emerged in a collaboration between a feminist- oriented victim advocacy group and law enforcement personnel in a rural area. Observations and interviews conducted during an 18-month period document disagreements between participants and elucidate why these conflicts arose. Results suggest some potential strategies for overcoming barriers to collaboration between victim advocates and the police, including provisions for conflict resolution and practical/financial commitment to cross-training. Moreover, training should include discussions of philosophical and protocol differences between agencies, as well as structural barriers to leaving an abusive relationship in rural areas.
... Others focused on the abuser rather than the abused through reviews of batterers' histories and interviews with the abusers (Vaselle-Augenstein & Ehrlich, 1992). And still others analyzed the effects that institutions have on a violent relationship (Cazenave & Zahn, 1992;Chang, 1989;Ferraro, 1989;U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1982;Websdale, 1995). ...
... Progressive verbal degradations, accompanied by increased attacks, aid abusers in controlling their spouses; however, abusers still have little or no power over external forces that may intercede on behalf of the abused. This is one of the primary reasons batterers attempt to reduce their spouses' contact with others: They are trying to reduce the number of options available to the abused individuals, which may help them to change their situations (Ferraro & Johnson, 1983;Straus et al., 1980;Websdale, 1995). ...
... One of the most controversial of the external institutions is the police, whose involvement can be an important and sometimes necessary component in stopping an abusive relationship. Although interference by the police may aid a person in leaving an abuser, past studies suggest that there is a low level of police intervention with regard to domestic violence (Chang, 1989;Ewing, 1990;Ferraro, 1989;Gelles, 1976;Prescott & Letko, 1977;U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1982;Websdale, 1995). The lack of involvement may deny an individual the support and time needed to escape. ...
Husband abuse has been and continues to be a topic of controversy within the field of family violence. Although arguments persist over methodology, prevalence, and ideology, this study analyzes the narratives of 12 men who claimed to have been abused by their partners and compares their stories to the narratives and findings of past studies of wife abuse. In so doing, this study identifies that the accounts of the relationships of battered men and women follow similar patterns, including the structure of the relationships, the acceptance of the abuse, and the social context of the situation. This reinforces the findings of wife abuse research showing that abusive relationships display certain commonalties and reveals the necessity of future studies of battered males.
... These studies also point to one key factor in understanding rural women abuse that can be framed as part of a social ecology of violence ( Heise, 1998 ). This factor is rural patriarchy ( Websdale, 1995a ;DeKeseredy et al , 2007 ). For example, Websdale (1995a) , citing the work of Walby (1990) on patriarchy, identifi es it as something that is a patterned feature of rural social structure, hence, the behavior of abusive men is not abnormal, but rather is embedded and reinforced within rural culture and society. ...
... This factor is rural patriarchy ( Websdale, 1995a ;DeKeseredy et al , 2007 ). For example, Websdale (1995a) , citing the work of Walby (1990) on patriarchy, identifi es it as something that is a patterned feature of rural social structure, hence, the behavior of abusive men is not abnormal, but rather is embedded and reinforced within rural culture and society. Likewise, DeKeseredy and associates discovered in their study from the Appalachian region of Ohio that male peer support among abusive men is a key factor in understanding violence against rural women ( DeKeseredy, 2007 ;DeKeseredy et al , 2007 ). ...
... What is to be done about the plight of many rural women described by DeKeseredy and his colleagues, Gagn é (1992) , Websdale (1995aWebsdale ( , b, 1998 , and other researchers (for example, Navin et al , 1993 ;Krishnan et al , 2001 ;Logan et al , 2004Logan et al , , 2005? Here, we contend that some key principles of Second Generation Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) can be modifi ed to help reduce violence against women. ...
Informed by several studies of woman abuse in rural settings, the main objective of this paper is to discuss how key principles of Second Generation Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) can be applied to help design appropriate community-based prevention strategies for improving the security of women living in rural places from abuse by spouses and partners in both ongoing and terminated relationships. The gender-sensitive version of CPTED recognizes that communities are contested places where differing strands of values, norms, beliefs and tolerance for crime influence the security of rural women. Hence, some forms of social organization or collective efficacy (not social disorganization) may promote and condone rural woman abuse, and other forms serve to prevent and deter it. We propose a Second Generation CPTED framework that considers the utilization of four main strategies, each tailored to directly address feminist concerns and enhance a locality's collective efficacy to increase women's security: community culture; connectivity and pro-feminist masculinity; community threshold and social cohesion.
... In feminist discourse, gender inequality often is attributed to the cultural traditions of marriage and family life (Websdale 1995). The woman is depicted as the nurturing, subordinate housekeeper to the male breadwinner, who retains the economic and decision-making power in the family (Little and Panelli 2003). ...
... The woman is depicted as the nurturing, subordinate housekeeper to the male breadwinner, who retains the economic and decision-making power in the family (Little and Panelli 2003). Such traditions have been found to be more prevalent in rural areas, as marriage rates among rural women are higher than those among urban women (Websdale 1995). In addition to marriage and family life, the church has been deemed one of the main promulgators of patriarchal ideology (Websdale 1995). ...
... Such traditions have been found to be more prevalent in rural areas, as marriage rates among rural women are higher than those among urban women (Websdale 1995). In addition to marriage and family life, the church has been deemed one of the main promulgators of patriarchal ideology (Websdale 1995). Again, this influence is particularly significant in rural areas, as religion has been argued to flourish more prominently in these regions (Websdale 1995). ...
Previous research on rape myths has identified a positive correlation between the acceptance of traditional gender roles and rape myths. Based on earlier research citing the prevalence of these gender roles among rural cultures, it was hypothesized that individuals from rural-farm areas would be more accepting of traditional gender roles and rape myths than their more urban counterparts. Contrary to previous literature on the rural culture milieu, the degree of rurality of one's hometown was not found to be statistically significant in relation to the acceptance of traditional gender roles and rape myths. However, consistent with past research, traditional gender role acceptance was found to be the strongest predictor of rape myth acceptance in this sample of university students.
... This suggests the need to examine whether rural police have sufficient training with respect to responding to cases of IPV, given that research has shown that training resources are often limited in rural police departments (Pruitt, 2008). As a result, police in rural areas may charge women more often because they do not have the necessary training to understand or appreciate women's reasons for engaging in the violence or to recognize the violence as defensive in nature (Pruitt, 2008;Websdale, 1995). This is a concern because rural women face a variety of unique impediments, such as social isolation, lack of anonymity, and difficulties accessing the limited services available to them, which make them more vulnerable to being victimized by their partners (Benson, 2009;Websdale, 1995). ...
... As a result, police in rural areas may charge women more often because they do not have the necessary training to understand or appreciate women's reasons for engaging in the violence or to recognize the violence as defensive in nature (Pruitt, 2008;Websdale, 1995). This is a concern because rural women face a variety of unique impediments, such as social isolation, lack of anonymity, and difficulties accessing the limited services available to them, which make them more vulnerable to being victimized by their partners (Benson, 2009;Websdale, 1995). If rural women are charged for acting in self-defense, these barriers to service may be magnified because some women may refrain from seeking assistance in the future out of fear of being charged or losing their children as a result of child protection intervention. ...
Sole and dual charging of women for intimate partner violence (IPV) has risen in some Canadian and American jurisdictions since the implementation of pro-charging policies. Adding to the limited research within Canada by examining court cases from a small, Ontario city, sociodemographic and situational characteristics are assessed to determine if the context in which women were charged differs from that of men, or in which dual charges were laid. Women were more likely to be charged if they were younger, in legal or common-law relationships, and in rural jurisdictions. Dual charging was more likely among women in current and dating relationships.
... This is not to say that the blame is solely placed upon the man, only that the respondents, whether through role-playing or actual comments made by others, accepted the responsibility for the collapse of the family. Many abused wives experience a similar feeling (Ferraro & Johnson, 1983;Gelles, 1976;Lempert, 1994;Liss & Stahly, 1993;Marano, 1996;Websdale, 1995). The abused males in this study perceived it as a strike to their masculinity because of their inability to control the situation, which ultimately caused the demise of their families. ...
... This is not to claim that the police and other legal institutions extend aid to abused women with little hesitation. As past studies have shown, there is a low level of intervention by police when responding to reports of wife abuse (Chang, 1989;Gelles, 1976;U.S. Commission, 1982;Websdale, 1995). Instead, this argues that the reason for a refusal to take legal action in cases of male abuse is linked to the expectation that wives do not batter their husbands. ...
Being marginalized in Western society involves denial of access to resources, inability to assume a dominant identity, and the perception by others as a deviant. For marginalized men in American society, their deviant status can result in oth-ers' questioning their masculinity. Fearing emasculation, many men attempt to hide or deny those aspects of their identities or lives that result in this, such as being abused, which is normally an ascribed role for women. This paper analyzes the narratives of 12 marginalized, that is, abused men. Through interviews and Internet postings, information was obtained on these men's experiences, beliefs, and reactions to their violent marriages and how their fear of being feminized impacted their relationships, often prolonging the violence. Key Words: marginalized men, abused men, abusive relationships People learn to see themselves and the world around them through a gendered lens, classifying most everything as either masculine or feminine (Bem, 1993). This is not to say that everyone learns exactly the same lessons and sees the world through identical lenses; however, there are generalized notions of what behaviors are expected of males, just as there are basic assumptions about expected behaviors of females. While prescribed notions of gender are learned, it is not strictly about acquiring knowledge on what to do. While a male can master a number of lessons about what it means to be a male and/or masculine (Harris, 1995), the socializing process is less about internaliz-ing what is masculine and more about ascertaining what behaviors are not masculine. Masculinity, in effect, is defined less by what it is and more by what it is not.
... Following the tradition of other published qualitative studies (e.g. Websdale, 1995a;1995b;, findings in the literature and the responses of the service providers have been integrated throughout the report rather than separated. This approach was selected in order to allow the reader a more direct comparison between the research and our "field data". ...
... Numerous researchers have found evidence for an association between past sexual trauma and bulimia Connors and Morse, 1993;Dansky et al., 1997;Everill and Waller, 1995a;1995b;Lanzi et al., 1997). In her study of African-American, Latina, Jewish, and white North American women, Thompson (1992) found that sexual abuse history was the trauma that participants most frequently related to the development of their eating problems. ...
... Depending on both the rural community and the kind of crime under consideration, the relationship may go either way. However, there is now substantial and consistent evidence from the few rural-located studies of intimate partner violence that male peer support, neighbor non-intervention, and rural norms of patriarchy and privacy, all of which are expressions of collective efficacy (not social disorganization), are significant contributors (DeKeseredy and Joseph 2006;DeKeseredy and Schwartz in press;Gagne 1992;Krishnan et al. 2001;Miller and Veltkamp 1989;Websdale 1995Websdale , 1998. ...
... SeeDeKeseredy and Perry (2006) for recent in-depth overviews of these and other variants of critical criminological thought. 2 See DeKeseredy and Joseph(2006),Gagne (1992),Krishnan et al. (2001);Miller and Veltkamp (1989);Navin et al. (1993), andWebsdale (1995Websdale ( , 1998.3 Intimate femicide is defined here as the ''killing of females by male partners with whom they have, have had, or want to have, a sexual and/or emotional relationship''(Ellis and DeKeseredy 1997, p. 592). ...
After decades of neglect, a growing number of scholars have turned their attention to issues of crime and criminal justice
in the rural context. Despite this improvement, rural crime research is underdeveloped theoretically, and is little informed
by critical criminological perspectives. In this article, we introduce the broad tenets of a multi-level theory that links
social and economic change to the reinforcement of rural patriarchy and male peer support, and in turn, how they are linked
to separation/divorce sexual assault. We begin by addressing a series of misconceptions about what is rural, rural homogeneity
and commonly held presumptions about the relationship of rurality, collective efficacy (and related concepts) and crime. We
conclude by recommending more focused research, both qualitative and quantitative, to uncover specific link between the rural
transformation and violence against women.
... The final theme emerging from the research on domestic violence in rural communities relates to the myths, attitudes, and beliefs that are pervasive in rural areas and perpetuate violence against women. Over the last two decades numerous studies across the United States describe rural barriers intertwined with conventional beliefs about privacy within the family (Gagne, 1992;Krishnan et al., 2001;Lichtenstein & Johnson, 2009;Websdale, 1995Websdale, , 1997. A study of battered women in a shelter in the Southwest described the barriers women faced when they felt responsible for the violence and were concerned about causing shame for families that have multiple generations residing in a small community (Krishnan et al., 2001). ...
... However the study by Poonacha & Pandey (2000) revealed that the AWPS are under staffed and at times the staff working within them have divergent job description which has the effect of defeating the purpose for which they are set up. Accordingly, an empirical study conducted by Websdale (1995) reveals that generally the response time of police agency is too long which kills the spirit of the service itself. ...
The formal recognition of the desirable involvement of women police for dealing with crimes against women and children came in during 1922 at the international convention of international police heads (Vishnoi, 1999). Recruitment of women as duty bearers was based on the understanding that women experiencing violence need to feel safe and protected to encourage reporting of the same and she may not feel safe while reporting violence perpetrated by a male to another male sitting within the criminal justice system (UN Women, 2011). India has also followed suit by making the positioning of women mandatory or preferable in justice delivery systems which work as a first contact for women facing violence. Way back in 1987, the National Expert Committee on Women Prisoners recommended the setting up of separate police stations or specific
booths to deal exclusively with issues pertaining to crimes against/
by women (Vishnoi, 1999:38). The present article examines the
researches which have been undertaken on the subject and thereby
draws upon the gains that have been achieved through the
appointment of women in services meant for addressing concerns
of victims of violence. It also examines what further needs to be
done to ensure that the intent with which women were made a part
of the services gets realised in greater measure.
... Sin embargo, considero que las características del mundo definido como "rural" (véase Donnermeyer y DeKeseredy, 2014) no tienen que ver con las definiciones que de él se han hecho como un "hecho diferencial" (Ritzer, 2013), sino con los estilos de vida de quienes habitan ciudades y pueblos dentro de un marco de referencia -no necesariamente-territorial común, en la línea de Websdale (1995;1998 Así que, por tanto, explorar las condiciones de cumplimiento de la ciudad de Cáceres con mayor profundidad no implica que desatendamos la totalidad del territorio objeto de estudio, habida cuenta de las costumbres similares entre jóvenes y adolescentes. En este sentido, reforzando esta cuestión, observamos que la concepción del juego (físico y/u on-line) como un elemento más de ocio, antes de una conducta de riesgo, está presente en los jóvenes de nuestro país (Mejías, 2020), siendo así, por tanto, asimilable a los jóvenes extremeños (en particular, en el caso de Cáceres, CJC, 2019). ...
La alarma social provocada por el auge del juego y las apuestas entre menores, la publicidad de casas de apuestas y la proliferación de estos locales en nuestras ciudades y pueblos ha obligado a las diferentes instituciones españolas a reaccionar, de manera más o menos meditada, mediante la elaboración de normas que regulen -más- el sector del juego. Entre sus objetivos identificamos la minimización de posibles efectos psicológicos y socio-económicos del juego, frenar la participación de la población más vulnerable, regular la publicidad o limitar la apertura de nuevos locales en función de la distancia entre éstos, los centros educativos y otros locales. Una de las primeras Instituciones en tomar medidas ha sido la Junta de Extremadura, a través del Decreto- Ley 1/2019, de 5 de febrero, que regula la distancia mínima obligatoria entre los establecimientos de juego a los centros educativos y la distancia mínima obligatoria entre los propios establecimientos de juego. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el grado de cumplimiento de estas medidas en Extremadura, con especial atención a la ciudad de Cáceres.
... However, Pitcairn's high-density social network and associated social capital was supportive of crime. This marries with a body of research, still emerging, which has presented a different picture of crime in remote (rural) settings, suggesting high rates of interpersonal violence, especially domestic violence (Carrington, 2007;Lievore, 2003;Websdale, 1995). This research suggests that the ecology of rural places and more broadly, remote and isolated places, can be criminogenic. ...
In this article, we seek to chart the place of islands in criminology with respect to both their place- and space-based attributes. We explore the possibilities of island criminology through the case of Pitcairn Island, which in 2004 formed the backdrop for a series of sensational sexual assault trials. The trials thrust the Island, its people, history and customs into the international spotlight, acting as a counter-narrative to the popular mythology of islands as idyllic paradises. This case study provides us with an opportunity to re-examine how fundamental concepts for understanding crime and regulation, such as social integration, community and belonging, and exclusion are practised in the often closed and bounded networks of island ecologies.
... The overwhelming majority of the women interviewed said that they could not count on their neighbours to help solve their personal problems because they adhere to and enforce nonintervention norms as a way to maintain public order. In rural Kentucky, Websdale (1998) 40 found that in many places men could rely on their friends and neighbours, including police officers, to support a violent patriarchal status quo even when they count on the same individuals to help prevent public crimes. Collective efficacy comes in a multiplicity of forms, not just one consistent with Sampson et al's definition. ...
This is Chapter 2 from Lifting our Gaze. It is a summary of research evidence about why working to build community strength is valuable.
... Material support. Rural women are known to be at higher risk of DV than women in urban areas, and the abuse tends to be longer lasting (Thurston, 1996;Websdale, 1995). Several factors make it more difficult for rural women suffering from DV to seek support and to leave the abusive relationship. ...
Throughout North America, indigenous women experience higher rates of intimate partner violence and sexual violence than any other ethnic group, and so it is of particular importance to understand sources of support for Native American women. In this article, we use social network analysis to study the relationship between social integration and women’s access to domestic violence support by examining the recommendations they would give to another woman in need. We ask two main questions: First, are less integrated women more likely to make no recommendation at all when compared with more socially integrated women? Second, are less integrated women more likely than more integrated women to nominate a formal source of support rather than an informal one? We use network data collected from interviews with 158 Canadian women residing in an indigenous community to measure their access to support. We find that, in general, less integrated women are less likely to make a recommendation than more integrated women. However, when they do make a recommendation, less integrated women are more likely to recommend a formal source of support than women who are more integrated. These results add to our understanding of how access to two types of domestic violence support is embedded in the larger set of social relations of an indigenous community.
... Rural men, however, tend to carry these attitudes and have peers who support violence against women in an attempt to uphold a diminishing patriarchal masculinity (DeKeseredy, Schwartz, Fagen, and Hall 2006;Messerschmidt 1993;Raphael 2001). Support for these ideals is found in studies of rural domestic violence which shows that a patriarchal ideology facilitates abuse Gagne, 1992;Websdale 1995Websdale , 1998. ...
... Despite the absence of research focused on the experiences of incarcerated sexual minority women living in rural areas, research on the relevance of context in the lives of those who identify as sexual minorities is warranted. Rural communities are often characterized as places where everyone knows everyone else (Websdale, 1995), and rural life is informed by a strong adherence to traditional gender norms, conservative political views, and fundamentalist religious beliefs (Dillon & Savage, 2006). In studies that have either focused on heterosexual women or assumed that the respondents were heterosexual, these factors have been found to contribute to greater risk of intimate partner violence (Basile & Black, 2011;DeKeseredy, Donnermeyer, Schwartz, Tunnell, & Hall, 2007;Rennison, Dekeserdy, & Dragiewicz, 2013). ...
This exploratory study examines the relationship between sexual identity and violent victimization experiences as predictors of differences in illicit substance and alcohol use and substance use problems among a sample of incarcerated women in rural Appalachia (N = 400). Results indicated that, compared to heterosexual women, sexual minority women were more likely to have a lifetime history of weapon, physical, and sexual assault, and were younger at the time of their first violent victimization. Sexual minority women were younger than heterosexual women at the age of onset for intravenous drug use and at the time they first got drunk, and were more likely to report having overdosed. Multivariate analysis found violent victimization to be the strongest predictor of a history of overdose and substance use problems.
... Characteristics of the sheriff's office also can influence domestic violence attitudes and policies. Rural women have a harder time accessing domestic violence services (Logan et al., 2004;Websdale, 1995) and are more likely to be the victims of sexual assault (Planty et al., 2013). In addition, rural culture may suppress violence against women calls as "rural women believed that justice depends on 'who you are' and 'what you know'" (Websdale, 1995:52). ...
Objective
This article examines sheriffs’ attitudes and their offices’ policies concerning violence against women and assesses the connection between their attitudes and policies.Methods
Using data from an original, national survey completed in the fall of 2012 of elected sheriffs (N = 553), we evaluate a battery of rape and domestic violence myths and examine the presence of various violence against women policies.ResultsWe find that many sheriffs express belief in inaccurate myths concerning violence against women. We find strong connections between sheriffs’ attitudes about women's equality and their attitudes about violence against women. In turn, their attitudes about gender-based violence relate to training and policies for addressing these cases.Conclusion
In an office like that of the sheriff, with both bureaucratic and political elements, attitudes of political leaders influence policies. Our findings suggest an important connection between elected officials’ attitudes and policy actions beyond the traditional legislative arena.
... First, the sample for this study was taken from two metropolitan police departments in Taiwan. Although the characteristics of the sampled officers are similar to those of officers in the two police departments, the findings may not be appropriate to generalize to rural (i.e., smaller) police departments, where the nature of domestic violence and the police response could be different (Websdale, 1995;Websdale & Johnson, 1997). Future study should include sample officers from rural police departments to examine whether officers' perceptions of domestic violence vary by geographic area. ...
Although there has been a growing research interest in examining factors associated with police arrest decisions and victims' perceptions of the police in handling domestic violence, very few studies have empirically assessed female and male officers' attitudes toward domestic violence. Using survey data collected from 272 male and female officers from two metropolitan police departments in Taiwan, this research compared male and female police officers' reactive and proactive attitudes toward handling domestic violence incidents. The findings indicated that male officers were more likely than female officers to support minimum police involvement and to tolerate domestic violence. With regard to proactive attitudes, there was no significant gender difference in officers' endorsement of proarrest policy and the importance of domestic violence in police work. Implications for future research and policy are discussed.
... Some studies report rural residents are more satisfied with the 530 PIJPSM 36,3 police and their services (Huang and Vaughn, 1996;Hurst, 2007;Kowalewski et al., 1984;Maguire et al., 1991;Worrall, 1999), others find the opposite (Zamble and Annesley, 1987), and some indicate there are no major differences between rural and urban residents (Baird-Olson, 2000), particularly among middle class respondents (Albrecht and Green, 1977). The special role that state troopers perform in rural areas also needs to be noted as troopers often respond to crimes that might otherwise be handled by local law enforcement in urban areas (see Websdale, 1995). ...
Purpose ‐ Public opinion regarding the police is generally positive, although there are number of individual and contextual variables that affect these views. Yet research examining public perceptions regarding state law enforcement agencies (particularly state patrols) is rare. Design/methodology/approach ‐ The paper utilizes a representative state-wide sample of state residents and examine their perceptions of the Colorado State Patrol (CSP). Findings ‐ The paper finds positive views of the CSP overall and place particular emphasis on how individual, contextual, and contact-related variables affect opinions. Research limitations/implications ‐ The study focusses on one state patrol and is not generalizable to all state patrols and to other forms of state law enforcement. Originality/value ‐ The paper fills a void in the research on public opinion regarding state law enforcement and discuss similarities and differences in how they are viewed when compared to municipal agencies.
... Efficacious responses to IPV are always a challenge, and this may be even more of a truism in rural regions (Sudderth 2006;Wallace 2002). In his study of IPV in rural Kentucky, Neil Websdale (1995) noted that this crime is especially problematic in areas of low population density for three key reasons (see also Logan et al. 2004;Sudderth 2006;Weisheit and Wells 1996). First, IPV in rural areas may be less evident because of physical isolation; the greater distance between victims, offenders, and others makes this crime less evident to family and friends who might provide counsel, alert authorities, or otherwise aid victims. ...
The extant literature has given only limited consideration to the adoption of intimate partner violence policies and procedures on the part of police organizations, particularly in rural areas and small towns. Using survey data from police agencies in the southern regions of Illinois, this study found that although policies were nearly universal, specific elements varied. Agencies relied heavily on conferences and other departments in formulating their policies, making less use of recommendations from professional associations or the salient literature. The findings suggest variation in how intimate partner violence is perceived and policed in rural areas and small towns while highlighting some of the challenges agencies encounter in addressing this offense within their jurisdictions.
... At first blush, it may seem that the availability of law is not relevant to contemporary southern violence, particularly in rural areas. After all, the literature on rural policing is fairly straightforward in describing the very high level of integration rural law enforcement officers typically exhibit in their communities (see Payne, Berg, & Sun, 2005; Websdale, 1995; Weisheit, Falcone, & Wells, 2006; Weisheit, Wells, & Falcone, 1994). They are frequently long-term residents, have lots of family and friends there, and in fact may experience a whole host of problems in carrying out their law enforcement functions precisely because they are so well integrated into their communities. ...
This article fleshes out a perspective on culture and lethal violence using examples from two contexts where they are believed to be strongly linked: among rural southern Whites and urban Blacks. Concepts from the cultural paradigm which focuses on understanding how people use cultural resources instead of discerning the content of cultures are employed. Through the lenses of this alternative cultural paradigm, violence in these two settings is partly attributable to an abundance of strategies of action condoning the use of violence. Strategies of action pertinent to defensive or honor-based violence emerge where the law is unavailable and may be amplified by moderate or high levels of poverty. However, when socioeconomic disadvantage is so severe that there is widespread institutional breakdown, strategies of action promoting more predatory and instrumental forms of violence may also evolve. This is because mainstream institutions are a primary source of socialization where cultural tool kits containing strategies of action are expanded and diversified. When they are weak, socialization through street peer groups or illegal markets may be more pronounced, facilitating the contextual transference of violent scripts for action to situations other than those involving honor or character contests. Actors immersed in violent communities are not subsequently mired down in circumstances beyond their control. Through participation in violent activities, they can actively create and reinforce their own violent social environment.
... . The size of the department will influence its response to new legislation and the kinds of problems the department confronts responding to the new legislation (see Websdale, 1995). ...
... Although still underresearched, rural policing has been the subject of a line of studies that examined the nature and types of tasks performed by American rural and small-town police officers (Baird-Olson, 2000;Bass, 1995;Decker, 1979;Galliher, Donavan & Adams, 1975;Maguire, Faulkner & Mathers, 1991;Marenin & Copus, 1991;Meagher, 1985;Payne, Berg & Sun, 2005;Teske, 1982;Weisheit, Falcone & Wells, 2006;Wood & Trostle, 1997). Another vein of research focused on rural officers' responses to specific offences, such as drug offending, domestic violence and traffic violations (Ball, 2001;Brock, Copeland, Scott & Ethridge, 2001;Hafley & Tewksbury, 1996;Van Hightower, Gorton & DeMoss, 2000;Websdale, 1995;Websdale & Johnson, 1998). The widespread adoption of community policing in the United States also drew research attention to the effect of this recent police reform on rural policing (Cordner & Scarborough, 1997;O'Shea, 1999;Thurman & McGarrell, 1997;Weisheit, Wells & Falcone, 1994;Zhao & Thurman, 1997). ...
This study examines attitudinal differences between rural and urban police officers in Taiwan. Data used in this research were collected from a rural Taiwanese county, Hualien, and a metropolitan department, Taipei. Officers' occupational attitudes are assessed along four dimensions: group cohesion, citizen cooperation, aggressive enforcement, and order maintenance. The results indicate that, compared to their urban counterparts, rural officers are more likely to show higher levels of group cohesion and favour citizen cooperation. Rural and urban officers, however, do not differ significantly in their attitudes towards aggressive enforcement and order maintenance. Implications for future research and policy are discussed.
... This predicament leaves a significant gap in our understanding of the majority of policing situations encountered across the country. While the number of studies dealing with policing in small town communities is slowly increasing (see for example Falcone, Wells, & Weisheit, 2002;Liederbach & Frank, 2003, 2006Websdale, 1995), the overall number of studies has remained small and very few have involved direct comparisons or contrasts with larger urban communities. ...
Little is known about the similarities and differences that exist between urban and small town police agencies with regard to citizen calls for service. The research about citizen demand for policing services in the USA has focused overwhelmingly on city police agencies and the research methodologies used made direct comparisons with smaller agencies impossible. The present research involved a comparison of calls for service from three urban municipal police departments and three small town departments for the same two-week period of time using identical coding schemes. The findings suggest that urban agencies receive proportionately more order maintenance calls, small town agencies receive proportionately more service calls, and both types of agencies receive similar proportions of law enforcement-related calls. The urban agencies, however, dealt with larger proportions of more serious crimes.
... . The size of the department will influence its response to new legislation and the kinds of problems the department confronts responding to the new legislation (see Websdale, 1995). ...
When elder abuse first surfaced as a social problem, the response to the problem was grounded in the belief that the victims would be best served with as little criminal justice involvement as possible. This changed in the late 1980s and early 1990s when elder abuse was criminalized by politicians, and police were expected to treat the problem as a crime problem despite the fact that very little research had considered the best law enforcement response to elder abuse. In this research, we surveyed 119 police chiefs to see how their departments handled allegations of abuse. We also address the problems they confront in elder abuse cases and the special programs and policies they have implemented to deal with the victimization of elderly persons. Results show that traditional criminal justice techniques are followed for the most part, and only about a third of the departments implemented special elder abuse programs. Also, they confront numerous problems that are common when police are expected to enforce new laws.
... The same study (Cao 2006), however, also indicated that rural Chinese had a higher degree of acceptance of domestic violence and thus were possibly more likely to under-report such incidents than their urban counterparts. Other studies found that urban and rural officers differed in their occupational attitudes and response to domestic violence both in the USA (Websdale 1995, Websdale andJohnson 1997) and a Chinese society (Sun and Chu 2009). In the USA, urban women utilised more help-seeking resources than did their rural counterparts, whereas rural women perceived the criminal justice system services as less helpful than did urban women (Shannon et al. 2006). ...
While a number of previous studies have examined citizens’ attitudes towards police response to domestic violence, very few have approached the topic from an international, comparative perspective. Using survey data collected from more than 600 students in a Hong Kong university and an American university, this study empirically assesses students’ attitudes towards proactive and reactive police responses to domestic violence incidents, controlling for students’ demographic characteristics, personal and vicarious experiences with crime including domestic violence and perceptions of gender roles and violence. The results showed that Chinese students were less likely to support proactive police response and more likely to favour reactive police response, compared with their US counterparts. Chinese students’ attitudes towards police response were shaped mainly by their attitudes towards gender equality, whereas American students’ attitudes were influenced chiefly by their background characteristics and attitudes towards violence. Implications for policy and future research are discussed.
... First, this study analyzed survey data collected from police officers at two metropolitan police departments in Taiwan. Previous studies have shown that domestic violence incidents were perceived and handled differently by urban and rural police officers (Bell, 1986;Brookbank, 1995;Websdale, 1995;Websdale & Johnson, 1997, 1998. The findings of this study thus may not be generalized to officers in rural areas. ...
This study examined Taiwanese female and male police officers' perceptions of handling domestic violence. Specifically, it assessed officers' attitudes toward whether female officers, male officers, or a combination of female and male officers are more suited for handling cases of battered women, offenders, and domestic violence overall. Survey data were collected from 96 female and 156 male officers from two police departments in Taiwan. Frequency distributions showed that a combination of male and female officers were most preferred by officers for handling abused women, offenders, and domestic violence overall. Regression analysis found that female officers were significantly more likely than male officers to favor a combination of male and female officers over female officers alone for handling battered women. Female officers were found to be more likely than male officers to favor male over female officers and a combination of male and female officers for handling offenders. Police supervisors' attitudes toward domestic violence also influenced officers' attitudes toward who is more suited for handling offenders. Implications for future research and policy are discussed.
... In our study, women perceived calling the police as a gamble because of potential batterer manipulation of-and male bonding with-the officer. Others have reported that police often spend more time with the offenders than with the victims of IPV (Brown, 1984;Erez & Belknap, 1998;Websdale, 1995). ...
Intimate partner violence is underreported to police. A study was conducted utilizing focus group methodology to identify women's perceptions of the barriers to seeking police help for intimate partner violence (IPV). Facilitators used a structured format with open-ended questions for five focus group sessions that were recorded and subsequently analyzed using Ethnograph software. Participants were 41 women identified from social service agencies in an urban setting serving IPV women with diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds. Participants identified many barriers for victims, which fell within the following three themes: (1) Predisposing characteristics — situational and personal factors; (2) fears and negative experiences with police response; and (3) fears of possible repercussions. Participants also described positive experiences with police and generated a wish list for improving police response to IPV. Policies and actions that can be taken by police and social service agencies to address the barriers IPV victims face in seeking police help are discussed.
... Rural women living in remote areas or small communities with little or no resources faced several obstacles in obtaining help. They often lacked reliable transportation, access to money, job opportunities, and telephone service (Thurston, 1996;Websdale, 1995). Many rural women with abusive partners have sought help from formal support networks but have been negated, discounted, or treated in a nonsupportive manner (Stark & Flitcraft, 1996;Tan et al., 1995;Websdale, 1998). ...
Many rural women in abusive partner relationships have reached to informal and formal support networks for assistance and have been negated, discounted, or treated in a nonsupportive manner. Women trying to end partner abuse rarely have found the help they seek from their communities; and family and friends may question, blame, or misunderstand women's situations. This study examined behaviors of supportive and nonsupportive persons and the effectiveness of support networks in helping rural women in abusive partner relationships become free from abuse. Supportive persons were found to help women access resources and extended informal and formal networks which in turn helped women become free from abuse. Nonsupportive persons hindered women's access to resources and facilitated in keeping women bound in abusive partner relationships. Partner abuse is a complex societal issue that involves a large network of support and services in order to help women become free from abuse, having implications to educators and service providers.
This book chronicles key contemporary developments in the social scientific
study of various types of male-to-female abuse in rural places and suggests new directions in research, theory, and policy. The main objective of this book is not to simply provide a dry recitation of the extant literature on the abuse of rural women in private places. To be sure, this material is covered, but rural women’s experiences of crimes of the powerful like genocidal rape and corporate violence against female employees are also examined.
Written by a celebrated expert on the subject, this book considers woman
abuse in a broad context, covering forms of violence such as physical and sexual assault, coercive control, genocidal rape, abortion bans, forced pregnancy, and corporate forms of violence. It offers a broad research agenda that examines the multidimensional nature of violence against rural women. Drawing on decades of work in the shelter movement, with activist organizations and doing academic and government research, DeKeseredy punctuates the book with stories and voices of perpetrators and survivors of abuse. Additionally, what makes this book unique is that it focuses on the plight of rural women around the world and it introduces a modified version of Liz Kelly’s original continuum of sexual violence.
An accessible and compelling read, this book will appeal to students and
scholars of criminology, sociology, women’s studies, cultural studies, policing, geography, and all those interested in learning about the abuse women face in rural areas.
This paper proposes an integrated theoretical framework for understanding women, work and violence in non-metropolitan contexts. Despite the fact that the relationship between domestic and family violence (DFV) and the workplace is a growing focus of academic research, there remain certain lacunae within the literature. In particular, research that examines DFV and work in tandem is incredibly urban-centric, but also quite descriptive and a-theoretical, as well as quantitative in its methodological approaches. The lack of non-metropolitan research at the nexus of DFV and work is puzzling, given that established scholarship tells us firstly that DFV is more potent and complicated outside of big cities, and secondly that work is also harder to obtain and more complicated. In light of these issues, the current paper serves three distinct functions. Firstly, it operates as a call for the generation of new research that addresses limitations within the academic conversation. Secondly, it argues for the significance of research that illuminates the relationship between work and DFV in non-metropolitan locations; not only to address the existing knowledge gap, but also because the findings generated in these more ‘extreme’ scenarios may assist us in effectively addressing the DFV–work nexus more broadly. And thirdly, to facilitate the production of rigorous and holistic knowledge at the intersection of work, DFV and non-metropolitan experience, the paper proposes an integrated theoretical framework for understanding women, work and violence in non-metropolitan contexts. Overall, it argues that such an integrated framework would necessarily need to account for the contextual factors of space and place, as well as feminist theory on work, and existing knowledge on both violence against women and the complexities of work in non-metropolitan contexts.
Drawing on Canadian police data on homicide involving domestic dispute calls from 1960 to the present ( n = 20), as well as on in‐depth interviews with police officers ( n = 33) working in rural and remote communities, the authors reexamine the argument that police attendance at domestic disturbance calls can pose a special threat to officer safety. Although some scholarship suggests that purported risks have been overstated, the authors argue that location may be a critical factor in reducing or heightening not only risks to officers, but also to victims. Although intended as an exploratory work, situated within the context of cultural support for domestic violence in rural communities, the authors raise both interesting policy implications, as well as potential avenues for future research.
En partant de données de la police canadienne sur les homicides impliquant des disputes familiales de 1960 à nos jours ( n = 20), ainsi que sur des entrevues en profondeur avec des agents policiers ( n = 33) travaillant dans des régions rurales et des communautés éloignées, les auteurs ré‐examinent l'argument voulant que les interventions policières lors d'appels liés à des problèmes domestiques posent un risque spécial pour les agents policiers. Même si certains spécialistes suggèrent que ces risques sont exagérés, les auteurs affirment que le lieu pourrait être un facteur important par rapport au niveau de risque pour les agents policiers, ainsi que les victimes. Même s'il s'agit d'une recherche exploratoire, se situant dans le contexte du soutient culturel de la violence domestique dans les communautés rurales, les auteurs s'intéressent à la fois aux implications en termes de gestion et aux directions possibles en termes de recherches futures.
Rural crime in general ranks among the least studied social problems in the social sciences; however, a growing body of research shows that rural woman abuse is a major problem. The current state of progressive critical feminist social scientific knowledge enhances an empirical and theoretical understanding of intimate violence against rural women. Revealing the complexities of rural women's experiences and struggles with violent relationships reconstitutes violence against women as a public crisis that requires continued serious attention with regard research, theory, and policy. Three primary objectives of this article are as follows: (i) briefly review recent feminist social scientific literature on research, methodology, and theoretical contributions on violence against women in rural areas, (ii) suggest new directions in researching and theorizing rural women's experiences with intimate violence, and (iii) offer creative practical and policy solutions towards a broad vision of social change.
Research demonstrates the critical need for transitional supportive housing (TSH) for survivors of domestic violence (Melbin, Sullivan, and Cain, 2003). However, the presence of such programs around the country is inconsistent, and where programs do exist, little consensus has been attained on what aspects of these programs are most beneficial for clients (Melbin et al., 2003). This paper presents initial descriptive data based on a program evaluation of a TSH facility located in a small rural town in the southern United States. Assessments at both the individual and program levels included gathering qualitative and quantitative data. We present data on the clients in the program as well as the support groups conducted from 2004 through spring 2006. Discussed in the conclusion are lessons learned and the next steps for greater program success.
Strikingly, scant attention has focused on the victimization of women who want to leave their hostile partners. Dangerous Exits, a groundbreaking work challenges the perception that rural communities are safe havens from the brutality of urban living. Identifying hidden crimes of economic blackmail and psychological mistreatment, and the complex relationship between patriarchy and abuse, Walter S. DeKeseredy and Martin D. Schwartz propose concrete and effective solutions, giving voice to women who have often suffered in silence.
Rural crime is a fast growing area of interest among scholars in criminology. From studies of agricultural crime in Australia, to violence against women in Appalachia America, to poaching in Uganda, to land theft in Brazil -- the criminology community has come to recognize that crime manifests itself in rural localities in ways that both conform to and challenge conventional theory and research. For the first time, Rural Criminology brings together contemporary res arch and conceptual considerations to synthesize rural crime studies from a critical perspective.
Policing reveals much about rural society. It refers to the way that the police, the public and other agencies regulate themselves and each other according to the dominant ideals of society. This can be formally, through the ever-growing spectrum of policing partnerships in neo-liberal countries, or informally, through the performance and enforcement of moral codes and values. This book draws on international inter-disciplinary perspectives to examine the range and consequences of policing across different rural localities. Rural Policing and Policing the Rural is organised into two sections: the first examines who is policing rural areas, while the second examines the nature of rural policing by considering, on the one hand, the policing of rural space and, on the other, how ideas of rurality are regulated. In doing so this book provides a survey of rural policing that will be valuable to academics, students, policy makers and those policing rural places.
The increased representation of women in prisons and its consequences has been constructed as an urban, inner-city problem. Lost in this conversation, is the acknowledgement of how the limited socioeconomic opportunities, spatial isolation, and stigma which characterize rural America, lead to the vulnerabilities that mark the lives of rural women (Pruitt in Utah Law Rev 2:421–488, 2007). Through the lens of the Vulnerability Conceptual Model, this study explores the ways that community context shapes women’s experiences of mothering, the effect of incarceration on their children, and plans for returning home. Results of the study contribute to the limited research dedicated to rural women, usually obscured by society’s dominant urban perspective.
Evidence of religious beliefs and religious practices seem to be obvious to just about everyone except those whose research and passion is linked to feminism or gender studies. We selected from our bookshelves five recent books discussing gender issues or women’s lives.1 Even though thiswas not a random experiment, it revealed a stark and rather troubling finding: in not one of these anthologies was there an article or a chapter devoted specifically to religion or spirituality. At first blush, you would think that religion does not matter to feminists or scholars studying women. Spirituality is apparently not on the gender radar screen; it is outside of feminist consciousness as it were.
In this exploratory article we draw attention to the full faith and credit guarantees offered by the 1994 Violence Against Women Act (VAWA). We begin by noting the significance of new interstate protections for battered women in light of the difficulties and dangers they face as they flee across state lines in search of safety. We argue that full faith and credit guarantees are a progressive development in the struggle against domestic violence. However, we acknowledge and examine a number of specific problems in implementing these guarantees. The article closes with some recommendations for future research into the implementation of interstate protections under VAWA.
The U.S. divorced prevalence rates have increased steadily between the years 1963–2003 for the elderly and pre-elderly cohorts and will likely continue in coming decades. This study utilized Social Exchange principles in evaluating the comparative resource diminutions between female and male elderly divorced and between married and not married elderly. Results suggest that elderly divorced females have fewer financial resources, while having more social and emotional resources than males. Results also suggest that widowed, separated, divorced, and never married elderly have fewer resources than married ones. Separated elderly females notably had the fewest resources.
Research demonstrates the critical need for transitional supportive housing (TSH) for survivors of domestic violence (Melbin, Sullivan, and Cain, 2003). However, the presence of such programs around the country is inconsistent, and where programs do exist, little consensus has been attained on what aspects of these programs are most beneficial for clients (Melbin et al., 2003). This paper presents initial descriptive data based on a program evaluation of a TSH facility located in a small rural town in the southern United States. Assessments at both the individual and program levels included gathering qualitative and quantitative data. We present data on the clients in the program as well as the support groups conducted from 2004 through spring 2006. Discussed in the conclusion are lessons learned and the next steps for greater program success.
In this study, we draw from the literature on sibling configurations and parental age to investigate the effects of these factors on the academic achievement of children. The study investigates the effects of maternal age at first birth, maternal age when the respondent was born, and father's age when the respondent was born on ACT scores, grade point averages over three years, and whether or not the parents are providing financial aid to their students. We examine the effects of sibship size, ordinal position, and gender composition of the sibship on these same variables. The study also investigates the extent to which the relationship between parental age and academic outcomes is linear. The relationship of sibship size, ordinal position, and gender composition on the quality of relationships with parents is investigated. Using a sample of freshmen at a mid-western university, we find consistent positive effects of parental age on high school and early college achievement, as well as consistent negative birth order effects on achievement at the high school level. Students with older parents and fewer older siblings consistently performed better. Sibship size and the proportion of females in the sibship had no effect on academic outcomes. Using self-reported data from children on a childhood measure of parental support and interaction and quality of relationships with parents during late adolescence, we also investigate the impact of parental age at birth, and sibling characteristics on childhood and adolescent family environment. Ordinal position had a significant positive effect on the quality of relationships with parents during adolescence, and sibship size had a significant negative effect. We find a curvilinear effect for paternal age on childhood support and parental involvement, but not for academic achievement or quality of relationships with parents in late adolescence. Parental education had a positive significant impact on childhood support and involvement. Children from larger sibships and who were later born children were less likely to receive financial aid from their parents. The results are discussed as they relate to the literature on parental age and sibling configurations, and in terms of their implications for student retention and success.
Many studies have been conducted to examine why some battered women return to abusive relationships (Alsdurf & Alsdurf, 1989a, 1989b; Herbert, Silver, & Ellard, 1991; Hoffman, 1992; Strube, 1988; Strube & Barbour, 1983; Walker, 1977–1978). The authors review factors linked to the battered woman's return to the abusive environment and suggest an additional factor—the values of the woman. Moral development and some of the beliefs of the committed Christian woman are examined. The influence of these factors on her decision to remain in the abusive relationship are discussed. Interventions that accommodate to the framework of the committed Christian woman's value/belief system are explored. Counselors are also encouraged to explore their own value systems in relation to their clients to ascertain if and how these values may influence their clients.
Domestic violence is a multifaceted problem that requires various agencies to work together to serve victims. Among other agencies that are involved in this collaborative effort, criminal justice officials must work with social services workers to ensure that cases are handled effectively. At the root of this collaborative effort, it is natural to question whether various parties have the knowledge needed to effectively respond to specific cases of domestic violence. In this study, attention was given to whether social workers possessed enough knowledge about various aspects of domestic violence, including information required to process domestic violence cases in the criminal justice system. In all, 186 social services worker supervisors in the Commonwealth of Virginia were asked to rate the level of knowledge they believed social services workers had regarding specific domestic violence topics with the level of knowledge workers they believed social workers needed regarding each domestic violence topic. Findings suggested that social services workers might have more problems dealing with the interpersonal nature of domestic violence cases than they do with the legal issues. At the same time, the supervisors suggested the workers knew less about specific legal options than they needed to know. Based on this, the authors suggest changes in training for all human services workers, including criminal justice officials and social workers.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.