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Land use planning as a response to rapid population growth and community change.
Abstract
The 1981 Census documents the population turn-around in the majority of the nation's towns and small cities. Population growth alters the cultural landscape of a community, signaling changes in many aspects of community life. The land use planning process provides citizens with a vehicle for managing the pace and the nature of community change. The analysis confirms that support for growth management, land use planning and zoning draws upon different interest groups in the community. -Author
... Nonmetropolitan population increase is a major source of land conversion and destruction of natural resources, both directly in the form of houses, roads, and commercial and recreational development and indirectly in the form of pressures by new households on traditional users and uses (see Dunphy 1988). Yet, despite considerable comment in the literature to this effect (Berry 1981;Brown and Beale 1981;Garkovich 1982;Bradley 1984;Alig 1986) and the importance attached to nonmetropolitan land use planning in the face of such changes (Geisler and Martinson 1976;Garkovich 1982;Rudel 1982), studies of nonmetropolitan population change have focused on characteristics of new residents and their effects on the receiving communities, largely ignoring their effects on local natural resources and resource management (for example , Ploch 1978;Beale 1980;Price and Clay 1980). Furthermore, most attention in such brief discussions as do exist is focused on conversion for development rather than on the critical question of the management of surviving resources. ...
... Nonmetropolitan population increase is a major source of land conversion and destruction of natural resources, both directly in the form of houses, roads, and commercial and recreational development and indirectly in the form of pressures by new households on traditional users and uses (see Dunphy 1988). Yet, despite considerable comment in the literature to this effect (Berry 1981;Brown and Beale 1981;Garkovich 1982;Bradley 1984;Alig 1986) and the importance attached to nonmetropolitan land use planning in the face of such changes (Geisler and Martinson 1976;Garkovich 1982;Rudel 1982), studies of nonmetropolitan population change have focused on characteristics of new residents and their effects on the receiving communities, largely ignoring their effects on local natural resources and resource management (for example , Ploch 1978;Beale 1980;Price and Clay 1980). Furthermore, most attention in such brief discussions as do exist is focused on conversion for development rather than on the critical question of the management of surviving resources. ...
Studies of nonmetropolitan growth have neglected the effect of changes in the nature of new residents and land‐holding size on individual resource management. This study of management of a resource‐at‐risk shows that deleterious resource management does not follow automatically in the wake of population growth. There is no difference in likelihood of new and long‐standing residents to manage resources, although they probably manage for different reasons, and new residents are more likely to practice protective management. No differences in management on parcels of different sizes were found. Discriminant analysis in which variation due to length of residence is taken into account, however, shows protective management to be predicted by property size and “connectedness”; to the land rather than by demographic variables. Future studies of resource management should consider economic and non‐economic management goals, “connectedness”; to the land and resource, and non‐professional (indigenous) management practices.
... By the time long-time residents and political leaders are convinced of the need for formal rules to supplement shared understandings and informal practices, landowners and developers have often exploited the lack of regulation for short-term gain. In general, rapid population growth is a key variable in predicting whether a rural municipality adopts land use planning (Garkovich, 1982;Rudel, 1984), suggesting that a reactive rather than pro-active response to growth is the norm. Before a turn to more comprehensive land use planning, rural governance institutions may use issue-based measures, like ordinances, to regulate individual problems as they arise, e.g. ...
In 2006, land use planning emerged as a contested issue in the rural area known as ‘Down East’, Carteret County, in eastern North Carolina, USA. Down East is experiencing a transition from a commercial fishing to an amenity economy and concerns about related changes led to the formation of ‘Down East Tomorrow’ (DET), a grassroots group that proposed a one-year development moratorium in order to facilitate a community planning process. In this paper, we use political ecology to examine the fate of the moratorium as reflected in the public written record, primarily minutes of meetings of the Carteret County Board of Commissioners. We illustrate how issues of community, science, and governance were linked to an increasing focus on coastal water quality in the debate, and argue that this focus facilitated a switch by the Board from considering a development moratorium to adopting a conservation ordinance, one that fell short of addressing DET’s concerns. This outcome illustrates the power of formal political institutions in ’First World’ environmental conflicts and the difficulties of reconciling competing values associated with land use in areas of transition, especially where historical resistance to planning has been the norm.
... Such residents routinely rely on informal social controls to regulate land use (Rudel, 1989). Newcomers' efforts to enact official land use controls may lead to conflicts because established residents are traditionally against government interference in property decisions (Dailey Jr. & Campbell, 1980;Garkovich, 1982;Israel & Beaulieu, 1990). Negative attitudes are especially prevalent among farmers and residents in resource related industries. ...
This paper attempts a parsimonious definition of community development. It proposes that the purpose of community development is the pursuit of solidarity and agency by adhering to the principles of self-help, felt needs and participation. The erosion of solidarity and agency has been a historic process, connected particularly to the rise of industrial capitalism, the nation-state, and instrumental reason. Examples of community development practice as a positive response to the erosion are given from the fields of public health, violence, micro-economic development, and food. It also argues that "place" as a proxy for community has become conceptually as well as practically inadequate, and that effective community development calls for micro-macro coordination.
... Such residents routinely rely on informal social controls to regulate land use (Rudel, 1989). Newcomers' efforts to enact official land use controls may lead to conflicts because established residents are traditionally against government interference in property decisions (Dailey Jr. & Campbell, 1980;Garkovich, 1982;Israel & Beaulieu, 1990). Negative attitudes are especially prevalent among farmers and residents in resource related industries. ...
Citizen participation in community development, including economic development, is vital for a viable democratic society to flourish. As more U.S. cities shift some or all of their economic development efforts from the city government to nonprofit economic development organizations (NEDOs) - which use resources from both the public and business sector to promote local economic growth - it is important to examine what implications this shift has on citizen participation. Some researchers highlight the advantages of NEDOs, portraying them as high-performing organizations that facilitate cooperation between city government and the local business community. But are there any disadvantages to promoting development via NEDOs in terms of citizen participation? Using survey data from nearly 500 NEDOs, this study finds that the local business community and city government are heavily involved in NEDOs, including founding them and contributing board members, money, and policy advice. However, in most NEDOs, citizens who are not part of local business organizations do not participate directly, but they participate indirectly through their public officials. Community development practitioners should work towards increasing direct citizen participation in NEDOs, especially when NEDOs use significant public resources.
... Such residents routinely rely on informal social controls to regulate land use (Rudel, 1989). Newcomers' efforts to enact official land use controls may lead to conflicts because established residents are traditionally against government interference in property decisions (Dailey Jr. & Campbell, 1980;Garkovich, 1982;Israel & Beaulieu, 1990). Negative attitudes are especially prevalent among farmers and residents in resource related industries. ...
A limestone quarry proposal in a small Pennsylvania community triggered disagreements among residents. Some actively opposed the quarry while a small group supported it. The majority of residents did not become involved in the issue. This research examines why residents responded differently to the operation of this quarry in their community. First, key and action informant interviews were conducted. Next, a content analysis of these interviews was used to develop a survey questionnaire. The survey was administered through a drop-off/pick-up method, eliciting a return rate of 69.7 percent. The strongest predictor of quarry attitude was attitude toward private property rights. Respondents who supported private property rights had favorable attitudes toward the quarry. Other significant predictors included environmental behavior, proportion of friends in the community, length of residence, level of involvement in community activities, and participation in a local festival. Implications of these findings for community development are discussed.
... As exurbanization occurs in agricultural areas, individual communities have instituted local planning and zoning policies to manage urbanization's impact on farmland (Garkovich 1982;Platt 2004;Pratt and Rogers 1986). In the U.S., land use decision-making, for the most part, occurs at the local level and to be effective these policies must coexist with the prevailing pro-property rights climate (Daniels and Bowers 1997;Rudel 1989). ...
... Community development can occur through whole-community planning or specific projects in particular social fields. In community planning, people and organisations from various fields typically come together through community-field structures to generate shared goals for the community, operationalise these through concrete projects and strategies, obtain resources for particular projects, and implement them (Garkovich, 1981; Rudel, 1989; Luloff, 1990; Cheers, 1998:131-142). For instance, through local government, the chamber of commerce, the social development committee, the residents and ratepayers association, locally based government departments and non-government human service organisations might come together to develop a broad, integrated plan for the region. ...
Globalisation, technological development, economic and industry restructuring, deregulation, and the ideological dominance of economic rationalism have resulted in major changes for Australian rural communities. These have included significant demographic shifts, population depletion, rapid growth, economic diversification, service withdrawals and deteriorating social and physical infrastructures (Lawrence and Hungerford, 1994; Cheers, 1996). Clearly, the wellbeing of individuals and whole communities has been affected, with the evidence indicating that the majority of places have suffered declining levels of wellbeing on many indicators including economic growth, employment and unemployment, income and poverty levels, physical and mental health and service access (Cheers, 1998:45-59). Even in rapidly developing communities, such as the Whitsunday Shire in North Queensland, the poor have suffered from, e.g., decreasing availability of low-cost housing, rising costs of goods and services, and increasing demand for local services relative to supply (Bone, Cheers and Hil, 1993a and b; Wilkinson, 1994). At the community level, in both growing and declining communities alike, social cohesion, social infrastructure, community capacity and local resources have diminished as a result of population depletion, reduced incomes, increased work demands, and support service withdrawals (Cheers, 1996, in press). At the same time, private and public services have been reduced or withdrawn from many communities as a result of diminishing populations and competitive-tendering policies (e.g. Boss, 1998; Taylor, 1999). Clearly, some communities have been resilient in managing these changes while others have not. Although some, no doubt, have been advantaged by their location, natural environments and pre-existing wealth, these factors do not explain the variability between communities in their success at managing change. Why, for example, have communities such as Tumby Bay (Jeffreys and Munn, 1996) and Cowell on the Eyre Peninsula thrived in adverse global, national and local economic contexts while other, apparently better placed, communities have not? Intuitively, we know that some kind of 'community factor' is at work, and some evidence from overseas (Luloff, 1998, 1999) supports this. Economically, socially and culturally more 'successful' and resilient communities do appear to be somehow 'stronger', more resourceful and more energetic than others are (Luloff, 1996, 1998; Claude, Bridger and Luloff, 1999). We also sense that this 'community factor' is important to the quality of human life. Australians seem to be retreating from the anomie of the surreal 'global village' to embrace the comfort, feelings of significance and sense of identity provided by their actual socially and/or geographically localised communities. The media, community leaders and politicians are calling for the 'rejuvenation' of community in rural Australia (e.g. Cheers, 1999) as governments hurriedly introduce a plethora of policies and programs aimed at strengthening our rural communities. But what is this 'community factor' How does it relate to rural community and individual wellbeing? What makes for a strong community? Why are 'stronger' communities more successful than others are? We are currently setting out to answer these and other related questions in a study of community strength in rural South Australia and Victoria. They have not yet been answered because this 'community factor' has not been clearly articulated in such a way that it can be defined, measured and explained. In a word, we simply don't yet know what we are talking about! The literature appears to be a somewhat vague, confused and inconsistent jumble of concepts (McDonald and Zetlin, 1999). This makes it difficult to develop effective policies and programs aimed at increasing the strength of rural communities to manage change. Nor can we test the many assumptions surrounding this community factor (e.g. that community and individual wellbeing is higher in stronger communities), work out how to strengthen communities, or investigate related issues such as the impacts of globalisation on the strength of local communities (Cheers, 1996). So we have commenced our research by revisiting some of the dominant ideas in the literature.
... Most studies on growth management and land use in rural areas have been interested in explaining the adoption of land use controls or residents' support for such controls. Garkovich (1982) studied the conflicts over land use in an exurban area near Lexington, Kentucky. Pratt and Rogers (1986) examined several factors influencing the adoption of land use controls. ...
Abstract In this paper we examine the effectiveness of growth management policies in Wisconsin cities, villages, and towns. Unlike most other studies, we consider the impact of growth management policies on agriculture, specifically the preservation of farmland, in addition to population growth. Our analysis examines these relationships separately in towns and in cities/villages because of differences in their institutional structures. We mailed a survey to every city, village, and town in Wisconsin; the surveys were supplemented by data collected from several secondary sources. For both towns and cities/villages, growth management policies are related positively to the rate of population growth. The fiscal structure of localities proved to have a stronger effect on population growth for cities and villages than for towns. Growth management capacity had little effect for either type of municipality. The analysis of farmland preservation suggests that exclusive agriculture zoning is marginally effective in limiting farmland conversion in towns, but ineffective in cities/villages.
New forms of mobility can be found at many scales from the local and national to the global. They also include all age ranges but particularly those near the polar extremes of the life course — young, single adults and the active elderly (in contrast, families with young children and the frail elderly tend to be some of the least mobile socio-demographic groups). The heroes of this new mobility are figures such as the young New Zealanders or Australians taking their Big OE (Overseas Experience) in Europe, or the partly retired Canadian living a peripatetic life style between Toronto and Florida, or the German and Swedish long-term travelers visiting organic farms around the world. All straddle not only international boundaries but also the worlds of work and leisure, and so of tourism and migration. There is probably no finer example of this blurring of the spheres of consumption and production than Chris Stewart, the British author, farmer and ex rock-musician, who migrated from Britain to the Alpujarras mountains in southern Spain. In his best selling book, Driving Over Lemons, he describes their purchase of a near derelict farm house, and the love, pleasure and sheer hard labour that went into its renovation. His income is supplemented by stints working as a sheep shearer in Sweden, a form of circulation that parallels occasional visits to and from friends and relatives in the UK.
Controversies over natural resource use often reflect differences in how urban inmigrants and established residents view the natural environment. One such disagreement took place in Haines Township, PA, over a proposed limestone quarry. The quarry dispute revealed an internal division between newcomers and oldtimers of the community. Some newcomers were concerned that operation of the quarry would deteriorate the quality of life in the community, and organized to stop it. At the same time, a small group supported the quarry. The majority of residents did not get involved in the issue. This study presents a qualitative account of the quarry dispute in Haines Township. Findings are consistent with the notion that rural newcomers of urban origin differ from established residents in their attitudes toward natural resource use.
The studies presented here concern the responses of local community residents to the presence and actions of the National Park Service in two relatively newly designated river areas. In one case, a bitter, protracted conflict between local community groups and the agency occurred, while in the other instance, remarkably harmonious relationships developed. Reasons for the differences in response between the two areas are discussed from the perspective of the interpretive paradigm in sociology. It is suggested that community response can be understood on the basis of the social construction of the meaning of agency presence on the part of local residents. It is further suggested that this social construction is the result of both day‐to‐day interactions and key symbolic events. Implications with respect to the success of management strategies are discussed.
Residents' concerns about local population growth are known to affect whether or not cities adopt more restrictive growth policies. This paper analyzes the factors which contribute to residents' heightened concerns about local growth's consequences. Social characteristics and community factors, referred to here as demographic variables, are typically considered the predictors of local residents' growth concerns. The effects of demographic variables and residents' attitudes are contrasted in a survey conducted recently in Orange County, California. Perceived community quality indicators are better predictors of local concern about growth than are demographic characteristics. The significant resident attitudes include local government ratings, perceived rapid growth, and fiscal conservatism. Homeownership is a marginally significant demographic factor. It thus appears that local concern about growth can emerge among a broad range of individuals having, in common, citizen discontent rather than demographic similarities.
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