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Rethinking Figurines: A Critical View from Archaeology of Gimbutas, the 'Goddess' and Popular Culture

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In almost all of its variants, the Goddess movement has appealed to and uses archaeological materials, especially those that it claims to be images of females: female figurines or statuettes and female motifs on ceramics or other media.l Above all, images from the European Upper Palaeolithic and Neolithic periods (c. 40,000 to 5,000 years ago) are claimed to represent fertility and other positively-valued attributes2 and thus are often taken as material and symbolic evidence for the existence of a world in which females, as a generic category, were valued positively. We entered into a more thorough discussion of the use of archaeology in these contemporary social movements in an earlier version of this paper in which we drew attention to the rich literature, the complexity of the issues, and the variety of participants and views involved in what for the purposes of discussion we have termed the 'Goddess movement'. Here, we shall focus on the use of the Upper Palaeolithic and complexity of the issues, and the variety of participants and views involved in what for the purposes of discussion we have termed the 'Goddess movement'. Here, we shall focus on the use of the Upper Palaeolithic and Neolithic (c.40,000 to 5000 years ago). Ruth Tringham and Margaret Conkey (1998) Rethinking Figurines: a critical analysis of Archaeology, Feminism and Popular Culture. In Ancient Goddesses: The Myths and the Evidence, edited by C. Morris and C. Goodison, pp. 22-45. British Museum Press, London.
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... For the Central European LBK, could the humanshaped figurines (mostly female) or anthropomorphic vessels be an expression of religion? To explain the female figurines, the hypothesis of the Great Goddess in a female-dominated society developed by Marija Gimbutas (Gimbutas, 1989 and is no longer tenable (Tringham and Conkey, 1998). However, as they come from houses or pits alongside houses, it is likely that they testify to a domestic cult practiced in a corner of the dwelling (Bánffy, 2017). ...
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The invisibility of women in history and archaeology is frequently emphasised. Studying gender is one of the ways to go beyond this observation as social sciences regularly state that gender systems shape the entire social body. Indeed, roles and gender relations between men and women and social groups are regulated by norms transmitted by educative systems and religious doctrines. These norms and rules permit the functioning of the political systems and are transcribed in institutions and deployed in social organisation. Thus, the study of gender leads to the study of society as a whole. Moreover, the existence of gender is mainly material. The differences between women and men are substantiated by clothing and jewellery, division of labour, places and spaces, bodily postures, technical tools and process, etc. Based on this framework, a methodology is proposed to investigate gender in archaeology and, in particular, Neolithic women from the Linearbandkeramik culture. It consists in defining the aspects of gender perceptible in the archaeological data, then to confront them with the manifestations of gender reported by the social sciences and thus to evaluate the gaps between the “living” gender and the gender as it appears in the archaeological data. The results allow us to highlight several women groups, by comparing with other social groups, notably the group of men with adze. The latter is the most cohesive with its own traits in terms of diet, local origin and roles. Women are more diverse and further study is needed to identify the diversity of the LBK women. In addition, this study shows that archaeology gives only a very incomplete picture of gender. In terms of the division of labour by sex, only a few tasks have been highlighted. Many other aspects, such as sexual rights and lineage systems, the gender of spaces, religion, cult, myths, narratives and cosmogony, which are central elements of gender regimes, will likely remain unknown. However, there is room for improvement as archaeological gender studies are not just a binary study of men and women. In this respect, there is a need to explore the social variability in terms of identity, roles and status of the LBK population as a whole, particularly of groups of women.
... In the 1960-1970s, other ways of interpreting figurines were proposed, its diversity and multifunctionality were repeatedly noted (Griaznov, 1964;Ucko, 1968;Masson, Sarianidi, 1973;Antonova, 1977, p. 92-97), but the authority of venerable researchers turned out to be so high that serious criticism of their ideas became possible only after their death (Meskell, 1995;1998;Tringham, Conkey, 1998;Lesure, 2011 etc.). ...
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The study of anthropomorphic figurines of the Neolithic and Copper Ages has long required the development of a methodology based on a system of evidence. Otherwise, we will always be faced with interpretations that have the character of ‘anecdotical explanations’ and with attempts to construct universal schemes. The nature of Prehistoric Art is not much different from the modern art we are familiar with, if we consider art as a communication technology that forms a system of connections and social institutions, and objects of art as intermediaries in this communication. The differences will only be in the degree of preservation of materials and the availability of comments from performers and contemporaries, as well as at the level of development of technology and organization of the social environment. Therefore, objects of prehistoric art can be successfully considered in the context of art studies, where the methodology is based on the sequence: formal study-iconography-iconology. In the interpretation of archaeological finds, beside the archaeological typology, reconstruction of the archaeological and social context, as well as the correct use of structural analogies, play an important role.
... Meanwhile, many scholarly publications reviewing and critiquing her approach were being published. These criticisms peaked after her death in 1994, and many archaeologists started doing contextual analysis in order to disprove the Goddess interpretations (Goodison and Morris 1999;Hamilton et al. 1996;Meskell 1995;Talalay 1994;Tringham and Conkey 1999). They did so for two reasons. ...
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Prehistoric anthropomorphic figurines are probably one of the most widely discussed and possibly the most poorly understood archaeological objects of all. The engendering of Anatolian prehistory using figurines and visual representations of people has not progressed much beyond defining which figure is male or female or, in most cases, which figure represents a god or goddess. This article aims to take apart the Mother Goddess theory and discuss how it was created and why it is problematic for feminist scholarship. Many interpretations of figurines have been proposed in previous decades; they incorporate such concepts as embodiment, materiality, and gender. As a case study, this paper concentrates on Köşk Höyük, a central Anatolian Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic site, with the aim to have a broader look at the visual imagery. The anthropomorphic representations on relief-decorated pottery and the figurines found at Köşk Höyük have typically been interpreted as representations of gods and goddesses, despite ongoing critiques of the Mother Goddess theory. This paper analyses representations of gendered identities, based on visual media, in order to gain a better understanding of the function and use of such representations. Keywords: Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Anatolia, figurines, Mother Goddess, performativity, gender
... Scholarly criticism since the early 1990s of the essentialist world of the "Great Goddess of Life, Death, and Regeneration" as constructed by Gimbutas and others may also have had its share in this decline (e.g. Tringham and Conkey 1998). ...
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As of 2022, most of Turkey’s World Heritage properties are or include archaeological sites or landscapes featuring places of religion and ritual of past and often present significance and use. This chapter focuses on two of them—Çatalhöyük and Ephesus—to highlight their similarities and differences in terms of the continuities in the discontinuity and discontinuities in the continuity of their spiritual significance and ritual use, which have transformed them into associative cultural landscapes through placemaking practices. This was through public archaeology at Çatalhöyük where New Age “Goddess communities” were numerically the most important among special interest groups by the restart of scientific research in the 1990s; and through spatial segregation of local ritual users, spiritual pilgrims, and cultural tourists of diverse ethnicity at a number of religious sites scattered in the landscape, following dramatic changes in the user profile before the House of Mary and Isa Bey Mosque have become the most densely-used components for ritual use at Ephesus. The concluding comparative evaluation of these strategies reveal their success in avoiding the risk of tension and conflict, as a sound basis for establishing mutual respect of values and constructive dialogue towards building a shared sustainable future.
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Marija Gimbutas (Gimbutienė) is a renowned archaeologist who specialised in European prehistory. This paper explores her life and work, including her personal biography, showing how her upbringing in Lithuania shaped her academic interests and orientations. This paper also reviews her professional achievements and contributions via the lenses of seven aspects of her academic life, namely her time in higher education, her work on Lithuanian folklore and symbolism, her explorations of Old Europe during the Neolithic, her Kurgan Hypothesis and engagement with Baltic studies, her excavations in southeast Europe, her work on the Goddess, and her symbolism work. It also examines academic and popular reactions to her writing and her influence on scholars and public discourse. Keywords: Gimbutas, Neolithic, history of archaeology, Goddess, figurines.
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