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Bringing together scholars from the areas of tourism, leisure and cultural studies, eco-humanities and tourism management, this book examines the emerging phenomenon of slow tourism. The book explores the range of travel experiences that are part of growing consumer concerns with quality leisure time, environmental and cultural sustainability, as well as the embodied experience of place. Slow tourism encapsulates a range of lifestyle practices, mobilities and ethics that are connected to social movements such as slow food and cities, as well as specialist sectors such as ecotourism and voluntourism. The slow experience of temporality can evoke and incite different ways of being and moving, as well as different logics of desire that value travel experiences as forms of knowledge. Slow travel practices reflect a range of ethical-political positions that have yet to be critically explored in the academic literature despite the growth of industry discourse. © 2012 Simone Fullagar, Kevin Markwell, Erica Wilson and the authors of individual chapters. All rights reserved.
Fullagar, S, Markwell K, & Wilson, E (eds)(2012) Slow Tourism: Experiences and
Mobilities, Channel View: Bristol.
Chapter 1
Starting Slow: Thinking Through Slow Mobilities and Experiences
Slow food, slow cities, slow living, slow money, slow media, slow parenting,
slow scholarship and…slow travel. It seems that wherever we look, the prefix ‘slow’
is being added to another sector, phenomenon or industry. Being slow was once an
entirely derogatory term that signified one’s inability to ‘keep up’ in the competitive
spheres of work and leisure. Yet curiously, the meaning of slow is now starting to
shift, as slowness today is invoked as a credible metaphor for stepping off the
treadmill, seeking work-life balance or refusing the dominant logic of speed. Slowing
down has become an antidote to the fast paced imperatives of global capitalism that
urge the entrepreneurial self to speed up, become mobile and work harder in order to
be valued as successful, productive and conspicuous consumers (Humphrey,
2010;Rose, 1999;Schor, 2010).
One only has to glance at recent television programming to note the increased
interest in slow and alternative forms of travel. In addition to programmes detailing
travellers trekking over vast landscapes, there has also been a proliferation of shows
documenting intercontinental travels via vehicle. The most popular perhaps are ‘Long
Way Down’ and ‘Long Way Around’, which follow celebrities Ewan McGregor and
Charlie Boorman as they motorcycle over multiple continents engaging the locals at
every opportunity.
Another indication of consolidation of this phenomenon is observed through
the products and the services that are now available under the banner of slow tourism.
Several websites make claim to the phenomenon offering ‘slow travel’ experiences,
ranging from fully booked tours to long stay accommodation. In addition, there is a
range of full length slow travel guide books titled for difference cities around the
world, which state ‘The Slow Guides are for anybody who wants to slow down and
live it up. They celebrate all that's local, natural, traditional, sensory and most of all
gratifying about living in each of these corners of the world’ (The Slow Guides, n.d.).
Clearly, for those fed up with fast, the goals of slow are to explore the possibilities of
being different, working differently, playing differently and, in the context of travel in
particular, moving differently.
In this book, we ask: what do slow mobilities mean for tourism? What effects
do slow mobilities have and how do they evoke different ways of engaging with
people and place? And, how are we also ‘moved’ by slow travel experiences in ways
that lead us to question, connect with and desire to know the world differently? This
book arose from our shared interest in thinking ‘through’ the multiplicity of
experiences and representations of slow travel. In both our personal and professional
lives, each of us has strived – and continues to strive - to maintain a sense of slow,
whether it be through a choice of rural and alternative lifestyles, installing solar
panels, growing our own vegetable gardens, going part-time to look after young
children, or trying to eat and travel in a more sustainable manner. We also yearn for a
sense of slow scholarship, as we continue to question our roles and privileges in the
knowledge production system that has become higher education. We wanted to
embrace a critical ethos that questioned the unsustainable pace of consumerism, the
demands of work and the desire for alternative mobilities (Fullagar, 2003;Humphrey,
2010;Sheller & Urry, 2006;Urry, 2002).
In this introductory chapter, we consider how ‘slow mobilities’ figure within
the historical emergence of the slow living movement as a constellation of diverse
ideas and cultural forms relating to food, cities, money, media and travel (Cresswell,
2010;Dickinson & Lumsdon, 2010;Honore, 2005;Parkins & Craig, 2006;Tasch,
2008). With our focus on the experiences of travel and tourism we understand slow
mobilities in Cresswell’s sense as ‘particular patterns of movement, representations of
movement, and ways of practising movement that make sense together’ (2010: 18).
Slow ideas are permeating the contemporary tourism imaginary, eliciting a range of
nostalgic and future oriented desires for local/global connectedness, low carbon
options and journeys that value embodied experiences of time. A plethora of slow
travel narratives, images and discourses now circulate globally through the popular
press, travel blogs and magazines as well as guidebooks, marketing for tours and
destinations (see Funnell, 2010;Germann Molz, 2009;Sawday, 2009; 2010).
Slow tourism has been the focus of recent discussion in the tourism literature
about how to conceptualise ‘slow’ in relation to the principles of sustainable tourism,
as well as how to identify the range of slow practices, motivations and supply issues
(infrastructure, regulation and markets) for tourism development (Dickinson &
Lumsdon, 2010;Dickinson et al., 2010;Hall, 2009;Lumsdon & McGrath, 2010).
Lumsdon and McGrath’s research has identified some parameters around slow
tourism in terms of ‘slowness and the value of time; locality and activities at the
destination; mode of transport and travel experiences; and environmental
consciousness’ (2010: 2). A number of typologies has emerged to categorise the
environmental practices of slow tourists through metaphors of ‘hard or soft’ and
‘heavy or light’ (Dickinson & Lumsdon, 2010). Yet there is there is little consensus
on what ‘slow’ actually means, and how it is practiced or interpreted in relation to
different tourism contexts, cultures and mobilities.
Our aim in this book is not to attempt to pin down the mobile meaning of slow
travel experiences, but rather to explore from different vantage points the dimensions
of slow that draw out the complexities of local-global, time-space, nature-culture,
self-other and personal-political relationships. Crucial to developing different insights
the contributors to this book have also employed a range of research methods to
explore questions of slow mobility and the mobility of meaning in tourism (Watts &
Urry, 2008).
Experiencing Slow Mobilities
The notion of slow mobilities emphasises more than movement, or transport,
between places. Rather, the term ‘mobilities’ encapsulates a range of spatio-temporal
practices, immersive modes of travel and ethical relations that are premised on the
desire to connect in particular ways and to disconnect in others. Slowness is more
than anti-speed, however. Rather, slow is embodied in the qualities of rhythm, pace,
tempo and velocity that are produced in the sensory and affective relationship
between the traveller and the world (Cresswell, 2010). A slow relation to the world
has been shaped by a number of social movements in specific parts of the world that
have become mobile and virtual forms of social connection and identification.
In particular, the concept of slow travel has emerged from the Slow Food and
Slow Cities (CittaSlow) movements that both originated in Italy in the 1980s and 90s.
The Slow Food movement was initiated in the 1986 by Carlo Petrini as a response to
the opening of a McDonald’s restaurant in an area of cultural significance in Rome.
As can be assumed, Slow Food was a collective retaliation against the phenomenon of
increased global consumption of fast food. Officially constituted three years later in
1989, the movement has now expanded to 132 countries with 100,000 members of
Slow Food International organisation (Slow Food, 2010a). Slow Food International’s
Mission Statement is ‘to defend biodiversity in our food supply, spread taste
education and connect producers of excellent foods with co-producers through events
and initiatives’ (Slow Food, 2010b). As with Slow Food, Slow Cities focus on ‘the
development of places that enjoy a robust vitality based on good food, healthy
environments, sustainable economies and the seasonality and traditional rhythms of
community life’ (Knox, 2005: 6). ‘Slow Cities’ has also become institutionalised as a
movement (CittaSlow) and progressed into a topic of academic inquiry ((Knox,
2005;Parkins & Craig, 2006;Tasch, 2008). As Pink (2008: 97) explains, ‘CittaSlow
emphasises local distinctiveness in a context of globalisation and seeks to improve
quality of life locally’.
Like the Slow Food and CittaSlow movements, slow forms of tourism
embrace this emphasis on the local consumption of food that draws upon culinary
heritage or organic principles, as well as the sensory embodiment of the journey (taste
becomes as important as sight). Slow travellers are often distinguished by a desire to
experience a different temporality to that of the ‘bucket list’ of places to stop over and
move on from. Slow immersion in the particularity of place can evoke and incite
different ways of being and moving, as well as different logics of desire that value
travel experiences as forms of lived knowledge. Against the high environmental
impact of the aeroplane and car, a range of s/low carbon modalities figure as
alternatives (walking pilgrimages, canoeing, leisurely cycling, place based
experiences) that value nature and cultural traditions.
The multiple desires for slow travel often play out in complex and
contradictory ways through discourses and narratives of travel. Slow travel is
marketed in the representations of high status travel magazines (for example, the
Australian Gourmet Traveller) to signify the accumulation of cultural capital. The
glamorous ‘gourmet slow’ traveller consumes high quality food and wine as a
reflection of cultural taste achieved through commodified experiences that are
distinguished from mass tourism. While commodified forms of slow constitute a
niche market, it is not surprising that the slow movement has come under criticism as
an elitist preoccupation of the harried middle classes (Heldke, 2003; Wilson, 2010).
Yet slow importantly signifies anti-consumerist displeasures associated with
unsustainable lifestyles and eco-desires for different kinds of identities (Schor,
2010;Soper, 2008). In his book Go Slow Italy, Alistair Sawday (2009: 13) describes
the shift towards slow politics as ‘a bridge from panic to pleasure’. In this sense slow
mobilities can be understood as part of a broader ‘life politics’ (Rojek, 2010;Rose,
1999) where negotiations occur around values of freedom and responsibility,
behaviours that are sustainable or consumerist, and social relationships that enable
engagement rather than observation, respect rather than exploitation, and reflexivity
rather than status seeking identities. Slow travel practices are informed by a diverse
range of ethical sensibilities that bring together pleasurable modes of engaging with
nature, or culture, and a politically reflexive sense of identity that is critically aware of
the impact of one’s own tourist behaviour. As Dickinson and Lumsdon (2010) have
identified in their research, however, there exist many tensions between an individual
tourist’s concerns about environmental impact and the desire for slow experiences in
the context of a global tourism system premised upon economic growth. While slow
travel practices reflect a range of ethical-political positions, they are yet to be fully
explored in the academic literature despite the growth of industry and popular
The slow movement aims to revalue quality leisure time, sociality and non-
consumerist experiences that aim to minimise environmental footprint (Dawson et al.,
2008;Honore, 2005;Mair et al., 2008). Yet there is a tension that is not easily resolved
within slow philosophies about the carbon footprint created by air or car travel that is
generated (especially if one travels anywhere from Australia or New Zealand). Slow
travel can contribute to debates about sustainable tourism and the search for
alternative mobilities in relation to the pressing issues of peak oil, food security and
transnational flows. However, it would be naïve to see slow as a simple answer to the
broader issue of predicted growth in global travel and middle class consumption in
emerging economies such as India and China. The constellation of ideas that connect
through the principles, philosophies and practices of slow mobility potentially offer
creative and culturally diverse ways of moving in the world – both at home and away.
Structure of the Book
This book is organised in four major parts. Each chapter contributes
conceptually, or empirically, to thinking through the multiplicity of slow tourism and
travel (we use these terms interchangeably rather than perpetuate a dualistic
conceptualisation). Contributors to the first part, ‘Positioning Slow Tourism’, consider
questions about temporality and how time is experienced differently through slow
mobilities. In their respective Chapters 2 and 3, both Chris Howard and Kevin Moore
reflect critically on theories of time in relation to issues of wellbeing and pleasure that
are evoked by travel desires for the good life and slow journeys such as secular
pilgrimage. In Chapter 4 Stephen and Michael Wearing and Matthew McDonald
contribute to a critical analysis of the commodification of the time-space of travel
within global capitalism. They point towards the potential of eco-tourism to generate
sustainable and pleasurable experiences that connect tourists and host communities.
The second part of the book, ‘Slow Food and Sustainable Tourism’, is
organised around the emergence of slow food tourism and its connections to
sustainability and ecogastronomy. In Chapter 5 Michael Hall provides a succinct
summary of the Slow Food movement, critically examining its paradoxes and
contradictions in relation to sustainable tourism. That is, how do we continue to
emphasise the local, regional and environmental within the context of an ever-
globalising and mobile world? As Hall warns us quite bluntly, we must ensure that
‘slow’ does not become merely another institutionalised method of ‘screwing the
Earth’. Turning to a more micro, nation-specific context, Fabio Parasecoli and Paulo
de Abreu e Lima in Chapter 6 present a case study of how a group of local food
producers, restaurateurs, and media professionals in the Brazilian town of Paraty have
launched a sustainable gastronomy program. The Paraty chapter demonstrates how
slow tourism can allow visitors to enjoy and participate in food production and
culinary traditions ‘as embedded and embodied performances of living cultures’.
Moving to Australia, Margo Lipman and Laurie Murphy in Chapter 7 explore the
growth of WWOOFers (Willing Workers on Organic Farms) in terms of the potential
to connect sustainable food production with more environmentally-friendly ways of
The final part of the book, ‘Slow Tourism Places’, is organised around the
theme of tourist destinations and places that represent some of the concerns identified
by the Slow Cities movement. Taking readers to a very particular climate and culture
in Chapter 12, Suzanne de la Barre writes about the marketing of ‘Yukon time’ as a
destination value in northern Canada. Questions about the process of Othering
Indigenous peoples are raised in this analysis of how slow travel values are used in
marketing discourses to reformulate potentially negative infrastructural deficiencies or
cultural idiosyncrasies as quaint and charming aspects of life or travel in the territory.
In Chapter 13, the theme of bridging traditional and contemporary cultures is also
addressed by Meiko Murayama and Gavin Parker in their analysis of fast and slow
Japan. Tourism authorities have begun to realise the potential of slow travel in
marketing rural tourism as a part of a regeneration strategy.
In Chapter 14, Dawn Gibson, Stephen Pratt and Apisalome Movono explore
how sustainable practices are experienced by tourists taking part in the ‘Tribewanted’
project on the island of Vorovoro in Fiji. Learning about traditional Indigenous
customs, food production and consumption practices, Tribe members express a
deeply felt and memorable connection to place and people through ‘slow’
community-building activities. Slow travel experiences are also recreated through a
virtual tourist community on-line where the immediacy of time and space are
transcended. Exploring a cross-cultural context in Chapter 15, Esther Groenendaal
examines why Dutch tourism lifestyle entrepreneurs have moved to France to open
B’n’B accommodation that reflects a slower pace of life. She considers how these
personal choices about working in tourism are also shaped by broader socio-political
movements that value culture, creativity and environment. As the final contribution to
the book in Chapter 16, Sagar Singh explores the significance of traditional and more
modern forms of slow tourism (pilgrimage, yoga tourism) within Indian culture and
history. Western misconceptions of Eastern practices, such as yoga, are also explored
in ways that question ethnocentric assumptions about what slow means and how it
figures in a globalised tourism market.
In conclusion, the collection of chapters in this book broaden and deepen the
academic research on slow tourism, demonstrating the connections, contradictions
and complexities inherent in the concept of ‘slow’ as it relates to travel. Drawing on a
range of disciplines including sociology, anthropology, history, food studies, cultural
geography and cultural studies and tourism/hospitality management, the contributors
to this book also reveal the diverse and multidisciplinary nature of slow travel. We
hope that this collection will add to the body of knowledge concerning this emerging
tourism phenomenon which, we believe, has the potential to challenge the ways that
tourism is performed and organised.
Cresswell, T. (2010) Towards a politics of mobility. Environment and Planning D:
Society and Space 28(1), 17-31.
Dawson, D., Karlis, G. and Heintzman, P. (2008) Slow living: Postmodern
temporality, the European expereince, and the Sabbath. 12th Canadian
Congress on Leisure Research. Monreal, Concordia University.
Dickinson, J. and Lumsdon, D. (2010) Slow Travel and Tourism, London: Earthscan.
Dickinson, J., Lumsdon, L. and Robbins, D. (2010) Slow travel: Issues for tourism
and climate change. Journal of Sustainable Tourism 19(3), 281-300.
Fullagar, S. (2003) On restlessness and patience: Reading desire within Bruce
Chatwin's narratives of travel. Tourist Studies.
Funnell, A. (2010) The Slow Movement. ABC Radio National, Life Matters.
Germann Molz, J. (2009) Representing pace in tourism mobilities: Staycations, Slow
Travel and The Amazing Race. Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 7(4),
Hall, C. M. (2009) Degrowing Tourism: Décroissance, Sustainable Consumption and
Steady-State Tourism. Anatolia: An International Journal of Tourism and
Hospitality Research 20(1), 46-61.
Honore, C. (2005) In Praise of Slow: How a worldwide movement in challenging the
cult of speed, London: Orion.
Humphrey, K. (2010) Excess: Anti-consumerism in the West, Cambridge: Polity.
Knox, P. (2005) Creating ordinary places: Slow cities in a fast world. Journal of
Urban Design 10(1), 1-10.
Lumsdon, D. and Mcgrath, P. (2010) Developing a conceptual framework for slow
travel: A grounded theory approach. Journal of Sustainable Tourism 19(3),
Mair, H., Sumner, J. and Rotteau, L. (2008) The politics of eating: Food practices as
critically reflexive leisure. Leisure/ Loisir 32(2), 379-405.
Parkins, W. and Craig, G. (2006) Slow Living, Sydney: UNSW Press.
Rojek, C. (2010) The Labour of Leisure, London: Sage.
Rose, N. (1999) The powers of freedom: Reframing political thought, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Sawday, A. (2009) Go Slow Italy, Bristol: Alistair Sawday Publishing.
Sawday, A. (2010) Go Slow France, Bristol: Alistair Sawday Publishing.
Schor, J. (2010) Plenitude: The new economics of true wealth, New York: The
Penguin Press.
Sheller, M. and Urry, J. (2006) The new mobilities paradigm. Environment and
Planning A 38(207-226.
Soper, K. (2008) Alternative hedonism, cultural theory and the role of aesthetic
revisioning. Cultural Studies 22(5), 567 - 587.
Tasch, W. (2008) Inquiries into the Nature of Slow Money: Investing as if food, farms
and fertility mattered, Vermont: Chelsea Green.
Urry, J. (2002) Mobility and Proximity. Sociology 36(2), 255-274.
Watts, L. and Urry, J. (2008) Moving methods, travelling times. Environment and
Planning D: Society and Space 26(860-874.
Wilson, E. (2010) Beyond beans and cheese: Representations of food, travel and
Mexico City in the Australian Gourmet Traveller TEXT,14 (2),
... When slow tourism appears in the first decade of 2000, it takes advantage of two innovations produced a few years before. The first has to do with the effort made regarding coastal sustainability in the Mediterranean and the Caribbean area, as a result of its massive tourism development in the 1960s and 1970s [13][14][15][16][17][18][19][20][21][22]. Slow tourism movement is a type of special interest tourism that can occur in both rural and urban settings [2]. ...
... Others have argued that slow tourism is better seen attitudinally rather than as a category of behavior [10]. Fullagar et al. [13] argue that yet there is a tension that is not easily resolved within slow philosophies about the carbon footprint created by air or car travel. In this context, slow is not a simple answer to the broader issue of predicted growth in global travel and middle-class consumption in emerging economies [13]. ...
... Fullagar et al. [13] argue that yet there is a tension that is not easily resolved within slow philosophies about the carbon footprint created by air or car travel. In this context, slow is not a simple answer to the broader issue of predicted growth in global travel and middle-class consumption in emerging economies [13]. ...
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Local communities' expectations and perceptions provide fundamental directions for sustainability development. Bearing in mind the relevance of these premise, the current article intends to assess Portuguese emigrants' intentions in public policies' territorial growth of low-density territories. Contextually, this investigation has used direct and indirect research tools and methods as a questionnaire and Geographic Information Systems (GIS). Throughout this research, it was possible to understand that public policies do not consider it in the most needed areas of Portugal's mainland since are more related to tourism development and a rural lifestyle.
... Slow tourism activities, featured with moderate pace of travel, imbuing of appreciation of natural beauty and cultural landscape and emphasis on enjoyment of sustainable real life experiences while traveling, have become more and more favored since their initiations in Italy in the 1980s (Fullagar et al., 2012). As a unique and significant niche market segment of slow tourism enthusiasts has steadily taken shape, facilitated by the speeding up of working life cycles and the piling up pressures, slow tourism destinations have been actively conceptualized and formulated by destination managers and marketers, with efforts of standardization and certification of so called Cittàslow, or slow cities, which amounted to over 250 members in 30+ countries around the world by 2019 (Meng & Choi, 2016;Shang et al., 2020). ...
... The salience of culture in the competitiveness of slow tourism destination as found out by this study is further fully reflected in the dimension of cultural resources and values, with strong path coefficients reported in aspects of folklore, art and craft as well as health and body-building. In this sense, slow tourism destination can be regarded as one of the (Fullagar et al., 2012;Matos (2004)). What is worth noting here is that this dimension is also where the peculiarities of the researched site are factored in, thereby corresponding to the craving for authentic cultural values by slow tourists as argued by Ramkissoon and Uysal (2011). ...
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Characterized with in-depth interactions and self-reflections, slow tourism has been gaining growing popularity in recent years thanks to the importance attached to quality of life and self-actualization of tourists in the post modern era, which has all been necessitated by the challenges wrought by the Covid-19 pandemic. In response to the current research lacuna of competitiveness analyses of specialized small-scale destinations, this study comprehensively proposes and empirically evaluates the competitiveness of slow tourism destinations as indicated by the values perceived by the slow tourists, and explores the mechanism of competitiveness of slow tourism destinations with investigation of the interrelationships between competitiveness and tourist attitude, consumption emotion and behavioral intentions through Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). The Gaochun District, which was the first accredited Cittàslow in China, was selected as the research site. Findings yielded four major competitiveness dimensions of community ambiance and service, tourist, and comprehensive management, cultural resources and values and natural resources and protection, and confirmed that perceived values are positively related to attitude, consumption emotion, and behavioral intentions. In addition to offering a valid scale measuring the competitiveness of slow tourism destinations, this study suggests the integration of cultural components in better planning and management of slow tourism destinations.
... Daniel Bell (1976) described a pilgrimage as opposing the capitalist, accelerated society. A pilgrimage is an escape from telephones and full diaries; this liberation brings the possibility of alternative experience of place, time, and the self; it is a new mode of 'being in the world' (Fullagar, Markwell, & Wilson, 2012). A walking pilgrimage is a specific kind of activity, thanks to which it is possible to leave one's routine. ...
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This paper focuses on the advantages of pilgrimage for modern-day people, trying to find and describe phenomena that are integral to the pilgrim experience. The aim is to investigate this experience holistically, without any a priori focus on a specific phenomenon. The qualitatively-oriented research was based on semi-structured interviews conducted with seven Czech pilgrims, after their experience from a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela in Spain. The textual analyses were performed using the grounded theory method. The main finding is that the most significant benefit of pilgrimage is Intense Self-knowledge as a product of six phenomena: Disengagement from Everydayness, Solitude, Company on the Pilgrimage, Spirituality, Pain and Walking in the Camino Environment. Understanding this phenomenon helps us, in return, to understand the need of post-modern individuals for seeking this unique mode of travel, in which they are jolted out of their routine over an extended period of time and are exposed to an environment associated with a Christian tradition which is based on the archetypal need to wander to find sacredness.
... As with the case of tourism, the concept of "slow" is not defined nor agreed upon, rather, it is divided into a number of typologies that vary in relation to cultures, practices, mobilities, and contexts. 1 Generally, slow tourism could be interpreted in relation to the importance of time, region, activities in the area, and environment consciousness (Fullagar et al., 2012). Dickinson and Lumsdon's (2010) translation of J. Frykman's Cittáslow describes what he termed slow tourism as being: ...
... That, in turn, underpins the infrastructural developments within and around Bahir Dar City (AD 3 , June 2020). Therefore, local communities could take full advantage of slow tourism in terms of creating a greater level of quality experience (Fullargar et al., 2012;Valls et al., 2019). This is further strengthened by a research participant as underscored below: Slow tourism enhances a viable and long-term economic operation through providing socioeconomic benefits for all stakeholders including local communities within the study area. ...
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Slow tourism is an eminent concept that aims to embolden extended tourist stay within a destination. The current study adopts qualitative research approach and extracts data from purposefully selected tourism professionals. The researcher employed both interview and focus group discussion to collect data required for this study. Findings of the current study unfold that slow tourism as a unique approach augments the overall tourism activities, mainly within emerging destinations. Even though slow tourism has received limited attention in Bahir Dar and its surroundings, it is quite substantive to discourage the negative economic, sociocultural and environmental impacts of tourism. However, absence of developed tourism infrastructures and limited understanding of stakeholders restrain the practice and development of slow tourism in the study area. In terms of policy references, the present study suggests that there is a need to develop a practical guideline to inculcate the fundamental concepts related to the practical applications of slow tourism in emerging destinations.
... For example, the concept of slow tourism (Fullagar et al., 2012) suggests that traveling at a slower pace, spending more time at the destination(s), and exploring the uniqueness of the place and people more in-depth, is key to a more fulfilling and enriching tourist experience. This contrasts with the ephemeral, passive, and conventional sight-seeing activities generally available through mass tourism, and it opens the door for microentrepreneurs a complex set of positive socioeconomic impacts, including the purchase of a four-wheel drive vehicle to transport sick people to the nearest health center, supplemental stipends for local grade school teachers, and the funding of home repairs. ...
Microentrepreneurship has always been an important driving force of the tourism industry. However, until recently, this sector was mostly invisible and understudied. Microentrepreneurs are now becoming influential stakeholders due to new information technologies that make their offerings easily accessible to a broader clientele and render their economic activity more transparent and taxable. There is a growing consensus that tourism microentrepreneurs can make destinations more competitive and equitable. Accordingly, there has been a surge of scholarship on tourism microentrepreneurship to inform strategies and policies to fuel microentrepreneurial development and its integration with the formal tourism sector. The purpose of this conceptual article is threefold: first, to discuss the definition of tourism microentrepreneurship and commonly used theoretical conceptualizations, as well as the evolution of research on tourism microentrepreneurship; second, to identify research gaps in the existing literature and propose avenues for future research; third, to serve as an introduction to a Special Section on Tourism Microentrepreneurship. In addition, we offer a set of practical recommendations for destination managers and supporting organizations to develop and nurture networks of microentrepreneurs, and to identify suitable and rewarding microentrepreneurial opportunities in the tourism business ecosystem.
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Sanayi ve teknolojinin gelişimiyle birlikte küreselleşen dünyada hem turizmde sunulan ulaşım, konaklama, yeme içme, eğlence ve diğer hizmetlerde hızlı bir artış görülmekte hem de ekonomik kazançları arttırmak amacıyla bu hizmetler daha hızlı bir şekilde sunulmaktadır. Yavaş hareketi, hızlı küreselleşme ve herkesin aynı şekilde tüketimde bulunmasına karşı gelinmesi amacıyla ortaya çıkmıştır. Yavaşlık bireyin hayatın tadını çıkarabilmesini ve yaptığı aktivitelerden (zaman olarak sıkışıklık hissetmeden) zevk alabilmesini sağlar. Yavaş hareketini benimseyen bireylerin bir alternatif olarak yavaş turizmi tercih ettiği görülmektedir. Bu araştırmanın amacı bir alternatif turizm biçimi olan yavaş turizm hakkında alan yazındaki çalışmalara bağlı olarak yavaş turizm kavramını açıklamak, yavaş turizmle rekreasyon ilişkisi ile yavaş turizmde yapılabilecek rekreasyon faaliyetlerini tartışmak ve öneriler sunmaktır.
Sustainability is a topic that is currently being discussed and constantly adapting, since it is related not only to an ecologically correct posture and strategy but also economically viable and socially equitable. Therefore, the importance given by the media to the theme of ecology, sustainability has led to a growing concern among the population. In this context, slow tourism is based on the concept of speed. It involves traveling for a prolonged period at a slow pace, allowing the tourist a deep, authentic, and cultural experience. This paper presents theoretical considerations that aim to understand how “slow tourism” can become a destination for future sustainable tourism trips
The idea and related practices of slowness have received global attention, as these have been viewed as reactions to and critiques of this ‘go‐faster’ world. Celebration of slowness has been especially prominent in South Korea, which experienced an accelerated transition to a post‐industrial society. In line with recent power‐sensitive studies of slowness, this paper develops a governmentality approach that examines how slowness shapes particular bodily behaviours. Drawing on recent work on rhythmanalysis and governmentalities, this study examines how slowness is enrolled and enacts the rhythmic governing of ‘Olle’ walking—the South Korean countryside walking experience. It specifically relates the analysis to the site‐specific experience of accelerated modernisation, where the legacy of state‐led industrial development persists in the prevailing neoliberal capitalism. First, it examines the ways in which slow rhythm is involved in walking practice, deploying and reproducing a specific rhythm, body, and the mode of biopower. It then looks at several ways through which the emerging slow rhythm of Olle walking and the fast rhythm of everyday life are negotiated. This paper argues that slow walking can serve as an affirmative mode of rhythmic governing that fosters care of the self and the environment.
Sustainability is a topic that is currently being discussed and constantly adapting, since it is related not only to an ecologically correct posture and strategy but also economically viable and socially equitable. Therefore, the importance given by the media to the theme of ecology, sustainability has led to a growing concern among the population. In this context, slow tourism is based on the concept of speed. It involves traveling for a prolonged period at a slow pace, allowing the tourist a deep, authentic, and cultural experience. This paper presents theoretical considerations that aim to understand how "slow tourism" can become a destination for future sustainable tourism trips.
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Tourism studies have a tradition of seeking alternative pathways to economic development that minimise negative externalities for destinations. However, despite discourses that focus on sustainability and conservation tourism's contribution to global environmental change have continued to increase. Instead, the contribution of tourism to sustainable development should be understood in the context of degrowth processes that offer an alternative discourse to the economism paradigm that reifies economic growth in terms of GDP. A paradigm supported by institutions such as the UNWTO. A steady state understanding of sustainability is postulated that stresses both efficiency and sufficiency in terms of the natural capital and ecological resources on which economic throughput is based. Steady state tourism is therefore defined as a tourism system that encourages qualitative development but not aggregate quantitative growth that unsustainably reduces natural capital.
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This paper proposes an approach to mobility that takes both historical mobilities and forms of immobility seriously. It is argued that is important for the development of a politics of mobility. To do this it suggests that mobility can be thought of as an entanglement of movement, representation, and practice. Following this it argues for a more finely developed politics of mobility that thinks below the level of mobility and immobility in terms of motive force, speed, rhythm, route, experience, and friction. Finally, it outlines a notion of constellations of mobility that entails considering the historical existence of fragile senses of movement, meaning, and practice marked by distinct forms of mobile politics and regulation.
It is widely recognized that travel and tourism can have a high environmental impact and make a major contribution to climate change. It is therefore vital that ways to reduce these impacts are developed and implemented. 'Slow travel' provides such a concept, drawing on ideas from the 'slow food' movement with a concern for locality, ecology and quality of life. The aim of this book is to define slow travel and to discuss how some underlining values are likely to pervade new forms of sustainable development. It also aims to provide insights into the travel experience; these are explored in several chapters which bring new knowledge about sustainable transport tourism from across the world. In order to do this the book explores the concept of slow travel and sets out its core ingredients, comparing it with related frameworks such as low-carbon tourism and sustainable tourism development. The authors explain slow travel as holiday travel where air and car transport is rejected in favour of more environmentally benign forms of overland transport, which generally take much longer and become incorporated as part of the holiday experience. The book critically examines the key trends in tourism transport and recent climate change debates, setting out the main issues facing tourism planners. It reviews the potential for new consumption patterns, as well as current business models that facilitate hyper-mobility. This provides a cutting edge critique of the 'upstream' drivers to unsustainable tourism. Finally, the authors illustrate their approach through a series of case studies from around the world, featuring travel by train, bus, cycling and walking. Examples are drawn from Europe, Asia, Australia and the Americas. Cases include the Eurostar train (as an alternative to air travel), walking in the Appalachian Trail (US), the Euro-Velo network of long-distance cycling routes, canoe tours on the Gudena River in Denmark, sea kayaking in British Columbia (Canada) and the Oz Bus Europe to Australia. © Janet Dickinson and Leslie Lumsdon, 2010. All rights reserved.
Abstract In this paper we examine the relatively new topic of travel time, the ‘valuation’ of which is of great significance in the potential funding,and construction,of infrastructural projects. In the economic appraisals of such projects, which are often of massive scale and impact, itis presumed that such time is wasted, dead or empty, needs no further investigation and should beminimised. However, in this paper we show that such time is not always wasted, dead and empty but can be filled with activities, fantasies and social practices, asliterature, art and the cinema have often examined.,We especially show,that there are multiple kinds of time and place
We eat every day; it is both leisure and work for all of us. And yet, dramatically few of us have examined food practices with a leisure studies lens. Closer scrutiny, however, reveals a deeply political practice embedded in popular culture. Three cases are used to highlight the politics of leisure and food: the Slow Food Movement, the food justice movement, and the organic farming movement. Each case represents a particular dimension—pleasure, activism, and empowerment—of a political practice that is grounded in reflection, resistance, and alternative visions. Together they constitute a form of critically reflexive leisure that broadens our understanding of the field, builds interdisciplinary relationships between leisure studies and other disciplines, and helps us to better take into account vital issues such as sustainability, health, and climate change.
In this article I discuss just why travel takes place. Why does travel occur, especially with the development of new communications technologies? I unpack how corporeal proximity in diverse modes appears to make travel necessary and desirable. I examine how aspects of conversational practice and of `meetings' make travel obligatory for sustaining `physical proximity'. I go on to consider the roles that travel plays in social networks, using Putnam's recent analysis of social capital. The implications of different kinds of travel for the distribution of such social capital are spelled out. I examine what kinds of corporeal travel are necessary and appropriate for a rich and densely networked social life across various social groups. And in the light of these analyses of proximity and social capital, virtual travel will not in a simple sense substitute for corporeal travel, since intermittent co-presence appears obligatory for many forms of social life. However, virtual travel does seem to produce a strange and uncanny life on the screen that is near and far, present and absent, and it may be that this will change the very nature of what is experienced as `co-presence'. I conclude by showing how issues of social inclusion and exclusion cannot be examined without identifying the complex, overlapping and contradictory mobilities necessarily involved in the patterning of an embodied social life.
This article examines the way popular representations of tourism make sense of pace within the context of Western modernity and asks how certain ethical and ideological values come to be associated with speed, slowness or stillness. In the typical story of modernity, speed is commonly associated with positive values such as ‘freedom’ and ‘progress’, while slowness and stillness are often seen as marginal or undesirable modes of mobility. The analysis presented suggests that paying attention to pace and the way pace is socially encoded in media contexts reveals a more complicated narrative of mobility and modernity. The article draws on an analysis of media representations of three popular modes of tourism – the ‘staycation’, a neologism invented to describe vacationing at home; Slow Travel; an emerging social movement that advocates travelling slowly and locally; and the television programme The Amazing Race – to argue that the way pace is socially encoded in these representations is central not only to a more nuanced story of modernity, but also to a ‘politics of mobility’.
The potential of consumption to figure as a site of political agency is now recognized by both corporate capitalism and its No Logo opposition. Many now also accept that the pursuit of consumerist lifestyles is the major contributor to ecological crisis. This article argues the importance in this context of recognizing the impact and longer term implications of some emerging forms of self-interested disaffection with consumerism on the part of affluent consumers themselves. For a small, but arguably growing number of these, consumerism is now compromised by its specific displeasures (stress, congestion, pollution, ill-health..) and seen as actively pre-empting other more rewarding ways of living. The 'alternative hedonism' implicit in these forms of consumer ambivalence is analysed with a view to disentangling its perspective from either the more didactic (and often overly naturalistic) conceptions of need and satisfaction offered by some Marxist strands of cultural theory, and from the post-modernist celebrations of consumer culture as a resource for the pleasures of fantasy, fashion and self-styling. In pressing the case for the development of a new 'hedonist imaginary' with which to subvert current perceptions of the attractions of a consumerist material culture, the article also considers the possible contribution of cultural and artistic activities to the formation of an anti-consumerist aesthetic.
This paper explores the interdependence between urban design and the social construction of place. Following the recent contribution to the discussion of sense of place, authenticity and character by Jivén & Larkham (Journal of Urban Design, vol. 8, 200330. Jivén , G and Larkham , PJ . 2003 . Sense of place, authenticity and character: a commentary . Journal of Urban Design , 8 : 67 – 81 . [Taylor & Francis Online]View all references, pp. 67–81), it is suggested that architects, planners and urban designers should be attentive to the theoretical underpinnings that are relevant to place-making. The emphasis here is on the relationships between the pace of life and the capacity of urban settings to facilitate the routine encounters and shared experiences that underpin the intersubjectivity that, in turn, leads to the social construction of place. These issues are placed in the context of the ‘fast world’ of globalization and of grass-roots reaction to its consequences, as illustrated by the Slow City movement.
This paper discusses the sociocultural phenomenon of slow travel and explores and clarifies definitional issues. The 30-year-plus antecedents of slow travel are examined. A literature review shows a concentration on four key features: slowness and the value of time; locality and activities at the destination; mode of transport and travel experience; and environmental consciousness. Links to the slow food and slow city movements are discussed, and evidence that slow travel is an important emergent form of tourism in Europe, accounting for 10% of the holiday market, is provided. A grounded theory approach continues the exploration, involving 23 in-depth interviews with practitioners and academics, which revealed that their core requirements for slow travel centred on slowness, the travel experience and environmental consciousness. There was a lack of consensus about the eligibility of car travel and high-speed rail. Slow travel is seen as a group of associated ideas rather than as a watertight definition; it is a mindset about travel rather than a tangible product and concentrates on lack of speed rather than slowness per se. The conclusion shows it to be a growing part of the sustainable tourism paradigm and proposes a working definition of slow travel. “” 3010%“”23