NATO's secret armies: Operation GLADIO and terrorism in Western Europe

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Abstract
This fascinating new study shows how the CIA and the British secret service, in collaboration with the military alliance NATO and European military secret services, set up a network of clandestine anti-communist armies in Western Europe after World War II. These secret soldiers were trained on remote islands in the Mediterranean and in unorthodox warfare centres in England and in the United States by the Green Berets and SAS Special Forces. The network was armed with explosives, machine guns and high-tech communication equipment hidden in underground bunkers and secret arms caches in forests and mountain meadows. In some countries the secret army linked up with right-wing terrorist who in a secret war engaged in political manipulation, harrassement of left wing parties, massacres, coup d'ètats and torture. Codenamed 'Gladio' ('the sword'), the Italian secret army was exposed in 1990 by Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti to the Italian Senate, whereupon the press spoke of "The best kept, and most damaging, political-military secret since World War II" (Observer, 18. November 1990) and observed that "The story seems straight from the pages of a political thriller." (The Times, November 19, 1990). Ever since, so-called 'stay-behind' armies of NATO have also been discovered in France, Spain, Portugal, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxemburg, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Switzerland, Austria, Greece and Turkey. They were internationally coordinated by the Pentagon and NATO and had their last known meeting in the NATO-linked Allied Clandestine Committee (ACC) in Brussels in October 1990.
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  • ... Accordingly, more than a dozen secret militias funded, trained, and armed by the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) constituted a covert stay-behind network throughout Europe to operate against any Soviet expansion. 6 The stay-behind scandal first broke in 1990, when Judge Felice Casson of Venice discovered that the explosives used in a 1972 car-bombing had come from arm caches kept for Italy's Gladio. The most controversial aspect, however, was the allegation that despite the absence of any Soviet assaults, these paramilitary forces had been mobilized to hinder domestic leftist groups to prevent communists from gaining power in government, business, and society at large. ...
    Article
    The Gladio Scandal in Europe and, more recently, Turkey's Ergenekon trials highlight the importance of hidden power networks behind the façade of parliamentary democracy. Dubbed as "deep state" in the Turkish context, the phenomenon suffers from a scarcity of scholarly analyses. This paper demonstrates the lack of academic interest in this complex issue in Europe, and Turkey in particular. After reviewing the central currents in the academic literature on the Turkish deep state, it offers an analysis of the Ergenekon affair in continuity with Turkey's recent past.
  • ... At the end of the Second World War the American ruling class achieved a double capitulation domestically and abroad. The famous Marshall Plan worked as a catalyst to undermine the ever-growing worker demands in Europe, while the CIA consorted with gangsters and former Nazis and Fascists to subvert and terrorize workers, their unions, and their political parties (Ganser 2005;Kurkul 1997). At the same time, legislation such as the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act restricted the political activities of unions and blunted workers' only weapon against exploitation -the strike. ...
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    Book Description: In 1992, Ulrich Beck published his classic Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity, which over the years has been situated as a must-read book in anthropology and sociology. The turn of the century brought many unseen political, economic and of course ecological risks for contemporary society. Though brilliant in essence, Beck’s argument does not suffice to explain the times that humans live in now. Risk society has been replaced by a new stage of capitalism, where disasters, human suffering and pain have been commoditized as products to be instantly gazed and consumed by a global spectorship. The term “Thana-Capitalism” is used to describe the rise of a new form of capitalism, centered in the consumption of death and pain. This book captivates the needs of discussing capitalism from a new angle, introducing new theories, insights and debates revolving around political anthropology. In five short chapters, I did my best to explore this idea with different but interrelated topics such as leisure, tourism, consumption, terrorism, disasters, climate change, and political violence. The present project is useful for pre-graduate students (in humanities and social sciences) interested in politics, cultural studies and anthropology. (Nova)
  • ... At the end of the Second World War the American ruling class achieved a double capitulation domestically and abroad. The famous Marshall Plan worked as a catalyst to undermine the ever-growing worker demands in Europe, while the CIA consorted with gangsters and former Nazis and Fascists to subvert and terrorize workers, their unions, and their political parties (Ganser 2005;Kurkul 1997). At the same time, legislation such as the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act restricted the political activities of unions and blunted workers' only weapon against exploitation -the strike. ...
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    The theory of mobilities has gained great recognition and traction over recent decades, illustrating not only the influence of mobilities in daily life but also the rise and expansion of globalization worldwide. But what if this sense of mobilities is in fact an ideological bubble that provides the illusion of freedom whilst limiting our mobility or even keeping us immobile? This book reviews the strengths and weaknesses of the mobilities paradigm and in doing so constructs a bridge between Marxism and Cultural theory.
  • ... At the end of WWII the American ruling class accomplished a double capitulation domestically and abroad. The famous Marshall Plan worked as a catalyst to undermine the ever-growing worker demands in Europe, while the CIA consorted with gangsters and former Nazis and Fascists to subvert and terrorize workers, their unions, and their political parties (Ganser 2005;Kurkul 1997). Legislation such as the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act restricted the political activities of unions and blunted workers' only weapon against exploitation-the strike. ...
    Chapter
    The consolidation of Thana-Capitalism doubtless affected the tourism industry, but also changed the ways in which the Other is conceived. Needless to say, anthropology should play a leading role in providing new theories to understand ‘cosmopolitanism’, and the position of this global dangerous Other in Europe. Discussing and engaging directly with Derrida as well as other scholars, this chapter focuses on how hospitality is dying. The end of hospitality represents a serious challenge of Europe simply because it was ‘the alma matter’ of its rationality and social trust. At times, terrorism targets ‘the exemplary centre of consumption’ to extortionate the developed nation-states, the surveillance at borderlands is strengthened. In years to come, the philosophical discourse will not be given by the dichotomy between conditioned or unconditioned hospitality, but rather, the pungent question, what to do with strangers?
  • ... At the end of the Second World War the American ruling class achieved a double capitulation domestically and abroad. The famous Marshall Plan worked as a catalyst to undermine the ever-growing worker demands in Europe, while the CIA consorted with gangsters and former Nazis and Fascists to subvert and terrorize workers, their unions, and their political parties (Hogan 1989;Ganser 2005;Kurku 1997). At the same time, legislation such as the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act restricted the political activities of unions and blunted workers' only weapon against exploitation the strike. ...
    Chapter
    Earlier chapters focused on the intersection of terrorism and tourism, but this depends on how terrorists changed their tactics to instill terror in society. Some decades ago, terrorists selected celebrities, important persons, or chief police officers as main target of their attacks, but now this role is filled by tourists and global travellers. The situation worsened when Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi declared jihad against ‘tourism and modern hot-spots of consumption’. The concept of mobilities was historically manipulated by Western powers to impose a one-way discourse which aims to discipline the Other as inferior to European masters.
  • ... A remorseless mass-media theatre played reiterative manufactured threats to traumatized viewers that benevo- lently coerced their cooperation with a global war on "ter- rorists". Not a few of the latter were fabricated per Gladio tradition [8] 2 and 'others' were legitimately radicalized At- lanticist victims. Campaign results filled military industrial coffers, killed, maimed and displaced millions, 3 and rigor- ously destabilized the Middle East while universally re-stricting liberties and purviews 4 for global citizens. ...
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    In light of current neuroscience and related disci-plines, the author suggests political evil is a socially engineered consequence of nominally reputable institutions that school its manufacture on a continuum [1]{ }. The paper synthesizes well-refereed interdisciplinary knowledge to account for the extra-ordinary post 9/11 evolution of micro- to macro-political control of global human resolve. Principles posited echo those of ancient mystery religions that have remained enigmatic until recently { }. The author proposes that advances in neurophysiology, physics and related fields have sufficiently advanced knowledge of human cog-nition to allow a better comprehension of social constructions that inform and sanction micro- and macro-political evils. References to Kant, Vygotsky and other polymaths aid an effort to adequately describe a developing typology in an effort to decrypt the profound riddle of human cognition and thinking that impedes corrective educational strategies.
  • ... At the end of the Second World War the American ruling class achieved a double capitulation domestically and abroad. The famous Marshall Plan worked as a catalyst to undermine the ever-growing worker demands in Europe, while the CIA consorted with gangsters and former Nazis and Fascists to subvert and terrorize workers, their unions, and their political parties (Ganser 2005;Kurkul 1997). At the same time, legislation such as the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act restricted the political activities of unions and blunted workers' only weapon against exploitation -the strike. ...
    Chapter
    In this chapter, we combine the advances of other disciplines to expand our understanding of terrorism and the fields of emotions. In this respect, as L. Howie puts it, the media industry engendered a culture of witnessing which not only is conducive to terrorism, but enlarged fear to other continents. The globalization of fear operates in a new field which is based on what Baudrillard named ‘the spectacle of disaster’. Though this vicious circle between the spectatorship of disaster and terrorism not to be broken, the problem is far from being solved. Terrorism and 9/11 as founding event ignited a new stage of capitalism which Korstanje called ‘Thana-Capitalism’. Unlike modern sociologist imagined risk-society, Thana-Capitalism characterizes by commoditizing others’ suffering as a form of entertainment for a global audience.
  • ... At the end of the Second World War the American ruling class achieved a double capitulation domestically and abroad. The famous Marshall Plan worked as a catalyst to undermine the ever-growing worker demands in Europe, while the CIA consorted with gangsters and former Nazis and Fascists to subvert and terrorize workers, their unions, and their political parties (Hogan 1989;Ganser 2005;Kurku 1997). At the same time, legislation such as the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act restricted the political activities of unions and blunted workers' only weapon against exploitation the strike. ...
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    Full-text available
    In the ninetenth century, many migrants ethnicities from central Europe arrived in the United States. This happened for two main reasons: the passage from a medieval to an industrial society, and the pauperization of European peasants who were pressed to migrate to new promising destinations. Within this cohort of migrants, many anarchists exerted a radical violence against capital owners. While they were resisted, often repulsed and exiled from the United States, newly emergent unions pressed nation states for further working enhancements. At the time, the nation state ceded to these unions better conditions of work, which facilitated the rise and expansion of modern tourism: terrorism was mitigated, though accepting its ideological core. This suggests that terrorism and tourism are two side of the same coin.
  • ... At the end of the Second World War the American ruling class achieved a double capitulation domestically and abroad. The famous Marshall Plan worked as a catalyst to undermine the ever-growing worker demands in Europe, while the CIA consorted with gangsters and former Nazis and Fascists to subvert and terrorize workers, their unions, and their political parties (Hogan 1989;Ganser 2005;Kurku 1997). At the same time, legislation such as the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act restricted the political activities of unions and blunted workers' only weapon against exploitation the strike. ...
    Chapter
    Full-text available
    The current bloody conflict between Israelis and Palestine in Middle East has widely approached by social scientists and humanists as a moral campaign to impose the human dignity. Although in some respect, literature would play a leading role in narrowing both sides, the fact is that in digital times Holocaust is far from being a closed issue. As a platform towards victimization or political oppression, Holocaust still remains in the heart of West as well as the negative effects of depersonalizing subject identities. The nature of any genocide is associated to the power of Gods to select who lives or not, in the same way, Noah abode the decision of God to destroy a world which unfits with his desires. This chapter explores not only the ebbs and flows of Holocaust as a site of tourism and mediatized consumption, but as an allegory which reinforces the exclusionary logic of capitalism.
  • ... It is certainly no coincidence that the impossibility of recounting this past on the historical level has been somehow faced through the aesthetic codes offered by the cinema. In their book on the Bologna terrorist attack, Boschetti and Ciammitti (2010) [33] argue that during the strategy of tension the Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari, a neo-fascist terroristic group was the linkage among the CIA, the deviant part of Italian intelligence services, and a group of Italian politicians who wanted right-wing parties to prevail in Italy, even through a coup. Daniele Ganser (2005) [34], a Swiss historian, has studied the role of a 'stay-behind' paramilitary organization (called "Gladio") with the official task of countering a possible Soviet invasion of Europe during the cold war. ...
  • ... At the end of the Second World War the American ruling class achieved a double capitulation domestically and abroad. The famous Marshall Plan worked as a catalyst to undermine the ever-growing worker demands in Europe, while the CIA consorted with gangsters and former Nazis and Fascists to subvert and terrorize workers, their unions, and their political parties (Hogan 1989;Ganser 2005;Kurku 1997). At the same time, legislation such as the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act restricted the political activities of unions and blunted workers' only weapon against exploitation the strike. ...
    Book
    Full-text available
    This book explores how the contemporary threat of terrorism is eroding the concept of hospitality in the West. Hospitality has historically served as a touchstone of the Occident's expansion, but is increasingly affected by sentiments of xenophobia against the non-European Other, induced and fanned by terrorism. Going beyond the immediate effects of terrorism that are daily portrayed in the media and have shaped the foreign policy agenda of politicians in Europe and the US, this study explores the conceptual framework of how terrorism emerged and expanded within the West and shows how it interacts with, and targets, leisure consumerism and the international hospitality industry.
  • ... During the Cold War, these networks were turned into what became known as North Atlantic Treaty Organization's ''secret armies'' operated by the military intelligence services of European states. Trained in covert operation and subversion techniques, these armies were used in a series of clandestine violent actions against ''threatening'' regimesoften democratic-in Europe and other parts of the world (Ganser 2005). ...
  • ... During the Cold War, these networks were turned into what became known as NATO's "secret armies" operated by the military intelligence services of European states. Trained in covert operation and subversion techniques, these armies were used in a series of clandestine violent actions against "threatening" regimes-often democratic-in Europe and other parts of the world (Ganser 2005). ...
    Article
    We explore US covert forcible actions against democratic governments and their citizens and show that interdemocratic use of covert force is common and can be accommodated within the theory of democratic peace. Grounded in the Perceptual Theory of Legitimacy, we argue that democracies are constrained by public perceptions of their legitimacy from overtly aggressing against other democratic states. When democracies desire to aggress against their democratic counterparts, they will do so covertly. We test the assumptions of the theory and its implication with (1) laboratory studies of the conflation of democracy with ally status and (2) historical analyses of covert militarized actions and prisoner detention, which show that US forcible actions, when carried out against democracies and their citizens, are carried out clandestinely.
  • ... Those troops were trained and supposed to fight communism in the event of a local coup. [77] A significant example is the Russian lawfare operation during the annexation of Crimea. Bachmann and Mosquera recalled the Russian term "maskirovka" to denote special strategy intended to confuse the enemy also by exploiting the attribution problem. ...
    Article
    Full-text available
    International law prescribes conditions for attribution of private persons' conduct to a state. If those conditions are not met, the state shall not be responsible for actions of individuals. This attribution problem may be misused by states for denial of their responsibility. The following article approaches this phenomenon by using the concept of lawfare. Lawfare describes misuses of international law as a weapon to achieve military advantage. The article outlines legal and factual, short-term and long-term responses to counter this practice.
  • ... Were the various groups acting autonomously, were they controlled by some powerful elite in the country, and did they receive support from abroad? Some historians believe that the CIA and NATO played a major role [427,428,429] while other historians disagree [430,431] . ...
    Book
    Full-text available
    Regality theory is a theory saying that people show a preference for strong leadership in times of war or collective danger, but a preference for an egalitarian political system in times of peace and safety. These psychological preferences in individuals are reflected in the political structure and culture of the society. A society in danger will develop in the direction called regal, which includes strong nationalism, discipline, strict religiosity, strict sexual morals and perfectionist art. A society in peace will develop in the opposite direction called kungic, which includes egalitarianism and tolerance. The book is both theoretical and experimental. The theoretical explanation of the regal-versus-kungic dimension is based on evolutionary theory, game theory, biological life history theory and ecological theory. Contributions from the social sciences and the humanities are added to further analyze historical examples of regal and kungic developments. The theory is tested on data from both contemporary and ancient societies. These tests confirm the predictions of the theory. A concluding chapter discusses the applications of regality theory to history, archaeology, political science, conflict and peace research, social psychology, cultural studies, etc.
  • ... At the end of WWII the American ruling class achieved a double capitulation domestically and abroad. The famous Marshall Plan worked as a catalyst to undermine the ever-growing worker demands in Europe, while the CIA consorted with gangsters and former Nazis and Fascists to subvert and terrorize workers, their unions, and their political parties (Ganser, 2005;Kurkul, 1997). At the same time, legislation such as the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act restricted the political activities of unions and blunted workers only weapon against exploitation -the strike. ...
  • ... At the end of WWII the American ruling class achieved a double capitulation domestically and abroad. The famous Marshall Plan worked as a catalyst to undermine the ever-growing worker demands in Europe, while the CIA consorted with gangsters and former Nazis and Fascists to subvert and terrorize workers, their unions, and their political parties (Hogan 1989;Ganser 2005;Kurku 1997). At the same time, legislation such as the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act restricted the political activities of unions and blunted workers' only weapon against exploitation the strike. ...
  • ... At the end of WWII the American ruling class achieved a double capitulation domestically and abroad. The famous Marshall Plan worked as a catalyst to undermine the ever-growing worker demands in Europe, while the CIA consorted with gangsters and former Nazis and Fascists to subvert and terrorize workers, their unions, and their political parties (Ganser, 2005;Kurkul, 1997). At the same time, legislation such as the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act restricted the political activities of unions and blunted workers only weapon against exploitation -the strike. ...
    Chapter
    The 9/11 marked the end of an epoch, or so it is claimed by many voices. Scholars and colleagues of all stripes agree that the attacks on the World Trade Center changed international relations and geopolitics as never before. In this context, this chapter interrogates the ramifications of terrorism, its connection with media society and with Society 4.0. As Slavoj Žižek puts it, 9/11 was not only a founding event, but it also woke the Occident from its slumber. In view of this, terrorism paradoxically not only uses the media and digital technologies to instil its message in society, but alerts us to the risks posed by virtuality. This chapter, henceforth, continues Žižek’s reflections unveiling the role of digital technology in what he dubbed as “the desert of the real”.
  • ... This tragic event shocked the Italian left, because the Chilean situation presented affinities with the Italian one, including a strong, if contentious, leftist camp and the presence of neo-fascist groups partly supported by the Italian secret service. 29 Neo-fascists had already tried to implement their political designs in 1969, when a bomb killed seventeen people in Milan. This attack initiated the so-called 'strategy of tension', which consisted of producing false evidence that the culprits were anarchist in order to pressure the government into passing emergency laws. ...
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    Full-text available
    In ‘Deschooling, Manual Labour, and Emancipation: The Architecture and Design of Global Tools, 1973-1975’, Sara Catenacci and Jacopo Galimberti look at Global Tools, an experimental collective of more than thirty Italian architects, designers, artists, and critics. These practitioners—among them Alessandro Mendini and Gaetano Pesce and the groups Archizoom Associati, Group 9999, and Superstudio—created and managed a system of experimental laboratories in Florence and Milan as a platform for creative expression through craft and manual labour. Their project was intended as an antidote to the perceived failures of modern design in the post-war landscape. They criticised what they interpreted as the blind trust in new technologies, which, they argued, had served only to expand the production of consumable goods and speculative building, rather than to enshrine the place of carefully crafted, thoughtfully consumed design where designer, architect, and society were meaningfully connected and in reciprocal dialogue with one another. Founded in 1973, less than a year after the Museum of Modern Art mounted the exhibition Italy: The New Domestic Landscape, Global Tools lasted three years before it disbanded. Catenacci and Galimberti consider the genesis, actions, and demise of Global Tools, and, in doing so, elucidate one flashpoint in the recurrent reconsideration of the moral, political, and epistemological underpinning of manual labour and crafts in design and architecture. (from the book introduction)
  • ... The KGB connection was favoured by US media in the years after the assassination attempt, and alternatives were not evaluated; that is, connections between Ağca and the Turkish fascist group Grey Wolves were not discussed publicly. Ganser (2005), too, points out the gap between evidence and news stories, even insinuating there might have been CIA support. ...
    Thesis
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    This dissertation will explore conspiracy theories from a psychological viewpoint—both theoretically and empirically. Conspiracy theories are introduced here as a phenomenon relevant for many aspects of entertainment, history, popular culture, society, politics, and ideology. The phenomenon is defined and discussed, with its epistemic characteristics and ramifications, from a philosophical viewpoint. It is argued that there is no standard practice for the judgement of conspiracy theories, and that a case-by-case consideration is a pragmatic resolution for this epistemic problem. Along with proposing and implementing a new means of measurement for the belief in conspiracy theories in Raab, Ortlieb, Auer, Guthmann, and Carbon (2013) called narrative construction, it is argued that nearly everyone will construct a conspiracy theory for an important event (exemplified with the 9/11 attacks), which is probably not a sign of delusion, but of identity construction and management. However, the genesis of such beliefs is prone to distortions. The mere presence of extreme (in terms of conspiratorial value) information might foster the construction of narrations significantly more extreme—without people noticing it. In Raab, Auer, Ortlieb, and Carbon (2013), we have called this the Sarrazin effect. To better understand why conspiratorial narrations are so widespread, powerful and possibly dangerous, psychological and philosophical theories are applied; for example, narrations (and thus conspiracy theories) can be considered cognitive simulations of possible states of the world. Here, it would also be desirable to understand why a given person adheres to a specific narrative content, so the link between personal values (in a psychological sense) and conspiracy belief was analysed empirically. The results were reported in a conference paper (Raab, Kammerl, & Carbon, 2015). Also, a current research question is if people automatically begin to elaborate conspiracy beliefs for a new event, or if it takes psychological triggers to start this process. We found empirical evidence in Gebauer, Raab, and Carbon (2016) that information has to include testimony of causation (someone causing an event directly) and purpose (someone causing this deliberately), so that people begin to assume a conspiracy at work. The conspiracy theory is the message then (speaking with Marshall McLuhan), as those theories extend our realm of human affairs. To integrate the findings of this thesis, a construction kit for conspiracy theories is proposed; and dangers as well as chances of such narrations are discussed with regard to societal progress.
  • Chapter
    Eine an sich plausible These der Transitional-Justice-Forschung, wonach länger zurückliegendes Unrecht politisch eher aufgearbeitet werden könne als unlängst Begangenes, stößt im Falle des türkischen Umgangs mit Unrechts-Vorwürfen an ihre Grenzen. Während der Vorwurf des Genozids an den Armeniern nach wie vor mit den Rechtfertigungen der verstorbenen Täter erfolgreich abgewehrt wird, ist es den noch lebenden Fabrikateuren der letzten Militärdiktatur unmöglich geworden, sich zu legitimieren. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird gezeigt, dass Unrechtsdiskurse nicht nur durch den zeitlichen Horizont bestimmt werden, wie die These suggeriert, sondern auch damit zusammenhängen, wie in den jeweiligen Fällen die kollektiven Identitäten erzählt werden. Im ersten Fall, so die Beobachtung, folgt der Unrechtsdiskurs einer national konstitutiven Freund-Feind-Dichotomie und beruht auf dem noch lebendigen Trauma einer verletzten Hausgemeinschaft. Im anderen Fall dagegen wird das Kollektiv als Opfer eines überforderten Repräsentativkörpers präsentiert, der in seiner väterlichen Rolle tragisch gescheitert ist und deshalb mit den Prozeduren des Rechtsstaates diszipliniert werden müsse.
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    On 7 February 1963, in a solicitor’s office in The Hague, the Netherlands, the statutes for the International Documentation and Information Center (known as Interdoc) were signed. This mundane act was the official starting point for a remarkable experiment in transnational cooperation in anti-communism. Interdoc was the product of in-depth deliberations, running from 1956–57 onwards, between members of the West European security and intelligence services, industrialists and intellectuals concerning the ongoing ideological threat of communism to Western society. While the core of this informal community was made up of French, Germans and Dutch, representatives from Britain and Italy were also present from the late 1950s onwards, and the Americans were inevitably involved. The communist threat was changing, and Western anti-communism needed to change with it. Interdoc was the response. In the ensuing twenty years it would go through several mutations trying to fulfil this mission. Interdoc epitomizes transnational cooperation because it always functioned as a separate entity from the official bodies of the states concerned. Security and intelligence services are often accused of acting as “a state within a state”, yet they do so behind the scenes. In contrast, Interdoc was a public organization, using its own name as an imprint on its publications, although this in no way means that all of its activities were transparent.
  • Article
    Dieser Beitrag widmet sich der Frage, ob verdeckten Militäreinsätzen der USA – im Englischen bekannt als covert action – als Spezialfällen der Arkanpolitik eine bedeutende oder gar tragende Rolle bei der Bildung imperialer Strukturen zukam oder noch zukommt.
  • Chapter
    This chapter describes the political history of the Modern Greek state since its re-establishment in the nineteenth century and the impact it has had on the economy and the business system. It should be emphasized that this is an outline, highlighting certain themes in Greek politics, economy and business, and not a political analysis. There is plenty of scientific literature on that (from which we draw on) because this chapter is intented to inform people that are unfamiliar with the history of Modern Greece and provide them with the background information that will help them understand the more analytical chapters later. We therefore provide a summary of the political events and the major economic and business trends that went along with them. It is a top-down picture that brings to the surface certain themes that will be referred to in later chapters. These themes derive from the intertwining of political, economic and social factors which results in a complex mix of choices and events.
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    Book Description: In this book, Maximiliano Korstanje explores the dichotomies of capitalism, continuing the legacy of Max Weber, Ulrich Beck, Richard Hofstadter and Giorgio Agamben. Undoubtedly, we are living in timing times, which merit reconsidering the current conception of sociological theories. From disasters to terrorism, Occident seems to be trapped in an illusory landscape where risk plays a crucial role in the configuration of a new tragic ethos. Although Weber did the correct thing in pointing out that predestination was a key factor in the capitalist genesis, he ignored the influence of Norse culture, which was already rooted in the thinking of Luther and Calvino. Whether in the battleground, Greeks and Romans were subject to an overt destiny which depended on individual actions (sacrifice) Norse mythology, on the other hand, offered the opposite context. The Walkyrias, Odin’s daughters, knew in advance who would be the fallen warriors (predestination). Complementary to what has been written, Korstanje established a new innovative thesis that explains why Anglo-Saxon culture was not only prone to develop a globalized capitalist system of production, but also prone to risk-perception. Combining a closed-conception of future (predestination) with a sentiment of excemptionalism given by the Reform, the US logically constructed a world of preemption that led to the dilemma of “preventive attack”. The role of government in posing threats to control the internal workforce, as well as how the principle of exception triggers fear, are fascinating themes discussed in this text. (Imprint: Nova)
  • Chapter
    This chapter considers Western European definitions of war, torture, and terrorism. The introduction includes a brief overview of major historical events followed by recent conflicts and developments related to torture and terrorism in Western Europe. The focus then shifts to a descriptive report of our study examining personal definitions of the terms war, torture, and terrorism by participants from France, Germany, Iceland, Portugal, Spain, and Sweden.
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    Full-text available
    Turkish-US relations intensified after the Second World War and have continued till today without any interruption. What have ensured the continuity of these bilateral relations can be explained over several factors. This paper takes the military coups as the principal factor and examines how Turkish-US relations have been affected by the three military coups in Turkey with ten-year intervals between each. We analysed the developments before and after the coups in order to see what kinds of change and continuity took place in those periods in terms of the quality of Turkish-US relations. Before the military coups, it is seen in general that Turkey questioned its unconditional dependency on the USA, wanted to diversify its foreign relations, and tried to convert its relations with the USA into a balanced dependency at least. Following the coups, however, the bilateral relations were put into the orbit of unbalanced dependency again. This situation makes one think that the issues of dissidence in Turkish-American relations before the military coups were tried to be solved through those coups d‟etat, and Turkey‟s efforts to be more independent in its domestic and foreign policy remained inconclusive in this way. From this point of view, it can be said that the three coups d'etat in Turkey played an active and determinant role in ensuring the continuity of Turkish-US relations in favour of the USA at most.
  • Chapter
    A young Turkish boy visiting the Izmir International Fair in the mid-1950s would have found it difficult to choose a favorite between the Soviet pavilion, which displayed a model Sputnik, and the American pavilion, which promised its visitors the sight of the ‘magical’ TV set. By the late 1960s, he might have faced a similar dilemma upon entering a bookstore in Ankara, where he contemplated buying a ‘social realist’ novel instead of going to a downtown theatre to see the latest Hollywood movie. In the meantime, his friends might have been gathering at the campus of the Middle East Technical University (METU) — a model Western institution, where the language of instruction is English — to demonstrate against ‘American imperialism’. Such dilemmas, needless to say, represent only a tiny fraction of what we, as the editors of this volume, call ‘Turkey’s Cold War experience’. This volume, which aims to explore the local manifestations of the Cold War struggle in its ideological, social, and cultural dimensions, is inspired by these seemingly contradictory life experiences.
  • Article
    International Relations (IR) scholars uncritically accept the official narrative regarding the events of 9/11 and refuse to examine the massive body of evidence generated by the 9/11 truth movement. Nevertheless, as calls for a new inquiry into the events of 9/11 continue to mount, with the International 9/11 Consensus Panel and World Trade Centre Building 7 Evaluation inquiries having recently published their findings, and with a U.S. Federal Grand Jury on 9/11 having been announced, now would be an opportune moment for IR scholars to start taking the claims of 9/11 truth seriously. A survey of the 9/11 truth literature reveals that the official 9/11 narrative cannot be supported at multiple levels. Two planes did not bring down three towers in New York. There is no hard evidence that Muslims were responsible for 9/11 other than in a patsy capacity. Various U.S. government agencies appear to have had foreknowledge of the events and to have covered up evidence. Important questions regarding the hijacked planes need answering, as do questions about the complicity of the mainstream media in 9/11. IR scholars avoid looking at evidence regarding the events of 9/11 for several reasons. They may be taken in by the weaponized term, “conspiracy theory.” A taboo on questioning the ruling structures of society means that individuals do not wish to fall outside the spectrum of acceptable opinion. Entertaining the possibility that 9/11 was a false flag requires Westerners to reject fundamental assumptions that they have been socialized to accept since birth. The “War on Terror” has created a neo-McCarthyite environment in which freedom to speak out has been stifled. Yet, if IR scholars are serious about truth, the first place they need to start is 9/11 truth.
  • Chapter
    The Central Intelligence Agency's (CIA) covert action mission took on similarly global proportions on Eisenhower's watch, not least as a result of the geographical expansion of the Cold War to the Third World from 1953 onwards. The CIA's operations directorate, the Deputy Directorate for Plans (DDP) is as applicable to Eisenhower's deployment of covert action as it is to his utilization of propaganda. The CIA's operations directorate's mission was defined: the United States was confronted by an expansionist Soviet Union, which could draw on a highly effective clandestine warfare apparatus to secure its aims. Eisenhower opted for an interventionist posture in the developing world that asserted itself early in his presidency with the authorization of Operation TPAJAX, the CIA-engineered coup that resulted in the removal of the Iranian prime minister, Mohammed Mossadegh, from power in August 1953, and Operation PBSUCCESS, which brought about the ousting of Guatemalan president, Jacobo Arbenz Guzman, in June 1954.
  • Article
    This article explains a US initiative to prepare resistance forces for use in the event of a Soviet invasion or communist attempt to seize power in Iran during the early Cold War era. It begins by discussing similar ‘stay-behind’ operations in Europe in this era and the conditions that led US officials to develop one in Iran. It then explains what this stay-behind operation consisted of and why US officials eventually abandoned it. The paper concludes with a discussion of how the stay-behind operation in Iran differed from those in Europe and the important role it played in the decision-making that led to the 1953 coup in Iran.
  • Chapter
    Full-text available
    Gladio, otherwise known as the “strategy of tension,” was a counterinsurgency policy established by Italian state secret services and economic elites with the support of fascist organizations and terror groups to oppose leftist movements and political parties. Through the use of bomb attacks and secret operations carried out by the Gladio structure, it sought to create an atmosphere of instability, placing the state as a neutral victim of right‐ and left‐wing extremist forces. By generating public fear, Gladio paved the way for the legitimation of a strong authoritarian state through stern legal measures and zealous police enforcement.
  • Article
    The Russian Revolution is analysed in this paper in the context of a conjuncture dominated by counterrevolution. Beginning with the repression of the 1850s, a process of permanent counterrevolution has become the over-determining trend of social-political history. The Russian Revolution was subject to several distinct aspects of this process. First was external counterrevolution, the attack on it from the outside. Whilst Anglo-America was the main bulwark organising it, the Nazi/fascist counterrevolution and invasion of the USSR was an example of counterrevolution that ran out of control and ended in a defeat in Europe that was only overcome through a long and risky Cold War. Internal counterrevolution affected the Russian Revolution as part of a longer process of adjusting socialist theory to successive defeats. In the Soviet case, Socialism in One Country was the decisive mutation in this respect and must be viewed as the decisive component of the triumph of counterrevolution. After the war, Anglo-America adjusted the counterrevolutionary strategy to surgical excisions of socialist tendencies until the USSR, isolated and ideologically exhausted, collapsed. Even so, several of its legacies continue to be relevant, notably the nationality policy and internationalism. Also, today’s information revolution casts a new light on the Soviet planning experience that must be studied now that capitalism is slipping into a systemic crisis.
  • Article
    Full-text available
    Between 1965 and 1980, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (Republican People's Party) formulated its position as 'left-of-centre' in order to claim to represent the subordinate classes. Despite contributing to the radicalisation of organised fractions of workers and peasants to a great extent, its social democratic discourse could not respond to the prolonged hegemonic crisis in the late-1960s and the late-1970s. The left-Kemalist and liberal-conservative approaches, the dominant but opposing perspectives, explained the CHP's failure with references to the power of foreign capital and the tutelage regime of the Republican state respectively. This paper argues that both perspectives could not adequately understand social democratic welfare state as a particular sociohistorical form of capitalist state whose hegemonic crisis is embedded in class relations. Therefore, it aims to offer a consistent and coherent perspective that is critical of both approaches, and that examines the internal and dynamic relationship among the capitalist state, political parties, hegemony, and social democracy in accordance with class relations. With this aim, it borrows its theoretical and conceptual framework from historical materialism. This paper fundamentally argues that the CHP's failure stemmed from and concretized the impasses of social democracy regarding its relation to the struggle of subordinate classes. Özet 1965-1980 yılları arasında CHP konumunu 'ortanın solu' olarak belirleyerek bağımlı sınıfları temsil ettiğini iddia etmiştir. İşçi ve köylü sınıfının hareketliliğine önemli ölçüde bu şekilde katkıda bulunmuş olsa da, CHP'nin sosyal demokratik refah devletinin geç-1960'lar ve geç-1970'lerdeki hegemonya krizine bir yanıt olamamıştır. İki baskın ancak karşıt görüş olan sol-Kemalist ve liberal-muhafazakar yaklaşımlar CHP'nin bu başarısızlığını sırasıyla yabancı sermayenin gücü veya Cumhuriyet devletinin vesayet rejimi ile açıklamaktadır. Bu makale, sözkonusu yaklaşımların sosyal demokratik refah devletini, sınıf ilişkilerinden kaynaklanan hegemonya krizlerinin içkin olduğu kapitalist devletin toplumsal-tarihsel bir biçimi olarak anlayamadığını savunur. Bu nedenle, sözkonusu yaklaşımlara eleştirel ve kendi içinde tutarlı bir yaklaşım sunmayı amaçlar. Kapitalist devlet, siyasi partiler, hegemonya, ve sosyal demokrasi arasındaki içsel ve devingen ilişkiyi sınıf ilişkileri bağlamında incelemeyi amaçlar. Bu amaçla, kuramsal ve kavramsal çerçevesini tarihsel materyalizmden ödünç alarak çizer. Bu makale, temel olarak CHP'nin başarısızlığının sosyal demokrasinin açmazlarından kaynaklandığını ve bu açmazları somutlaştırdığını bağımlı sınıfların mücadelesi üzerinden tartışmaktadır.
  • Conference Paper
    Full-text available
    Bu çalışmanın odak noktasını Türkiye’deki dindar ve seküler vatandaşlar arasında yer aldığı varsayılan “siyasi fay hattı” teşkil etmektedir. Giriş kısmında demokrasilerin iç karışıklıklara zemin hazırlama meselesi kısaca açıklanmıştır. Demokratik sistemin yumuşak karnı olarak kabul edilen bu mesele Thomas Hobbes ve Jean-Jacques Rousseau gibi yüksek kalibreli siyaset filozoflarının eserlerinde eleştirilmiştir. Müteakip bölümde dünyadaki ve Türkiye’deki siyasi ayrışmalar kendi şartları içerisinde ele alınmış, Türkiye’deki dindar-seküler ayrışması ait olduğu tarihsel süreç (Türk modernleşmesi) ve sahip olduğu çeşitli düşünsel parametrelerle birlikte açıklanmıştır. Üçüncü bölümde geç dönem Jürgen Habermas’ın “post-seküler” kavramı çeşitli boyutlarıyla birlikte incelenmiş, bunlar üzerinden Türkiye özelinde bazı analiz ve çözüm önerileri sunulmuştur. Seküler vatandaşların ve dindar vatandaşların birbirlerine olan yaklaşımlarının nasıl olması gerektiğine dair somut öneriler ileri sürülmüştür. Bunlar içerisinde özellikle “çift taraflı öğrenme mekanizması” ve “ben-öteki” konu başlıkları üzerinde durulmuştur. Sonuç bölümünde anahtar çözüm olarak “siyasal hikmet” kurumu önerilmiştir.
  • Chapter
    In order to understand China’s foreign policy, one has to understand the foreign policy of the countries that have been China’s most serious competitors, first European powers in the XIX Century, then the US in the XX and XXI centuries.
  • Article
    Until today, commitment to the ‘martyrs’ of the Turkish civil war of the 1970s continues to be a crucial part of Turkey’s political culture. This paper will offer a historical-comparative sociology of state conventions and non-state contentions in defining political cultures of martyrdom during the Turkish civil war of 1970s. First, by outlining the historical semantics and political sociology of the state’s culture of martyrdom, I will argue that the state came to claim a monopoly over legitimate means of dying in the name of the state-nation-religion triad and explain how official martyrdom manifested itself during the civil war. In the second part, this paper will discuss cultures of martyrdom in processes of social mobilisation, collectiv identification and moral legitimisation in contentious politics, and how the radical-revolutionary left and the ultra-nationalist far-right in Turkey constructed their own cultures of martyrdom. Non-state claims to political martyrdom from the left and right emulated the state’s martyrdom discourse without rejecting its legitimacy. By (de-)legitimising lethal political violence, cultures of martyrdom establish lasting solidarities across people, times and spaces—and in seclusion against ‘others’.
  • Chapter
    Full-text available
    Latin Amerika devletlerinden biri olan Kolombiya, uluslararası toplum nezdinde çatışma ve uyuşturucu üretimi/ticareti ile meşhurdur. Öyle ki Kolombiya’da yaşanan çatışma süreci Batı yarı küredeki en uzun süreli çatışmadır. Bununla birlikte Kolombiya sorununun bütün tarafları, ulusla-rarası kamuoyu tarafından uyuşturucu üretimi ve ticaretinden iktisadi ka-zanım elde etmek ile suçlanmaktadır. Tüm bunların ötesinde Kolombiya sorunu hasebiyle binlerce masum sivil hayatını kaybetmiş ve milyonlarca insan da ülke içinde ve ülke dışına doğru göç etmek zorunda kalmıştır. Kolombiya’yı ve Kolombiya merkezli çatışma sürecini betimleyen tüm bu unsurlar arasında sayılan insan(i) boyut(u) ise bu çalışmanın temel gü-dülenmesini oluşturmaktadır. Başka bir anlatımla, çatışan grupların bile ekseriyetle asker olmayan kimselerden oluştuğu, çocuk yaştaki bireylerin şiddet sarmalının ortasında kaldığı, kadın merkezli cinsel istismarın had safhaya ulaştığı Kolombiya sorunu, işte içindeki bu insani dramlar hase-biyle incelenmesi gerekmektedir (PDF) Kolombiya Sorunu: Taraflar, Sebepler, Çözüm Süreci ve Öneriler. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/328811975_Kolombiya_Sorunu_Taraflar_Sebepler_Cozum_Sureci_ve_Oneriler [accessed Dec 31 2018].
  • Chapter
    Operation Condor was a Latin American organization—the relationship between General Augusto Pinochet and the Italian Neo-Fascists also provides a fascinating and unique picture of Fascism’s transnational features. Firstly, it demonstrates the persistence of transnational relations between Fascists and Fascist sympathizers over decades. The influence of Fascism on Chilean nationalist movements and the link between Pinochet and Junio Valerio Borghese, who represented a myth for different Fascist generations, is illustrative. This feature ensured the survival of the Fascist transnational network, which originated from the relations that revolved around the spreading of Fascism at a transnational level, throughout several decades. A further factor fostering the survival of the network was the logistic support provided by friendly regimes to the network’s members. Former Nazi and Fascist militants wanted for war crimes as well as Italian Neo-Fascists seeking to avoid judicial prosecution in Italy were all welcomed by sympathetic regimes such as Spain, Chile and Argentina. The opportunity of finding a safe refuge in those countries also promoted regular exchanges between the interwar Fascist generation and the post-war one. This chapter examines the dynamic transnational trajectories of Fascist militants and ideas and the resilience of relations within the transnational network. The collaboration between Pinochet and Italian Neo-Fascists was mutually beneficial—in 1975, they cooperated in the attempted murder of Bernardo Leighton in Rome. In 1976, thanks to the transnational links between Latin American Juntas, Fernandez Larios and Pinochet’s agent Michael Townley obtained fake Paraguayan passports which they used to enter the US and assassinate Orlando Letelier.
  • Article
    En este artículo se propone una reflexión sobre algunos de los sentidos que la palabra feminismo puede adquirir para las activistas de movimientos sociales. En un momento histórico en el cual el término es usado con una cierta ligereza, analizaremos las influencias de los condicionantes sociales en la autoidentificación como feminista. Se toma, como punto de partida, la opinión de activistas italianas, chilenas y del Estado español entrevistadas en la primera década de este siglo en el marco de la tesis doctoral Narrativas de mujeres sobre las relaciones de género en los movimientos sociales mixtos. El análisis de su vivencia y percepción sirve como estímulo para un debate que apueste por un feminismo que se desplace desde una lógica diferencialista, hacia una visión que, sin negar las particularidades, reconozca y ponga en valor las hibridaciones y el trabajo en red. This article proposes a reflection on some of the meanings that the word feminism may have for social movement women’s activists. At a historical moment in which the term is used with a certain lightness, we will analyze the influence of social factors in women’s self-identification as feminists. The point of departure is the opinion of Italian, Chilean and Spanish activists interviewed at the beginning of the century in the framework of the doctoral thesis Women’s narratives on gender relations in mixed social movements. The analysis of their experience and perception serves as a starting point to bet on a feminism that moves from a differentialist logic towards a vision that, without denying the particularities, recognizes and valorizes hybridations and networking.
  • Article
    Full-text available
    El artículo analiza de manera crítica el nexo entre la delincuencia organizada y la violencia en la República Democrática del Congo (RDC) a través de las teorías sobre la violencia, los estados fallidos y la delincuencia organizada. Se empieza por describir cómo los grupos armados se financian a través del tráfico de recursos naturales. Se continúa analizando el sistema de “cleptocracia violenta” establecido por la élite en el poder para depredar los recursos del país, a costa de la población. Se examinan asimismo dos ejemplos de corrupción empresarial. A continuación, se exploran algunas pistas de solución a niveles internacional, regional y local. El articulo confirma la existencia del nexo entre la delincuencia organizada y la violencia en la RDC, víctima de una “nueva guerra” que no se pretende ganar sino prolongar, motivada más por codicia que por agravios, en la que compiten actores estatales y no estatales, y cuyas víctimas son principalmente los civiles. Las élites extraen rentas con la complicidad de empresas multinacionales y paraísos fiscales, alimentando un círculo vicioso de subdesarrollo desde la creación del estado congoleño hace más de 130 años. Esta situación sigue frustrando los esfuerzos de construcción de la paz por parte de la comunidad internacional. The article analyses the organized crime - violence nexus in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) from a critical perspective through theories of violence, failed states and organized crime. It starts by describing how the armed groups are financed through the trafficking of natural resources. Then it analyses the system of “violent kleptocracy” established by the ruling elite to prey on the resources of the country at the expense of the population. It continues by examining two examples of corporate crime. The article considers some attempts of solution at the international, regional and local levels. The article ascertains the existence of the organized crime – violence nexus in the DRC, victim of a “new war” which is not intended to be won but extended, is motivated by greed rather than grievance, in which state and non-state actors compete, and which victims are mainly civilian. The elites extract rents from the country with the complicity of corporations and offshore jurisdictions, feeding a vicious circle of underdevelopment since the inception of the country 130 years ago. This situation continues to frustrate the efforts of the international community to build peace.
  • Article
    Public Art Dialogue 8, no. 1 (May 2018): 72-97. In 1973, Italian artist Gianfranco Baruchello (b. 1924) retreated to the Roman countryside, where he founded a limited company called Agricola Cornelia S.p.A., whose purpose was land cultivation. Here the artist implemented a number of activities involving land clearing and food production, which he regarded as artistic work. Recently Baruchello’s farming endeavor has gained new attention. However, its implications and connection with the political and social transformations occurring in 1970s Italy have seldom been discussed. Likewise, his interest in food production and in the concept of food itself needs to be clarified and contextualized within his multifarious practice. This paper retraces the genesis of the Agricola Cornelia S.p.A. and the political tenets at its core. It discusses Baruchello’s designation of his company as an artwork, as well as his decision to keep it secret until it was dissolved. How he modified his initial project and conceptually developed it into the early 1980s is examined through the artist’s writings and the accounts of fellow art critics and intellectuals, such as Tommaso Trini, Gilbert Lescault, and Jean-François Lyotard. Finally, the paper focuses on the economical and ontological investigation of the notion of food that Baruchello implemented while the Agricola Cornelia S.p.A. was operative
  • Chapter
    This chapter provides an overview of 25 pro-insurgency PMOs that have been undertaken by the U.S. government since 1949. The chapter is divided into six eras of covert operations: the early Cold War, the ‘golden era’ of covert operations, the Vietnam era, the post-Vietnam era, the Clinton era, and the War on Terror. It is demonstrated that PMOs have been a persistent feature of U.S. foreign policy and it is discussed how PMOs evolved over the course of 70 years. It is argued that covert operations changed in the 1980s and 1990s in the sense that they became more privatized and that other agencies became more directly involved in them. During the War on Terror, PMOs have become more overt and more integrated into conventional military operations, which is sometimes referred to as ‘hybrid warfare.’
  • Article
    Full-text available
    The paper analyzes Internet trolling as an operational intelligence activity, and the challenges it presents for national security, as well as the assessment of possible strategic protection of national cyberspace. This problem arises since collecting the data through automated programs eliminates guarantees of ethical grounds for their gathering in terms of clear reason, integrity of motives, proportionality of methods and the relevant authority. The basic thesis is that intelligence gathering on the Internet may be used against the basic values of states. Functionally, due to characteristics of the targets, trolling is conducive for collecting strategic information related to individual and collective attitudes and their contextualization; or the economic entities and critical infrastructure of national crisis management system, as well as for the influence on the political decisions. Also, because of the network properties, it is suitable for identifying, locating of potential sources of information and gaining their cooperation on the basis of motivation to support the objectives. The tasks of cyber data collection include psychological profiling, imposing attitudes, conducting secret surveillance on a massive scale and interception of communications. Internet trolling enables an access to primary data on the territory of other states, and thus it is suitable for secret and covert “installation” in the online community; for organized attack to infiltrate the government systems; for military and political interests; and for sabotaging various national infrastructure, communication and other systems. Structurally, the use of trolling as a mean of collecting data stems from the military development, today applied within the doctrine of “Full Dimension Operations”. It is conducted in an organized manner, with legend and rules of secrecy, so the trolls are agents of authorized agencies. Intelligence systems, like the “Five Eyes” (FVEY - the USA, GB, Australia, Canada and New Zealand) have software tools, available IP addresses and networks of computers which run programs difficult to identify (botnet), which allows them to troll undetectably. The methods and tasks revealed through structural and functional analysis enable the induction of threats and challenges for national security of other states. The principal challenges are the consequence of automatized methods and are democratic in nature. The primary risk for national security is the fact that it involves secret and organized efforts by other states to influence public opinion and dehumanization. Another is due to the fact that agencies of some countries have a capacity to secretly monitor communications in the cyberspace of other countries. Intelligence trolling can have an online operation against a certain state as an immediate goal, like misinformation and disinformation, creating HUMINT networks, or cyber attacks on critical infrastructure. With an aim to master the Internet, the FVEY agencies are trying to invade every possible system on the global net, searching to gain access to further systems. The strategic protection of national security in cyberspace requires a multi-dimensional approach, within the framework of the national security strategy. It must include science and research of the cyber space and social networks, as the preconditions; education for the use of the Internet at all levels, quality education and public information systems, in sense of prevention; and the criminalization of fraudulent messages and training of the judiciary for prosecution, in terms of repression.
  • Chapter
    Eine an sich plausible These der Transitional-Justice-Forschung, wonach länger zurückliegendes Unrecht politisch eher aufgearbeitet werden könne als unlängst Begangenes, stößt im Falle des türkischen Umgangs mit Unrechts-Vorwürfen an ihre Grenzen. Während der Vorwurf des Genozids an den Armeniern nach wie vor mit den Rechtfertigungen der verstorbenen Täter erfolgreich abgewehrt wird, war es den noch lebenden Fabrikateuren der letzten Militärdiktatur zuletzt unmöglich geworden, sich zu legitimieren. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird gezeigt, dass Unrechtsdiskurse nicht nur durch den zeitlichen Horizont bestimmt werden, wie die These suggeriert, sondern auch damit zusammenhängen, wie in den jeweiligen Fällen die kollektiven Identitäten erzählt werden. Im ersten Fall, so die Beobachtung, folgt der Unrechtsdiskurs einer national konstitutiven Freund-Feind-Dichotomie und beruht auf dem noch lebendigen Trauma einer verletzten Hausgemeinschaft. Im anderen Fall dagegen wird das Kollektiv als Opfer eines überforderten Repräsentativkörpers präsentiert, der in seiner väterlichen Rolle tragisch gescheitert ist und deshalb mit den Prozeduren des Rechtsstaates diszipliniert werden müsse.
  • Chapter
    From Hobbes on, the concept of law-making was strongly associated with the needs of creating a third-object (dialectics) that can control force and violence. The same concept of law and violence, which is historically associated with the Occident, paved the way for the creation of borders. By studying the legacy of Foucault and R. Castel and the contribution of sociological thinking, in this chapter we will dissect the roots of national identity and the evolution of security. While industrialism emancipated medieval peasants from their attachment to the soil, a great process of urbanization produced slums and ghettos in. Against this back drop, a new concept of civility erected a barrier between the city and external world.
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