Racial and Ethnic Diversity in Perceptions of Discrimination

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... However, Asians are the least visible of all minority groups, evident by their lack of inclusion on workplace discrimination research involving denied promotion opportunities, in part, due to their small sample size but primarily because of a pervasive stereotype that Asians achieve universal occupational success and are not really disadvantaged minorities, commonly known as the model minority myth (Harris, 2004;Lai & Babcock, 2013;Museus & Kiang, 2009;Takei, Sakamoto, & Kuo, 2014). Likewise, there exists a lack of nationally representative survey data on Asians and their experiences in the U.S. labor market. ...
... Thus, it is necessary to examine Asians of various ethnic backgrounds to provide a more accurate assessment of their workplace experience. Therefore, this study extends upon work that treats Asians as a homogeneous group and identifies sources of heterogeneity, while contributing to the scant body of research in Asians' experiences of perceived discrimination in denied promotion decisions as a result of race/ethnicity (see Gee & Peck, 2017;Harris, 2004;Sakamoto et al., 2006;Takei et al., 2014;Zeng, 2011). The model minority myth is an appropriate framework to reinforce the bamboo ceiling. ...
... For example, only three of the 10 Asian subgroups (e.g., Chinese, Koreans, and Vietnamese) perceive a higher level of discriminatory treatment due to race/ethnicity in comparison with other race/ethnic groups. Interestingly, these findings support a study by Harris (2004) on racial/ethnic diversity in perceptions of discrimination. She found that Asian Americans (i.e., Chinese, Koreans, and Vietnamese) report higher levels of perceived discrimination than Hispanics (i.e., Mexicans and Puerto Ricans) and Blacks (i.e., African Americans and Caribbean Americans), although in the current study it appears Blacks/African Americans perceive higher discriminatory treatment than Asian Americans. ...
... Reports of discrimination experience are widespread among both minority adults and adolescents (Dotterer et al., 2009;DuBois et al., 2002;Harris, 2004;Kessler et al., 1999;Sellers and Shelton, 2003;Swim et al., 2003;Stainback and Irvin, 2012). Generally, Black Americans report the highest levels. ...
... About two-thirds reported others acting as if they were better than the respondent and majorities reported being treated with less respect and less courtesy. Substantial proportions of Hispanic adolescents report discrimination as well (Bobo and Suh, 1995;Harris, 2004;Rumbaut, 1994;Telles and Ortiz, 2008;Lopez et al., 2010). Using data from an ethnically diverse high school, Fisher et al. (2000) found that 65 percent reported being hassled by store clerks, 47 percent were called racially insulting names and 35 percent were discouraged from joining advanced classes. ...
... Interestingly, some Whites report discrimination experiences as well. 1 Research generally estimates the proportion to be as high as 30 percent (Kessler et al., 1999), but often as low as one-tenth (Harris, 2004;Mayrl and Saperstein, 2013). The relative scarcity of their discrimination reports follows the idea that race is less central to White identities and experiences (McIntosh, 1988). ...
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This analysis examines fear of interpersonal racial discrimination among Black, Hispanic, and White adolescents. The extent and correlates of these concerns are examined using survey data from the Project for Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods. Borrowing from the fear-of-crime literature, the contact hypothesis, and group threat theory, several hypotheses are developed linking discrimination fear to direct personal experience with discrimination, indirect or vicarious experience, and environmental signals of discrimination. Results show that about half of Blacks and Hispanics have feared discrimination in the past year. Multivariate results indicate that fear is most likely if one has experienced victimization first-hand and when one's parent is affected by discrimination. Further, a larger presence neighborhood outgroups produces greater fear. Overall, discrimination fear constitutes an additional obstacle for minority adolescents as they transition to adulthood. The phenomenon warrants increased scholarly attention and represents a fruitful avenue for future research.
... Despite the notion that the U.S. is experiencing a post-racial era, Black Americans continue to experience and report incidences of racial discrimination (Bonilla-Silva 2013). In schools, the labor market, and residential locations, racial and ethnic minorities continue to report feelings and accounts of discrimination (Harris 2004;Jefferson and Caldwell 2002). The Black American experience cannot be told without the inclusion of the history of racial discrimination. ...
... Black immigrants, although not unfamiliar with racism, the lived experiences of racism and discrimination may vary some from Black Americans, particularly for those who reside in areas with strong Caribbean enclaves (i.e., South Florida and New York). Therefore, maintaining and reaffirming a cultural identity among Caribbean Blacks may, to some extent, represent a much different way of coping with discrimination that are used by many African Americans (Hall and Carter 2006;Harris 2004;Jackson and Cothran 2003;Lacy 2004). Despite parent's efforts, some scholars contend that second and third generation Caribbean Blacks, particularly U.S.-born, develop racial and ethnic identity similarly to African Americans (Noh et al. 2007;Waters 1994). ...
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A growing body of research links interpersonal racial and ethnic discrimination to adverse youth outcomes. Yet, studies examining the relevance of neighborhood context for discrimination are sparse. This study examines neighborhood-level variation in the incidence and impact of perceived racial and ethnic discrimination on depressive symptoms, suicidal behavior, violent behavior, and substance use. Hierarchical regression models on a sample of 1333 African American and Hispanic youth (52.44% female; x̄ = 13.03 years, SD = 3.25 at wave 1) residing in 238 Chicago neighborhoods from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods indicated little to no neighborhood-level variation in the incidence and impact of discrimination. Findings suggest that the experience of discrimination among youth of color is ubiquitous.
There is a growing body of research linking racial and ethnic discrimination to adverse youth outcomes. Beyond experienced racial and ethnic discrimination, this study considers the relevance of anticipated and vicarious racial and ethnic discrimination for depression and suicidal behavior. Hierarchical regression models on a diverse sample of 1147 youth (50.31 % female) within 79 neighborhoods from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods indicated that experienced, anticipated, and vicarious racial and ethnic discrimination were associated with an increased risk of depression and suicidal behavior. Additionally, African American and Hispanic youth were disproportionately exposed to—but not differentially impacted by—racial and ethnic discrimination. Findings suggest that developmental research should account for experienced, anticipated, and vicarious racial and ethnic discrimination.
Using data from a mixed methods study with suburban Detroit, middle-class mothers as participants, we explore the relationship between racial microaggressions and the racial battle fatigue experienced by Black mothers with young daughters attending predominantly White schools. We find that Black mothers are regularly subjected to racial microaggressions by the White teachers, administrators, and parents with whom they interact. When experiencing slights, insults, and indignities, mothers report taking direct action—borne from African American motherwork—to combat the racial microaggressions. In the context of predominantly White schools, Black mothers enact aesthetic presence, maintain a visible presence, and are strategic in their interactions with school personnel. Racial battle fatigue is evident as they experience and combat racial microaggressions. To extend understanding of racial microaggressions, we apply the sociological concept of the Du Boisian Veil to our analysis. We discuss how the Veil—a barrier which protects the Black psyche by grounding the racialized self while simultaneously precluding racial equality by sustaining racial oppression—can induce the racial battle fatigue that is manifested when one is deluged by racial microaggressions.
I use data from the 2011 Pew Survey (N = 1,033) to examine the prevalence and correlates of perceived discrimination across Muslim American racial/ethnic groups. Asian Muslims report the lowest frequency of perceived discrimination than other Muslim racial/ethnic groups. Nearly, all Muslim racial/ethnic groups have a few times higher odds of reporting one or more types of perceived discrimination than white Muslims. After controlling for socio-demographic characteristics, the observed relationships persist for Hispanic Muslims but disappear for black and other/mixed race Muslims. Women are less likely than men to report several forms of discrimination. Older Muslims report lower rates of perceived discrimination than younger Muslims. White Muslim men are more likely to report experiencing discrimination than white, black and Asian Muslim women. The findings highlight varying degrees of perceived discrimination among Muslim American racial/ethnic groups and suggest examining negative implications for Muslims who are at the greatest risk of mistreatment.
The purpose of this paper is to investigate the degree to which adults in four racial/gender categories perceive that they experience discrimination. Using the 1995–1996 National Survey of Midlife Development in the United States (MIDUS), the author employs logistic regression to compare the likelihood of perceiving specific types of discrimination for black men, black women, white men, and white women. Results indicate that variations in perceived discrimination occur across the racial/gender categories. The findings highlight the need for researchers to be aware of gendered and racialized perceptions of discrimination.
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